THE    WRITINGS 


or 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 


VOL.    I. 


or  THE 
UNIVERSITY 


,0)M 


-tC//t  Lfi  - 

TTTF. 

WRITINGS      ':jSr;>^*/ 

OF 

GEORGE   WASHINGTON; 

BEING    HIS 

CORRESPONDENCE,  ADDRESSES,  MESSAGES,  AND  OTHER 
PAPERS,  OFFICIAL  AND  PRIVATE, 

SELECTED  AND  PUBLISHED  FROM  THE  ORIGINAL  MANUSCRIPTS; 
WITH 

A    LIFE   OF   THE    AUTHOR, 

NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 


BY   JARED   SPARKS. 


>  VOLUME  I. 


HARPER  &  BROTHERS,  PUBLISHERS, 

82    CLIFF    STREET,    NEW    YORK. 
1852. 


>v 


Kntered  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundrrd  and  thirty-seven,  by  JARED  SPARKS,  in  the  Clerk's  Office  cf  the 
D.ttricl  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


PREFACE. 


THE  plan  of  this  work,  and  the  manner  of 
executing  it,  are  fully  explained  in  the  Intro 
ductions  to  the  First  and  Second  Parts.  A 
few  particulars  only  remain  to  be  added. 

The  large  mass  of  papers,  which  accumu 
lated  in  the  hands  of  Washington  during  the 
long  period  of  his  public  life,  as  well  as  those 
of  a  private  nature,  were  carefully  preserved 
by  him  at  Mount  Vernon.  By  his  will  he  left 
the  estate  at  Mount  Vernon  and  all  his  papers 
to  his  nephew,  Bushrod  Washington,  who  was 
for  more  than  thirty  years  one  of  the  asso 
ciate  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States.  Ten  years  ago  these  man 
uscripts  were  placed  in  my  possession  by 
Judge  Washington,  for  the  purpose  of  pre 
paring  for  the  press  and  publishing  the  work, 
which  is  now  brought  to  a  conclusion  and 
submitted  to  the  public.  The  original  papers, 
including  Washington's  own  letters  and  those 
received  by  him,  and  amounting  to  more  than 


PREFACE. 

two  hundred  folio  volumes,  have  recently  been 
purchased  by  Congress,  and  are  deposited  in 
the  archives  of  the  Department  of  State  at 
the  seat  of  government. 

With  these  materials,  it  will  readily  be  sup 
posed,  the  work  might  have  been  extended  to 
a  much  larger  number  of  volumes.  A  limit 
was  fixed,  which  it  was  believed  would  em 
brace  all  the  most  valuable  parts  of  Wash 
ington's  writings,  and  at  the  same  time  not 
trespass  too  much  on  the  means  of  purchasers. 
The  task  of  selection  has  not  been  without 
its  difficulties.  I  feel  bound  to  say,  however, 
that  any  errors  in  this  respect  should  be  at 
tributed  to  defects  of  judgment,  and  not  to 
carelessness  or  negligence.  Neither  time, 
expense,  nor  labor  in  examination,  has  been 
spared. 

In  regard  to  the  text,  also,  it  is  proper 
here  to  repeat  what  has  been  said  in  another 
place,  that  frequent  embarrassments  have  oc 
curred.  It  was  Washington's  custom,  in  all 
his  letters  of  importance,  first  to  write  drafts, 
which  he  transcribed.  In  making  the  tran 
scripts  he  sometimes  deviated  from  the  drafts, 
omitting,  inserting,  and  altering  parts  of  sen 
tences  ;  nor  did  he  always  correct  the  drafts, 
so  as  to  make  them  accord  with  the  letters 


PREFACE.  is 

as  sent  to  his  correspondents.  These  imper 
fect  drafts  were  laid  aside,  and  from  time  to 
time  copied  by  an  amanuensis  into  the  letter- 
books.  Hence  the  drafts,  as  now  record 
ed,  do  not  in  all  cases  agree  precisely  with 
the  originals  that  were  sent  away.  My  re 
searches  have  brought  under  my  inspection 
many  of  these  original  letters.  Regarding 
them  as  containing  the  genuine  text,  I  have 
preferred  it  to  that  in  the  letter-books,  and 
it  has  accordingly  been  adopted  whenever  it 
could  be  done.  But  the  discrepances  are 
of  little  moment,  relating  to  the  style,  and 
not  to  the  substance.  For  the  most  part 
I  have  been  obliged  to  rely  on  the  letter- 
books;  and,  for  the  reasons  here  mentioned, 
it  is  probable  that  the  printed  text  may  not 
in  every  particular  be  the  same  as  in  the 
originals,  that  is,  the  corrected  copies,  which 
were  sent  to  his  correspondents.  These  re 
marks  apply  chiefly  to  private  letters,  written 
when  Washington  was  at  Mount  Vernon,  and 
to  those  written  during  the  French  war.  In 
the  periods  of  the  Revolution  and  the  Presi 
dency,  much  more  exactness  was  observed , 
and,  as  far  as  my  examination  has  extend 
ed,  there  is  generally  a  literal  accordance  be 
tween  the  original  letters  and  the  transcripts 

in  the  letter-books. 
VOL.  i.  b 


PREFACE. 


The  materials  for  the  Notes  and  Appendixes 
have  been  collected  from  a  great  variety  of 
sources,  which  it  would  be  impossible,  within 
the  limits  of  a  preface,  either  to  describe  or 
enumerate.  Avoiding  historical  disquisitions, 
reflections,  and  remarks  not  connected  with 
the  immediate  purpose,  the  object  has  been 
to  explain  the  writings  and  acts  of  Washing 
ton.  The  illustrations  supplied  by  the  notes 
and  appendixes,  being  derived  almost  whol 
ly  from  unpublished  manuscripts,  may  justly 
claim  to  be  considered  as  authentic,  and  as 
new  contributions  to  history. 

Letters  in  foreign  languages,  and  extracts 
from  such  letters,  have  been  translated,   for 
the   convenience   of  every  class  of  readers. 
It  will   be  easy  to  ascertain  what   passages 
are  translated,  by  the  names  of  the   writers, 
who  were  foreigners,  and  whose   names  are 
mentioned.     Lafayette  wrote  to   Washington 
and  to  other  American  officers  in  English;  but 
letters  to  the  French  ministry  and  to  for- 
ign  officers  were  in  his  native  tongue      The 
ters  from  Count  de  Rochambeau  to  Wash- 
on  were  likewise  usually  in  English,  hav- 
>cn  translated  by  a  secretary,  who  under- 
stood  that  language. 
To  General  Lafayette  I  have  been  under 


PREFACE.  Xi 

very  great  obligations  for  the  papers  and  in 
formation  with  which  he  furnished  me,  and  for 
the  assistance  he  rendered  in  facilitating  my 
researches  in  the  archives  at  Paris.  Copies 
of  numerous  papers  relating  to  the  American 
Revolution,  and  a  copy  of  his  whole  corre 
spondence  with  the  French  government,  which 
was  procured  from  the  public  offices,  he  in 
trusted  to  my  charge,  with  the  permission  to 
publish  any  parts,  or  the  whole,  in  such  form 
and  manner  as  my  judgment  should  dictate. 
The  use  that  has  been  made  of  them,  and  their 
value,  will  appear  throughout  these  volumes. 

The  public  generally,  not  less  than  the  Ed 
itor  of  this  work,  is  indebted  to  Lord  Hol 
land  for  a  very  curious  and  interesting  paper, 
which  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix  to  the 
Sixth  Volume,  and  which  consists  of  extracts 
from  a  correspondence  between  George  the 
Third  and  Lord  North  relative  to  the  Amer 
ican  war.  These  extracts  were  selected  by 
Lord  Holland  from  the  manuscripts  of  Sir 
James  Mackintosh,  and  they  certainly  form 
the  most  remarkable  document  connected  with 
the  history  of  the  Revolution. 

My  thanks  are  due  to  Mr.  Justice  Story 
for  the  lively  interest  he  has  manifested  in 
my  labors,  and  for  the  benefit  I  have  often 


jfl  PREFACE. 

derived  from  his  suggestions  and  advice.  To 
Mr.  Samuel  A.  Eliot,  also,  I  would  here 
mako  a  public  acknowledgment  of  the  sub 
stantial  and  valuable  aid  he  has  in  various 
ways  lent  to  my  undertaking,  the  successful 
issue  of  which  has  been  promoted  in  no  small 
degree  by  his  friendly  offices  and  personal 
exertions. 

Copious  Indexes  ate  added  to  the  last  Vol 
ume,  in  constructing  which  much  care  has 
been  bestowed  and  much  difficulty  encoun 
tered,  particularly  in  regard  to  names  and 
dates  ;  but  it  is  hoped,  that  a  good  measure 
of  accuracy  has  been  attained,  and  that  they 
will  furnish  all  the  facilities  to  readers,  which 
could  be  expected  in  a  work  of  such  variety 
and  extent. 

In  writing  the  Life  of  Washington,  which 
is  comprised  in  the  First  Volume,  I  have  en 
deavoured  to  follow  closely  the  order  of  time, 
adopting  the  plan  of  a  personal  narrative, 
and  introducing  collateral  events  no  farther 
than  was  absolutely  necessary  to  give  com 
pleteness  to  this  design.  After  the  able,  ac- 
iurate,  and  comprehensive  work  of  Chief 
•"Mice  Marshall,  it  would  be  presumptuous 
Uempt  a  historical  biography  of  Wash- 
mgton.  Yet  it  must  be  kept  in  mind,  that 


PREFACE.  Xiii 

much  the  larger  portion  of  his  life  was  pass 
ed  on  a  conspicuous  public  theatre,  and  that 
no  account  of  it  can  be  written,  which  will  not 
assume  essentially  the  air  of  history.  Anec 
dotes  are  interwoven,  and  such  incidents  of  a 
private  and  personal  nature  as  are  known  ; 
but  it  must  be  confessed,  that  these  are  more 
rare  than  could  be  desired.  I  have  seen 
many  particulars  of  this  description  which  I 
knew  not  to  be  true,  and  others  which  I  did 
not  believe.  These  have  been  avoided  ;  nor 
have  I  stated  any  fact  for  which  I  was  not 
convinced  there  was  credible  authority.  If 
this  forbearance  has  been  practised  at  the 
expense  of  the  reader's  entertainment,  he  must 
submit  to  the  sacrifice  as  due  to  truth  and 
the  dignity  of  the  subject. 

During  the  progress  of  this  work,  its  two 
earliest  patrons  and  best  friends,  Judge  Wash 
ington  and  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  have  died. 
Their  character  and  deeds  are  recorded  in 
the  annals  of  their  country,  and  are  too  well 
known  and  highly  valued  to  need  any  eulogy 
in  this  place ;  but  I  should  do  equal  injustice 
to  their  memory  and  to  my  own  feelings,  if 
I  were  not  to  acknowledge  with  gratitude  the 
encouragement  and  assistance  I  received  from 
their  kindness,  counsel,  and  cooperation. 

JULY,  1837.  B 


CONTENTS 


OF    THE 


TWELVE  VOLUMES 


VOLUME    I. 
LIFE     OF    WASHINGTON. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Page 

Origin  of  the  Washington  Family.  —  John  and  Lawrence  Wash 
ington  emigrate  to  America.  —  Birth  of  George  Washington.  —  His 
early  Education.  —  His  Fondness  for  mathematical  Studies  and 
athletic  Amusements,  and  his  methodical  Habits.  —  A  Project 
formed  for  his  entering  the  British  Navy  as  a  Midshipman. — He 
becomes  a  practical  Surveyor.  —  Engages  in  the  Employment  of 
Lord  Fairfax.  —  Continues  the  Business  of  Surveyor  for  three 
Years.  —  Appointed  Adjutant  of  one  of  the  Districts  in  Virginia. 

—  Voyage  to  Barbadoes  with  his  Brother.     .....        1 

CHAPTER   II. 

The  French  make  Encroachments  on  the  Western  Frontiers  of  Vir 
ginia.  — •  Claims  of  the  French  and  English  to  the  Western  Terri 
tory  considered.  —  Major  Washington  is  sent  by  the  Governor  of 
Virginia  to  warn  the  Intruders  to  retire.  —  Crosses  the  Allegany 
Mountains. — Meets  Indians  on  the  Ohio  River,  who  accompany 
him  to  the  French  Garrison.  —  Indian  Speech.  —  Interviews  with 
the  French  Commander.  —  Perilous  Adventures  during  his  Jour 
ney,  and  in  crossing  the  Allegany  River.  —  Returns  to  Williams- 
burg  and  reports  to  the  Governor.  —  His  Journal  published.  —  He 
is  appointed  to  the  Command  of  Troops  to  repel  the  Invasion  of 
the  Frontiers.  —  Governor  Dinwiddie.  .....  20 

CHAPTER  III. 

Military  Preparations.  —  Washington  appointed  Lieutenant  Colonel 

—  Marches  to  the  Allegany  Mountains. —  Joined  by  Parties  of 


xvj  CONTENTS. 

Indians.  —  Skirmish  with  a  French  Detachment  under  Jumonville. 
—  The  Chief  Command  devolves  on  Colonel  Washington.  —  His 
generous  Sentiments  respecting  the  Terms  of  Service.  —  Fort 
Necessity.  —  Battle  of  the  Great  Meadows.  —  Resigns  his  Com 
mission.  —  Engages  in  the  Expedition  under  General  Braddock.— 
Difficulties  encountered  by  the  Army  in  its  March.  —Battle  of  the 
Monongahela.  —  Its  disastrous  Results.  —  Bravery  and  good  Con 
duct  of  Colonel  Washington  in  that  Action.  —  His  prudent  Advice 
to  General  Braddock  ..........  40 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Colonel  Washington  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Virginia 
Forces.  —  Distresses  of  the  Frontier  Inhabitants.  —  Reforms  in  the 
Arrangement  and  Discipline  of  the  Army.  —  Difficulties  with  an 
Officer  holding  a  King's  Commission  concerning  Rank.  —  Wash 
ington  visits  General  Shirley  at  Boston  upon  this  Subject.  —  His 
Claim  confirmed.  —  Returns  and  repairs  to  his  Head-quarters  at 
Winchester.  —  Embarrassments  of  his  Situation.  —  Testimonies  of 
Confidence  in  his  Character  and  Ability.  —  Occurrences  of  the 
Campaign.  —  Incursions  of  the  Savages.  —  Plan  of  Fortifications 
for  the  Interior.  —  Fort  Cumberland.  —  Memorial  presented  by 
Colonel  Washington  to  the  Earl  of  Loudoun  on  the  State  of  Milita 
ry  Affaire  in  Virginia.  ........  71 

CHAPTER  V. 

Governor  Dinwiddie  sails  for  England.  —  An  Expedition  against  Fort 
Duquesne  planned  by  the  British  Ministry,  to  be  under  the  Com 
mand  of  General  Forbes.  —  The  Virginia  Army  augmented,  and 
nited  with  the   Regular  Troops  in   this   Enterprise.  —  Colonel 
Washington  marches  to  Fort  Cumberland.  —Acts  in  Concert  with 
Colonel  Bouquet,  -Joins  the  main  Army  at  Raystown    under 
Forbes.-  Forms  a  Plan  of  March  suited  to  the  Moun- 
i  and  Woods.  —  Commands  the  advanced    Division   of  the 


e 

my.-  Capture  of  Fort  Duquesne.  -He  returns  to  Virginia 
i  Commission,  and  retires  to  private  Life.         .        .         ' 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Washington's  Marriage.  -For  many  Years  a  Member  of  the  Vir- 
»  Of  Burgesses.  -  His  Pursuits  and  Habits 


90 


CONTENTS.  xvii 

diers  in  the  French  War.  —  Performs  a  Tour  to  the  Ohio  and  Ken- 
hawa  Rivers  for  the  Purpose  of  selecting  those  Lands.  —  Takes  an 
active  Part  at  different  Times  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Virginia 
Legislature  in  defending  the  Rights  of  the  Colonies.  —  His  Opin 
ions  on  this  Subject.  —  Chosen  to  command  several  Independent 
Companies  of  Militia. — A  Delegate  to  the  first  and  second  Vir 
ginia  Conventions.  —  A  Member  of  the  Continental  Congress.  .  105 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Meeting  of  the  second  Congress.  —  Washington  chosen  Commander- 
in-chief  of  the  Continental  Army.  —  Repairs  to  Cambridge,  and 
takes  the  Command.  —  State  of  the  Army.  —  His  Intercourse  with 
Congress.  —  Numerous  Affairs  devolve  on  him.  —  Correspondence 
with  General  Gage.  —  The  Expedition  to  Quebec.  —  Councils  of 
War  respecting  an  Assault  on  Boston.  —  Organization  of  a  new 
Continental  Army.  —  Difficulties  of  procuring  Recruits.  —  Militia 
called  out.  —  Maritime  Affairs.  —  Armed  Vessels.  —  General  Howe 
takes  Command  of  the  British  Army. —  Condition  of  the  American 
Army  at  the  End  of  the  Year.  —  Washington's  Arrangement  of 
his  private  Affairs. 136 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Plans  for  an  Attack  on  Boston.  —  Condition  of  the  Army.  —  Dor 
chester  Heights  fortified.  —  Evacuation  of  Boston.  —  Troops  march 
to  New  York.  —  Washington  repairs  to  Congress.  — His  Views  in 
Regard  to  the  State  of  the  Country.  —  Machinations  of  the  Tories, 
and  Measures  taken  to  defeat  them.  —  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence.  —  Arrival  of  Lord  Howe,  with  Proposals  for  a  Reconcilia 
tion  with  the  Colonies.  —  Mode  of  addressing  Letters  to  Washing 
ton  attempted  by  the  British  Admiral  and  General.  —  Strength  and 
Condition  of  the  two  Armies.  — Battle  of  Long  Island.  —  Remarks 
on  the  Battle.  —  Impression  made  by  it  on  the  American  Army 
and  Public 167 

CHAPTER  IX. 

New  York  evacuated,  and  the  British  take  Possession  of  the  City. 
—  The  American  Army  posted  at  Haerlem  Heights  and  Fort 
Washington.  —  Situation  and  Prospects  of  the  Army.  —  Its  new 
Organization.  —  The  British  land  in  Westchester  County,  and 
march  into  the  Country.  —  Washington  advances  to  White  Plains 
and  forms  an  Encampment,  —  Battle  of  Chatterton's  Hill.  —  Part 
of  the  American  Army  crosses  the  Hudson.  —  Capture  of  Fort 
Washington  and  Fort  Lee.  —  General  Washington  retreats  through 
New  Jersey,  and  crosses  the  Delaware  at  Trenton.  —  Conduct  and 
VOL.  I.  C  B* 


xviii  CONTENTS. 

Character  of  General  Lee.  —  Reduced  State  of  the  Army.  —  Re 
inforced  by  Troops  from  Ticonderoga.  —  General  Washington  in- 
fWted  with  extraordinary  Powers  by  Congress.  —  His  Manner  of 
using  them.  —  He  recrosses  the  Delaware.  —  Battle  of  Trenton.  — 
Battle  of  Princeton.  —  The  Army  goes  into  Winter-Quarters  at 
Alorrwtown.  —  Remarks  on  these  Events  .....  197 

CHAPTER  X. 

General  Washington's  Proclamation.  —  His  Preparations  for  the  next 
Campaign.  —  Exchange  of  Prisoners.  —  Condition  of  the  Ameri 
can  Prisoners  in  New  York.  —  Military  Operations  in  New  Jersey. 
—  The  Army  crosses  the  Delaware  and  encamps  near  German- 
town.  —  Washington's  first  Interview  with  Lafayette.  —  Sir  Wil 
liam  Howe  lands  at  the  Head  of  Elk.  —  Battle  of  the  Brandy  wine. 
-New  Powers  conferred  on  Washington  by  Congress.  —  Battle  of 
Germantown.  —  Skirmishes  at  Whitemarsh.  —  Sufferings  of  the 
Army.  —  Winter  Encampment  at  Valley  Forge.  —  Spurious  Letters 
written  and  circulated  in  the  name  of  Washington.  _  Conway's 
Cabal.  —  Persons  concerned  in  it.  —  Honorable  and  generous  Con 
duct  of  Lafayette  in  Relation  to  this  Affair  .....  2£5 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Suffering  of  the  Army  at  Valley  Forge.  -  New  Arrangements  con- 
dw.th  a  Committee  of  Congress.  -  Half-pay  granted  to  the 
i  for  a  Term  of  Years.  -  Proceedings  in  Regard  to  Lord 
'•  conciliatory  Bills.  -  Arrival  of  the   French  Treaties  of 
and  Commerce.  —  Comparative  Strength  of  the  British 
American   Armies.  -  Discussions  respecting   an  Attack  on 
'Mphia.-  Plans  of  the  Enemy.  -Evacuation  of  Philadelphia. 
Army  crosses  the   Delaware.  -  Battle  of  Monmouth.- 
1  and  Trial  of  General  Lee.-  Arrival  of  the  French  Fleet 
'  « 


.-  e     re 

under  ^nnt  d'E^g.._plans  for  combined  _ 

t  and  the  Amencan   Army.  -  Failure    of   an  Attempt 
Isla"d-C—  ts  of  the        ' 


.....      276 
CHAPTER  XII. 


CONTENTS.  Xix 

operating  with  Count  d'Estaing.  —  The  Army  goes  into  Winter- 
Quarters. —  Depreciation  of  the  currency,  and  its  effects. —  Arrival 
of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  with  the  Intelligence  that  a  French 
Armament  was  on  its  Way  to  the  United  States.  —  The  Army 
takes  a  Position  near  Hudson's  River.  —  The  French  Squadron 
arrives  at  Newport.  —  Count  de  Rochambeau's  Instructions.  — 
French  Fleet  blockaded.  —  Interview  between  General  Washing 
ton  and  the  French  Commander  at  Hartford.  —  The  Treason  of 
Arnold.  —  Plans  for  attacking  New  York 316 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  Troops. — Agency  of 
Washington  in  procuring  Supplies  from  France.  —  Limited  Powers 
of  Congress.  —  Operations  of  the  Enemy  in  the  Chesapeake.  — 
Detachment  to  Virginia  under  Lafayette.  —  General  Washington 
visits  Count  de  Rochambeau  at  Newport.  —  Condition  of  the  Army. 

—  Interview  between  the  American  and  French  Commanders  at 
Weathersfield.  —  Plan  of  Operations.  —  A   combined   Attack  on 
New  York  proposed.  —  Junction  between  the  American  and  French 
Armies.  —  Intelligence  from  Count  de  Grasse  in  the  West  Indies 
changes   the    Objects  of  the  Campaign.  —  Successful  Operations 
of  Lafayette  against  Cornwallis.  —  The  combined  Armies   cross 
the   Hudson  and   march   to   Virginia. —  The   Fleet  of  Count  de 
Grasse  enters  the   Chesapeake.  —  Siege  of  Yorktown.  —  Capitu 
lation. —  The   American  Army   returns   to   Hudson's   River:   the 
French  remains  in  Virginia. .    346 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Preparations  for  another  Campaign  recommended  and  enforced  by 
General  Washington  and  approved  by  Congress.  —  Lafayette  re 
turns  to  France.  —  The  Affair  of  Captain  Asgill.  —  Backwardness 
of  the  States  in  recruiting  the  Army.  —  Proposal  to  General  Wash 
ington  to  assume  Supreme  Power,  and  his  Reply.  —  Sir  Guy 
Carleton  gives  Notice,  that  Negotiations  for  Peace  had  begun.— 
The  French  Troops  march  from  Virginia,  join  General  Washington, 
and  afterwards  embark  at  Boston.  —  Dissatisfaction  of  the  Army. 

—  The  Officers  send  a  Memorial  to  Congress.  —  The  anonymous 
Addresses  at  Newburg.  —  Intelligence  arrives,  that  a  Treaty  of 
Peace  had  been  signed  at  Paris. —  General  Washington's  Senti 
ments  concerning  the  civil  Government  of  the  Union.  —  His  Cir 
cular  Letter  to  the  States.  — He  makes  a  Tour  to  the  North.— 
Repairs  to  Congress  at  the  Request  of  that  Body.  —  His  Farewell 
Address  to  the  Army.  — The  British  evacuate  New  York.  — Wash 
ington  resigns  his  Commission,  and  retires  to  private  Life  at  Mount 
Vernon.  ...    373 


xx  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

He  declines  receiving  pecuniary  Compensation  for  his  public  Servi 
ce*.  —  His  Feelings  on  being  relieved  from  the  Burden  of  Office. 

—  Devotes  himself  to  Agriculture.  —  Makes  a  Tour  to  the  Western 
Country.  —  His  extensive  Plans  for  internal  Navigation.  —  These 
Plans  adopted  by  the  State  of  Virginia.  —  Visit  of  the  Marquis  de 
Lafayette  to  America.  —  Washington  refuses  to  accept  a  Dona 
tion  from  the  State  of  Virginia.  —  His  liberal  Acts  for  the  Encour 
agement  of  Education.  —  Approves  the  Countess  of  Huntington's 
Scheme  for  civilizing  and  Christianizing  the  Indians.  —  His  Opera 
tions  in  Farming  and  Horticulture.  —  Visitors  at  Mount  Vernon.  — 
His  Habits.  —  Houdon's  Statue.  —  Condition  of  the  Country  and 
Defects  of  the  Confederacy.  —  Washington's  Sentiments  thereon. 

—  First  Steps  towards  effecting  a  Reform.  —  Convention  at  Anap- 
olis.  —  Proposal  for  a  general  Convention,  and  Washington  ap 
pointed  a  Delegate  from  Virginia.  —  His  Reasons  for  wishing  to 
decline.  —  Society   of  the  Cincinnati.  —  Washington  accepts  the 
Appointment  as  Delegate.  —  Attends  the  Convention,  is  chosen  its 
President,  and  affixes  his  Name  to  the  New  Constitution.  —  His 
Opinion  of  the  Constitution.  —  It  is  adopted  by  the  People.  — 
Wtahington  chosen  the  first  President  of  the  United  States.         .    404 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

He  receives  official  Notice  of  being  chosen  President.  —  His  Jour 

ney  to  the  Seat  of  Government  at   New  York.  —  His   Oath  of 

)ffice  and  Inaugural  Speech.  —  Acquaints  himself  with  the  State 

>f  public  Affairs.  —  His  Attention  to  his  private  Pursuits.  —  His 

Manner  of  receiving  Visits  and  entertaining  Company.  —Afflicted 

rfth  *  severe  Illness.  —  Death  of  his  Mother.  —  Executive  De- 

f'Tinrd,  and  the  Officers  appointed.  —Judiciary  System 

orgiuiizcd.  —  Washington's  Opinion  of  the  Supreme  Court.  —  His 

Rule  in  Appointments  to  Office.  ...  441 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Ea8te«>  States.-Letter  from  Mrs.  Wash- 
irstem  of  Funding  the  public  Debts.  -Place  for  the 
permanent  Seat  of  Government  agreed  upon.  -  The 

Mount 


n 

U>«    United  States.  -France,  England,  Spain.  -  Indian  War 


. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Washington  is  elected  President  for  a  Second  Term. — Takes  the 
Oath  of  Office.  —  Relations  between  the  United  States  and  France. 

—  Opinions  of  the  Cabinet. — Proclamation  of  Neutrality. — Party 
Divisions   and   Excitements.  —  Genet  received  as   Minister  from 
France.  —  His  extraordinary  Conduct— Democratic  Societies. — 
Washington's  Opinion  of  these  Societies,  and  on  the  Subject  of 
instructing  Representatives.  —  Relations  with  England. — British 
Orders  in  Violation  of  Neutral  Rights.  —  Meeting  of  Congress.  — 
The  President  recommends  Measures  of  Defence.  —  Character  of 
Washington  by  Mr.  Fox.  —  Letter  from  Lord  Erskine.  —  Commer 
cial  Affairs.  —  Mr.  Madison's  Commercial  Resolutions.  —  Mr.  Jay 
appointed  Envoy  Extraordinary  to  negotiate  a  Treaty  with  England. 

—  Military  Preparations.  —  Insurrection  in  Pennsylvania.  —  Meas 
ures  adopted  by  the  President  for  suppressing  it. — Plan  for  re 
deeming  the  Public  Debt 479 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  British  Treaty  ratified  by  the  Senate.  —  Popular  excitement  re 
specting  it.  —  The  Treaty  confirmed  by  the  Signature  of  the  Presi 
dent.  —  Resignation  of  Mr.  Randolph.  —  Circumstances  attending 
it.  —  The  President  refuses  to  furnish  Papers  to  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  relation  to  the  British  Treaty.  —  Captivity  of 
Lafayette,  and  Means  used  by  Washington  to  procure  his  Libera 
tion.  —  Difficulties  with  France  in  regard  to  the  British  Treaty.  — 
Recall  of  Mr.  Monroe.  —  Washington's  Farewell  Address.  —  His 
last  Speech  to  Congress.  —  Inauguration  of  his  Successor.  —  Testi 
mony  of  Respect  shown  to  him  by  the  Citizens  of  Philadelphia. — 
He  retires  to  Mount  Vernon.  —  Remarks  on  Mr.  Jefferson's  Con 
duct  towards  Washington.  —  Troubles  with  France.  —  Prepara 
tions  for  War.  —  Washington  chosen  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
Provisional  Army  of  the  United  States.  —  Organization  and  Ar 
rangement  of  the  Army.  —  His  last  Illness  and  Death.  .  502 


APPENDIX. 

I.  Origin  and  Genealogy  of  the  Washington  Family 
II.  Last  Illness  and  Death  of  Washington  .  .      555 

III.  Proceedings  of  Congress  in  Consequence  of  the   Death  of 

Washington  • 

IV.  Monumental  Inscription  .  .  .  • 

V.  Washington's  Will  .  .-          .  .  .  .  569 


CONTENTS. 


PART  FIRST. 

OFFICIAL  LETTERS  RELATING  TO  THE  FRENCH 
WAR,  AND  PRIVATE  LETTERS  BEFORE  THE  AMER 
ICAN  REVOLUTION. 

VOLUME    II. 
CORRESPONDENCE  FROM  MARCH,  1754,  TO  MAY,  1775. 

APPENDIX.  Page 

I.  Washington's  Early  Papers             ....  411 

II.  Death  of  Jumonville      ......  447 

III.  Battle  of  the  Great  Meadows         ....  456 

IV.  Braddock's  Defeat          .....  468 
V.  Address  of  the  Officers  to  Colonel  Washington,  on  his  Re 
signing  the  Command  of  the  Virginia  Forces         .  477 

VI.  The  Ohio  Company              .             .             .  473 

VII.  Walpole's  Grant     ' 483 

I.  Measures  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses     .  486 

IX.  Fairfax  County  Resolves            .  400 

X.  American  Independence       .  40^ 

XI.  Brief  Extracts  from  a  Diary      .            .            .  503 

XII.  Independent  Companies       .            .  K/%^ 

XIII.  Extracts  from  Washington's  Diary 

XIV.  Journal  of  a  Tour  to  the  Ohio  River        .  5Tfi 


PART  SECOND. 

CORRESPONDENCE    AND    MISCELLANEOUS    PAPERS 
ELATING  TO  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION. 

VOLUME    III. 
CORRESPONDENCE  FROM  JUNE,  1775,  TO  JULY,  1776. 


APPENDIX. 


4S6 


CONTENTS.  xxiii 

Paje 

IV.  Returns  of  the  Army      .         ^  to        ....  493 
V.  Indians            ......  494 

VI.  Correspondence  between  General  Charles  Lee  and  General 

Burgoyne  .  .  .  .  .498 

VII.  General  Gage's  Answer  to  General  Washington              .  500 

VIII.  Account  of  Dr.  Church's  intercepted  Letter   .                         .  502 

IX.  Correspondence  between  General  Gage  and  Lord  Dartmouth  506 

X.  Marine  Operations           ......  516 

XI.  The  Burning  of  Falmouth   .....  520 

XII.  Imprisonment  of  James  Lovell              ....  522 

XIII.  Lord  Drummond        ......  525 

XIV.  Evacuation  of  Boston     ......  530 

XV.  General  Schuyler     ......  535 

VOLUME    IV. 

CORRESPONDENCE  FROM  JULY,  1776,  TO  JULY,  1777. 
APPENDIX. 

I.  Memorandum  of  what  passed  at  the  Interview  between  his 
Excellency   General   Washington   and   Colonel    Paterson, 
Adjutant- General  of  the  Army  under  General  Howe,  July 

20th,  1776         .......  509 

II.  Letter  from  General  Howe  to  General  Washington        .  512 

III.  Letter  from  Lord  Howe  to  General  Washington        .            .  512 

IV.  Battle  of  Long  Island           .             .             .            .            .  5)3 
V.  American  Loyalists  in  the  British  Service      .             .            .  519 

VI.  Operations  of  the  Army,  and  Battle  of  Chatterton's  Hill  524 

VII.  Letter  from  General  Howe  to  General  Washington  .            .  529 

VIII.  Capture  of  General  Lee       .....  530 

IX.  Battle  of  Trenton  .  .  .  .  .  .541 

X.  Prisoners        .......  547 

XI.  Washington's  Dictatorial  Powers          ....  550 

XII.  Letter  from  Lord  Howe  to  General  Washington              .  552 

XIII.  Letters  from  General  Howe  to  General  Washington             .  555 

XIV.  Letter  from  General  Howe  to  General  Washington        .  557 

XV.  Letters  from  General  Howe  to  General  Washington             .  559 

VOLUME    V. 

CORRESPONDENCE  FROM  JULY,  1777,  TO  JULY,  1778. 
APPENDIX. 

I.  Marquis  de  Lafayette's  first  Arrival  in  America  .       <   » . .  445 
II.  Battle  of  the  Brandywine          ...                        .450 

III.  Battle  of  Germantown          .            .                         .            .  463 

IV.  Storming  of  Forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton  .             .             •  471 

V.  Duche's  Letter          .  476 
VI.  Particulars  respecting  the  Cabal  which  existed  against  Gen 
eral  Washington  in  Congress  and  in  the  Army      .            •  483 


CONTENTS. 

Page 

VII.  Lettera  from  Sir  William  Howe  to  General  Washington  518 

VIII.  Letter  from  General  Burgoyne  to  General  Washington        .  521 

IX.  Encampment  at  Valley  Forge         ....  522 

X.  Baron  Stcuben    ....                                     .  52€ 

XI.  Proposed  Enterprise  against  Canada   under  the  Marquis  de 

Lafayette          .......  530 

XII.  Letters  from  Sir  William  Howe  to  General  Washington  535 

XIII.  Letters  from  Sir  William  Howe  to  General  Washington      .  538 

XIV.  Letter  from  the  President  of  Congress  to  George  Washington  539 
XV.  British  Forces  in  America         .....  542 

XVI.  Affair  at  Barren  Hill  .....  545 

XVII.  Instructions  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton       ....      548 

XVIII.  Battle  of  Monmouth  .....  552 

VOLUME    VI. 
CORRESPONDENCE  FROM  JULY,  1778,  TO  MARCH,  1780. 

APPENDIX. 

I.  Correspondence  between  the  President  of  Congress  and  the 

Marquis  de  Lafayette       .....  501 

II.  Letter  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton  to  General  Washington'  507 

III.  Exchange  of  Prisoners         ...  508 

IV.  General  Arnold's  Trial  .  .  514 
V.  Lord  North's  Views  at  different  Stages  of  the  American  War      531 

VL  Storming  of  Stony  Point 
VII.  Substance  of  a  Conference  between  General  Washington  and 

the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne        .  ^ 

Correspondence  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  on  American 
Afl  iirs,  after  his  first  Return  from  America  .  .      545 

VOLUME    VII. 

CORRESPONDENCE  FROM  MARCH,  1780,  TO  APRIL, 
1781. 

APPENDIX. 

BoehtaibeL^  AmenCa  ""^  UlG  Command  of  Co™t  de 

No  * Jc^y™0  8  ACCOUnt  °f  the  Action  at  Springfield  in 

111      '!•  inoniminm  {V>*  «.„_ ,.•  — .  •  •       o06 

with  the 

509 


511 

VI.  Interview  betwron   «>,„  p_.I.t   ~  '  512 

515 


CONTENTS.  XXV 

Page 
VII.  Official  Letters  and  other  Papers  relating  to  the  Treason  of 

Arnold        ...  ....  520 

VIII.  Letters  concerning  the  Transactions  of  Lord  Cornwallis  and 

Lord  Rawdon  in  the  Carolinas          .  .  .  .552 

IX.  Plan  of  an  Attack  on   New  York  Island  proposed  by  the 

Marquis  de  Lafayette        .....  558 

X.  Revolt  of  the  New  Jersey  Line  .  .  .  .560 

VOLUME    VIII. 

CORRESPONDENCE  FROM  APRIL,  1781,  TO  DECEMBER, 

1783. 

APPENDIX. 

I.  March  of  the  Detachment  under  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette 

to  Virginia  ......  509 

II.  Substance  of  a  Conference  between  General  Washington  and 

Count  de  Rochambeau  at  Weathersfield,  May  22d,  1781  .      517 

III.  Extracts  from  intercepted  Letters  written  by  Lord  George 

Germain  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton  .  .  .  .  519 

IV.  Letter  from  Count  de  Grasse  to  Count  de  Rochambeau       .      522 
V.  Letter  from  Captain  Affleck  to  General  Washington  respect 
ing  Marine  Prisoners        .....  523 

VI.  Letters  from  Count  de  Vergennes  to  the  Marquis  de  La 
fayette        .......  525 

VII.  Letter  from  Count  de  Grasse  to  General  Washington,  con 
cerning  Operations  in  the  Chesapeake          .  .  .      528 
VIII.  Capitulation  at  Yorktown    .                         ...  530 

IX.  Letters  on  various  Subjects  from  Sir  Guy  Carleton  to  Gen 
eral  Washington  ......      536 

X.  A   Sketch  of  the   State  of  Opinions  in   the  old   Congress, 

drawn  up  by  Mr.  Madison  ....  547 

XL  Letter  from   Count  de  Vergennes  to  General  Washington, 

respecting  Captain  Asgill       .....      549 

XII.  Newburg  Addresses  .....  551 

XIII.  Orders   issued  by  General   Washington  to  the   Army,  an 

nouncing  the  Cessation  of  Hostilities  .  .  .      567 

XIV.  Order  of  the  Public  Audience  of  General  Washington  in 

Congress,  and  the  President's  Answer  to  his  Address  on 
resigning  his  Commission       .  .  569 

XV.  General  Washington's  Expenses  while  acting  as  Commander- 
in-chief  of  the  American  Armies      .  .  .  .571 


VOL.    I. 


XXYj  CONTENTS. 


PART  THIRD. 

PRIVATE  LETTERS  FROM  THE  TIME  WASHINGTON 
RESIGNED  HIS  COMMISSION  AS  COMMANDER-IN- 
CHIEF  OF  THE  ARMY  TO  THAT  OF  HIS  INAUGU 
RATION  AS  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

VOLUME    IX. 

CORRESPONDENCE  FROM  DECEMBER,  1783,  TO  APRIL, 

1789. 

APPENDIX.  Page 

I.  First  General  Meeting  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati       .      495 
II.  Respecting  the   Propositions   for  investing    Congress  with 

Additional  Powers  for  Commercial  Purposes     .  .  501 

III.  Opinions  of  Jay,  Knox,  and  Madison,  respecting  the  Prin 

ciples  and  Features  of  a  New  Form  of  Government         .      510 

IV.  An  Abstract  of  the  General  Principles  of  Ancient  and  Mod 

ern  Confederacies        «...  521 

V.  Extracts  from  General  Washington's  Diary          .  .  536 

VI.  Mr.  Madison's  Remarks  on  the  Constitution,  and  Reply  to 

George  Mason's  Objections          .  .  543 

VII.  Letters  from  Madison,  Lee,  and  Lincoln,  on  the  Location 
of  the  Seat  of  Government,  Choice  of  the  President,  and 
other  Topics  .  .  . 


PART  FOURTH. 

LETTERS    OFFICIAL  AND    PRIVATE,  FROM    THE    BE- 
UNNING    OF   HIS   PRESIDENCY   TO   THE    END    OF 
HIS  LIFE. 

VOLUME    X. 

CORRESPONDENCE  FROM  MAY,  1789,  TO  NOVEMBER, 

1794. 

APPENDIX. 


*  the 

459 


464 


CONTENTS.  xxvii 


III.  Remarks  of  the  French  Minister  on  the  Mode  of  Intercourse 

to  be  pursued  between  him  and  the  President        .  .      469 

IV.  Washington's  Habit  in  reading   Despatches  and  other  Im 

portant  Papers       ......  473 

V.  Sentiments  expressed  by  the   President  to   the  Committee 

from  the   Senate,   appointed  to  confer   with   him  on  the 

Mode  of  Communication  between  the  President  and   the 

Senate  respecting  Treaties  and  Nominations        .  .  484 

VI.  Letter  from  the    Governor  of  Rhode   Island,   giving   Rea 

sons  why  that  State  did  not  accede  to  the  Union  .      487 

VII.  Washington's   Visit    to    Boston,   on   his  Tour  through  the 

Eastern  States  ......      489 

VIII.  Communications  from  Major  Beckwith  to  the  Secretary  of 

the  Treasury  ......  494 

IX.  Letter  from  the  National  Assembly  of  France  to  the  Presi 

dent  of  the  United  States  ....  497 

X.  Letter  from  John  Jay  to  President  Washington        .  .      499 

XI.  Letter  from  Lafayette   to  President  Washington,  respecting 

the  State  of  Affairs  in  France    .  .  .  502 

XII.  Letters  from  Jefferson,  Hamilton,  and  Randolph,  urging 
President  Washington  to  consent  to  be  a  Candidate  for 
a  Second  Election  .  .  .  v  .^  .  .  504 

XIII.  On  the  Dissensions  in  the  Cabinet,  and  the  Private  Differ 

ences  between  Hamilton  and  Jefferson        .  .  .      515 

XIV.  Proceedings  of  the  Executive  in  Consequence  of  the  Vio 

lation  of  the  Excise  Law       .....      526 

XV.  Questions  submitted  by  the   President  to   the  Cabinet,  re 
specting  a  Proclamation  of  Neutrality,  and  the  Reception 
of  a  French  Minister         .....  533 

XVI.  Minutes  of  a  Conversation  between   Mr.  Jefferson,   Secre 

tary  of  State,  and  M.  Genet  ....      536 

XVII.  Letter  from  Henry  Lee  to  President  Washington  .  540 

XVIII.  Questions  submitted  by  the  President  to  the  Judges  of  the 

Supreme  Court  ......      542 

XIX.  Rules  adopted  by  the  Cabinet  as  to  the  Equipment  of  Ves 
sels    in  the    Ports   of  the   United    States  by   Belligerent 
Powers,  and   Proceedings  on  the  Conduct  of  the  French 
Minister      ....  .  54f» 

XX.  Opinions  of  Jefferson,  Hamilton,  and  Madison,  as  to  the 
Power  of  the  President  to  convene  Congress  at  any  other 
Place,  than  that  to  which  they  have  adjourned  .  549 

XXI.  Letter  from  Alexander  Hamilton  to  President  Washington      554 
XXII.  On   the   Appointment  of  an   Envoy   Extraordinary   to  the 

Court  of  Great  Britain  .  .  .  •      557 

XXIII.  Letters  from  Henry  Lee  and  Patrick  Henry        .  .  560 


xxvjjj  CONTENTS. 


VOLUME    XI. 

CORRESPONDENCE  FROM  NOVEMBER,  1794,  TO  DE 
CEMBER,  1799. 

APPENDIX.  Page 

I.  Suggestions  for  establishing  a  College,  to  be  supplied  with 

Professors  from  Europe  .....      473 

II.  Notes  submitted  to  the  Consideration   of  the    President  in 

Regard  to  the  British  Treaty       .  477 

III.  Edmund  Randolph's  Resignation  of  the  Office  of  Secretary 

of  State       .......  479 

IV.  Remarks  of  John  Jay  on  certain  Points  of  the  British  Treaty      481 
V.  Opinions  of  the  Cabinet  advising  Mr.  Monroe's  Recall  from 

France 483 

VI.  Letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  to  President  Washington      488 
VII.  Papers  relating  to  the  Imprisonment  of  Lafayette  at  Olmutz      489 
VIII.  Letter  to  Washington,  signed  with  the  Fictitious  Name  of 

J»hn  Langhorne     .....  .  501 

IX.  Lafayette's  Answer  to  the  Proposal  of  the  Austrian  Minis 
ter,  that  he  should  be  released  from  the  Prison  of  Olmutz 
on  certain  Conditions  .....       502 

X.  Remarks    of  Washington  on  Monroe's  "  View  of  the  Con 
duct  of  the  Executive  of  the  United  States,"  copied  from 
Manuscript  Notes        .....  .      504 

XI.  Letters  respecting  the  Appointment  of  Washington  as  Com- 

mander-in-Chief  of  the  Provisional  Army      .  .  .530 

XII.  Letters  from  Knox,  Hamilton,  and  Pickering,  on   Military 

Rank  in  the  Provisional  Army         ....      534 

XIII.  On  the  Relative  Rank  of  the  Major-Generals  in  the  Pro- 

visional  Army        .....  543 

XIV.  Letter  from  President  Adams  to  Washington  .  .      548 
XV.  Sketch  of  the  Quotas  of  Troops  to  be   furnished   for  the 

Provisional   Army  in  the  Southern  States         .  .  549 

XVI.  Replies  of  General  Knox  and  General  Pinckney  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  on  the  Subject  of  their  Appointment 
in  the  Provisional  Army  .  .  550 

XVII.  Questions  proposed  by  the  Secretary  of  War  to  the  Com-' 

mander-in-Chief  of  the  Provisional  Army  552 

XVIII.  Political  Opinions  of  Patrick  Henry    .  556 

nsiderations  on  the  Political  Relations  between  the  United 

•s  and  France,  in  a  Letter  from  Joel  Barlow        .  560 

tructioni  from  the  Secretary  of  War  to  the   Inspector- 
<-«  nrral  of  the  Provisional  Army  rfio 

XXI.  On  the  Diversity  of  Opinions  in  the  CaW         ^  ' 

Muwion  to  France 

572 


CONTENTS.  XXIX 


PART   FIFTH. 

SPEECHES  AND    MESSAGES   TO  CONGRESS,   PROCLA 
MATIONS,  AND  ADDRESSES. 

VOLUME    XII. 

Page 

SPEECHES  TO  CONGRESS         ....  1 

MESSAGES  TO  CONGRESS 79 

PROCLAMATIONS 119 

ADDRESSES 137 

APPENDIX. 

I.  CORRESPONDENCE  ON  AGRICULTURE,  AFFAIRS  OF  BUSINESS, 

AND  MISCELLANEOUS  TOPICS        ....  251 

II.  Agricultural  Papers        ......  336 

III.  Concerning  Washington's  Farewell  Address        .  .  382 

IV.  Religious  Opinions  and  Habits  of  Washington  .  .  399 
V.  Names  and  Rank  of  the  General  Officers  of  the  Continental 

Army  in  the  Revolution  ....      412 

VI.  Names  of  General  Washington's  Aids-de-Camp   during  the 

Revolution  ......  415 

VII.  Governors  or  Chief  Magistrates  of  the  several  Colonies  and 

States  during  the  Public  Life  of  Washington    .  .  416 

VIII.  Members  of  Congress   before   the  Adoption  of  the   Consti 
tution          .....  .  420 

IX.  Members  of  the  Convention  which  formed  the  Constitution 

of  the  United  States  in  1787  .  .  .  .426 

X.  Senators   and    Representatives   in   Congress   during    Wash 
ington's  Administration  .....      427 

XL  Washington's  Cabinet  during  his  Presidency        .  .  432 

XII.  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  during 

Washington's  Administration  ....      433 

XIII.  American  Ministers  and  Diplomatic  Agents  at  Foreign  Courts 

during  Washington's  Administration       .  .  .  433 

INDEXES. 

I.  Letters   written   by   Washington  to   Individuals   and   Public 

Bodies         .......  437 

II.  Letters  addressed  to  Washington  by  Various  Persons           .  4G5 

III.  Miscellaneous    Letters    relating   to    Subjects    mentioned    in 

Washington's  Writings    .....  471 

IV.  Speeches  and  Messages  to  Congress    ....  477 
V.  Proclamations             ......  478 

VI.  Addresses  '.  .  .  .  .  .  .479 

VII.  General  Index  483 


LIST   OF    THE    PLATES. 


Vol.    Pa?e. 

I.  Portrait  of  Washington,        ......    Frontispiece,  I. 

1  Facsimile  of  Mathematical  Drawings,      ......  —           8 

3.  Facsimile  of  the  Title  of  a  Book  of  Surveys,      .....  —         14 

4.  Battle  of  the  Great  Meadows,          .......  _         56 

fi.  Portrait  of  Mrs.  Washington,       ........  _       106 

6.  Copy  of  a  Gold  Medal  presented  to  General  Washington  by  Congress, 

on  the  Evacuation  of  Boston,       .......  _       174 

7.  Order  of  Battle,  for  1781,     .......  _       343 

.  Portrait  of  Washington,  by  Stuart,  ....        Frontispiece,  II. 

Facsimile  of  Washington's  Handwriting,     .        .            Introduction,  —       xvi 

10.  Military  Operations  in  Pennsylvania,        .  _         33 

11.  Battle  at  Braddock's  Defeat,         ....  on 

12.  Military  Operations  in  Virginia,        ...'.'  no 
Line  of  March  in  Forbes's  Expedition  3|4 
Houdon's  Bust  of  Washington,       .      .         .'.'    Frontispiece,'  III. 

I  Ian  of  Boston  and  its  Environs,  in  1775  <nR 

16.  Battle  on  Long  Island,       .        .        .       '.  IT 
Fort  Washington  and  Haerlem  Heights, 

Military  Operations  after  the  Evacuation  of  New  York,  ifin 

Battle.  of  Trenton  and  Princeton,        .  ™ 
"<».  M.litary  Movements  in  New  Jersey 

fl.  Battle  of  the  Brandy  wine,  —       266 

I.  Military  Movement*  in  Pennsylvania,  ' 
S3.  Battle  of  Germantown, 

ft  Attack  on  Fort  Clinton,                                               •        .        .        .  _        86 

».  Operation*  on  the  Delaware  River    '                       •        •        •        .  —        92 

.  Encampment  at  Valley  Forge                                        '        '        '        '  ~~       156 

••- 


•  •.:.*  s 

Operations  in  Virginia  .....       VII.  216 

I'hnofthoSioReofYorktown     '  .....  VIIL  158 

H^«I  of  Mrs.  Washington,  by  Stuar't  '        '  ~  i86 

M.  Plan  of  the  Farm,  at  Mount  Vernon  '        '        '    FrontisPiece>    X"- 

......          -  316 


LIFE 


OF 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON 


LIFE 


OF 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON 


CHAPTER  I. 

Origin  of  the  Washington  Family. — John  and  Lawrence  Washington 
emigrate  to  America.  —  Birth  of  George  Washington.  —  His  early  Ed 
ucation.  —  His  Fondness  for  mathematical  Studies  and  athletic  Amuse 
ments,  and  his  methodical  Habits.  —  A  Project  formed  for  his  entering 
the  British  Navy  as  a  Midshipman.  —  He  becomes  a  practical  Sur 
veyor.  —  Engages  in  the  Employment  of  Lord  Fairfax.  —  Continues  the 
Business  of  Surveying  for  three  Years.  —  Appointed  Adjutant  of  one 
of  the  Districts  in  Virginia.  — Voyage  to  Barbadoes  with  his  Brother. 

THE  name  of  WASHINGTON,  as  applied  to  a  family, 
is  proved  from  authentic  records  to  have  been  first 
known  about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
There  was  previously  a  manor  of  that  name  in  the 
County  of  Durham,  in  England,  the  proprietor  of 
which,  according  to  a  custom  not  unusual  in  those 
days,  took  the  name  of  his  estate.  From  this  gen 
tleman,  who  was  originally  called  William  de  Hert- 
burn,  have  descended  the  branches  of  the  Washing 
ton  family,  which  have  since  spread  themselves  over 
various  parts  of  Great  Britain  and  America. 

Few  individuals  of  the  family  have  attained  to  such 
eminence  in  the  eye  of  the  public,  as  to  give  perpe 
tuity  to  the  memory  of  their  deeds  or  their  charac 
ter;  yet,  in  the  local  histories  of  England,  the  name 
is  frequently  mentioned  with  respect,  and  as  denoting 

VOL.    I.  1  A 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

bersons  of  consideration,  wealth,  and  influence.    Among 

,«  were  scholars,  divines,  and  lawyers,  well  known 
to  their  cotemporaries.  Several  received  the  honors 
of  knighthood.  Sir  Henry  Washington  is  renowned 
for  his  bravery  and  address  in  sustaining  the  siege  of 
Worcester  against  the  Parliamentary  forces  during  the 
civil  wars,  and  is  commended  by  Clarendon  for  his 
good  conduct  at  the  taking  of  Bristol.  For  the  most 
part  it  would  appear,  however,  from  such  facts  as  can 
now  be  ascertained,  that  the  heads  of  families  were 
substantial  proprietors  of  lands,  residing  on  their  es 
tates,  and  holding  a  reputable  station  in  the  higher 
class  of  agriculturists.  Proofs  of  their  opulence  may 
still  be  seen  in  the  monuments  erected  in  churches, 
and  the  records  of  the  transfer  of  property. 

In  the  year  1538,  the  manor  of  Sulgrave,  in  North 
amptonshire,  was  granted  to  Lawrence  Washington, 
of  Gray's  Inn,  and  for  some  time  Mayor  of  Northamp 
ton.  He  was  probably  born  at  Warton,  in  Lancashire, 
where  his  father  lived.  The  grandson  of  this  first 
proprietor  of  Sulgrave,  who  was  of  the  same  name, 
had  many  children,  two  of  whom,  that  is,  John  and 
Lawrence  Washington,  being  the  second  and  fourth 

:>s  nni^ratrd  to  Virginia  about  the  year  !(>:") 7,  and 
settled  at  Bridge's  Creek,  on  the  Potomac  River,  in 
the  County  of  Westmoreland.  The  eldest  brother, 
\Villiam  Washington,  married  a  half-sister  of  George 
\  illit'rs,  Duke  of  Buckingham.  Lawrence  had  been  a 
student  at  Oxford.  John  had  resided  on  an  estate  at 
South  Cave  in  Yorkshire,  which  gave  rise  to  an  erro 
neous  tradition  among  his  descendants,  that  their  an 
cestor  came  from  the  North  of  England.  The  two 
brothers  bought  lands  in  Virginia,  and  became  suc 
cessful  planters. 

John  Washington,  not  long  after  coming  to  Ameri- 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  3 

ca,  was  employed  in  a  military  command  against  the 
Indians,  and  rose  to  the  rank  of  Colonel.  The  parish 
in  which  he  lived  was  also  named  after  him.  He 
married  Anne  Pope,  by  whom  he  had  two  sons,  Law 
rence  and  John,  and  a  daughter.  The  elder  son,  Law 
rence,  married  Mildred  Warner,  of  Gloucester  County, 
and  had  three  children,  John,  Augustine,  and  Mildred. 

Augustine  Washington,  the  second  son,  was  twice 
married.  His  first  wife  was  Jane  Butler,  by  whom 
he  had  three  sons  and  a  daughter;  Butler,  who  died 
in  infancy,  Lawrence,  Augustine,  and  Jane,  the  last  of 
whom  died  likewise  when  a  child.  By  his  second 
wife,  Mary  Ball,  to  whom  he  was  married  on  the  6th 
of  March,  1730,  he  had  six  children,  GEORGE,  Betty, 
Samuel,  John  Augustine,  Charles,  and  Mildred.  GEORGE 
WASHINGTON  was  born  in  Westmoreland  County,  Vir 
ginia,  on  the  22d  of  February,  1732,  being  the  eldest 
son  by  the  second  marriage,  great-grandson  of  John 
Washington,  who  emigrated  to  America,  and  the  sixth 
in  descent  from  the  first  Lawrence  Washington  of 
Sulgrave. 

At  the  time  of  George  Washington's  birth,  his  fa 
ther  resided  near  the  banks  of  the  Potomac  in  West 
moreland  County;  but  he  removed  not  long  afterwards 
to  an  estate  owned  by  him  in  Stafford  County,  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Rappahannoc  River,  opposite  Freder- 
icksburg.  Here  he  lived  till  his  death,  which  hap 
pened,  after  a  sudden  and  short  illness,  on  the  12th 
of  April,  1743,  at  the  age  of  forty-nine.  He  was  bur 
ied  at  Bridge's  Creek,  in  the  tomb  of  his  ancestors. 
Little  is  known  of  his  character  or  his  acts.  It  ap 
pears  by  his  will,  however,  that  he  possessed  a  large 
and  valuable  property  in  lands ;  and,  as  this  had  been 
acquired  chiefly  by  his  own  industry  and  enterprise, 
it  may  be  inferred,  that,  in  the  concerns  of  business,  he 


4  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

was  methodical,  skilful,  honorable,  and  energetic  His 
occupation  was  that  of  a  planter,  which  from  the  first 
settlement  of  the  country,  had  been  the  pursuit  of 
nearly  all  the  principal  gentlemen  of  Virginia. 

Each  of  his  sons  inherited  from  him  a  separate  plan 
tation.  To  the  eldest,  Lawrence,  he  bequeathed  an 
estate  near  Hunting  Creek,  afterwards  Mount  Vernon, 
which  then  consisted  of  twenty-five  hundred  acres  ; 
and  also  other  lands,  and  shares  in  iron-works  situ 
ated  in  Virginia  and  Maryland,  which  were  productive. 
The  second  son  had  for  his  part  an  estate  in  West 
moreland.  To  George  were  left  the  lands  and  mansion 
where  his  father  lived  at  the  time  of  his  decease ;  and 
to  each  of  the  other  sons  an  estate  of  six  or  seven 
hundred  acres.  The  youngest  daughter  died  when  an 
infant,  and  for  the  only  remaining  one  a  suitable  pro 
vision  was  made  in  the  will.  It  is  thus  seen,  that 
Augustine  Washington,  although  suddenly  cut  off  in 
the  vigor  of  manhood,  left  all  his  children  in  a  state 
of  comparative  independence.  Confiding  in  the  pru 
dence  of  the  mother,  he  directed  that  the  proceeds 
of  all  the  property  of  her  children  should  be  at  her 
disposal,  till  they  should  respectively  come  of  age. 

This  weighty  charge  of  five  young  children,  the 
eldest  of  whom  was  eleven  years  old,  the  superintend 
ence  of  their  education,  and  the  management  of  com 
plicated  affairs,  demanded  no  common  share  of  reso 
lution,  resource  of  mind,  and  strength  of  character.  In 
these  important  duties  Mrs.  Washington  acquitted  her 
self  with  great  fidelity  to  her  trust,  and  with  entire 
success.  Her  good  sense,  assiduity,  tenderness,  and 
vigilance  overcame  every  obstacle ;  and,  as  the  richest 
reward  of  a  mother's  solicitude  and  toil,  she  had  the 
happiness  to  see  all  her  children  come  forward  with 
a  fair  promise  into  life,  filling  the  sphere  allotted  to 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  5 

them  in  a  manner  equally  honorable  to  themselves, 
and  to  the  parent  who  had  been  the  only  guide  of 
their  principles,  conduct,  and  habits.  She  lived  to  wit 
ness  the  noble  career  of  her  eldest  son,  till  by  his 
own  rare  merits  he  was  raised  to  the  head  of  a  na 
tion,  and  applauded  and  revered  by  the  whole  world. 
It  has  been  said,  that  there  never  was  a  great  man, 
the  elements  of  whose  greatness  might  not  be  traced 
to  the  original  characteristics  or  early  influence  of  his 
mother.  If  this  be  true,  how  much  do  mankind  owe 
to  the  mother  of  Washington. 

Under  the  colonial  governments,  particularly  in  the 
southern  provinces,  the  means  of  education  were  cir 
cumscribed.  The  thinness  of  population,  and  the 
broad  line  which  separated  the  rich  from  the  poor, 
prevented  the  establishment  of  schools  on  such  a  basis 
as  would  open  the  door  of  instruction  to  all  classes, 
and  thus  prepare  the  way  for  higher  seminaries  of 
learning.  Young  men  destined  for  the  learned  pro 
fessions,  whose  parents  could  afford  the  expense,  were 
occasionally  sent  to  England.  But  the  planters  gen 
erally  sought  no  other  education  for  their  sons,  than 
such  as  would  fit  them  to  be  practical  men  of  busi 
ness.  In  a  few  cases,  this  was  derived  from  a  private 
tutor ;  in  others,  from  a  teacher  of  the  common  schools, 
whose  qualifications  would  naturally  be  limited  to  the 
demands  of  his  employers,  and  who  was  seldom  com 
petent  to  impart  more  than  the  simplest  elements  of 
knowledge.  When  he  had  inculcated  the  mysteries 
of  reading,  writing,  arithmetic,  and  keeping  accounts, 
his  skill  was  exhausted,  and  the  duties  of  his  vocation 
were  fulfilled.  If  his  pupils  aspired  to  higher  attain 
ments,  they  were  compelled  to  leave  their  master  be 
hind,  and  find  their  way  without  a  guide. 

To  a  school  of  this  description  was  George  Wash- 


C  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

ington  indebted  for  all  the  aids  his  mind  received  in 
its  early  discipline  and  culture.  How  far  he  profited 
by  these  slender  advantages,  or  was  distinguished  for 
his  application  and  love  of  study,  can  only  be  conjec 
tured  from  the  results.  Tradition  reports,  that  he  was 
inquisitive,  docile,  and  diligent;  but  it  adds,  that  his 
military  propensities  and  passion  for  active  sports  dis 
played  themselves  in  his  boyhood;  that  he  formed  his 
schoolmates  into  companies,  who  paraded,  marched, 
and  fought  mimic  battles,  in  which  he  was  always  the 
commander  of  one  of  the  parties.  He  had  a  fondness 
for  the  athletic  amusements  of  running,  jumping,  wrest 
ling,  tossing  bars,  and  other  feats  of  agility  and  bodily 
exercise.  Indeed  it  is  well  known,  that  these  prac 
tices  were  continued  by  him  after  he  had  arrived  at 
the  age  of  mature  life.  It  has  also  been  said,  that 
while  at  school  his  probity  and  demeanor  were  such, 
as  to  win  the  deference  of  the  other  boys,  who  were 
accustomed  to  make  him  the  arbiter  of  their  disputes, 
and  never  failed  to  be  satisfied  with  his  judgment. 
Such  are  some  of  the  incidents  of  his  juvenile  years, 
remembered  and  related  by  his  cotemporaries  after 
he  had  risen  to  greatness. 

There  are  not  wanting  evidences  of  his  early  profi 
ciency  in  some  branches  of  study.    His  manuscript 
school-books,  from  the  time  he  was  thirteen  years  old, 
ave  been  preserved.     He  had  already  mastered   the 

"•"It  parts  of  arithmetic,  and  these  books  begin  with 

etry.    But  there  is  one,  of  a  previous  date,  which 

*  notice,  as  giving  an  insight  into  the  ordinal 

his  mind,  and  the  subjects  to  which  his  educa- 

i  was  directed.    It  is  singular,  that  a  boy  of  thir- 

cn  should  occupy  himself  in  studying  the  dry  and 

ate  forms  of  business,  which  are  rarely  attended 

to  till  the  afra,rs  of  life  call  them  into  use,  and  even 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  7 

then  rather  as  an  act  of  necessity  than  of  pleasure, 
But  many  pages  of  the  manuscript  in  question  are 
taken  up  with  copies  of  what  he  calls  Forms  of  Writ 
ing,  such  as  notes  of  hand,  bills  of  exchange,  receipts, 
bonds,  indentures,  bills  of  sale,  land  warrants,  leases, 
deeds,  and  wills,  written  out  with  care,  the  prominent 
words  in  large  and  varied  characters  in  imitation  of  a 
clerk's  hand.  Then  follow  selections  in  rhyme,  more 
distinguished  for  the  sentiments  they  contain,  and  the 
religious  tone  that  pervades  them,  than  for  their  poet 
ical  beauties. 

But  the  most  remarkable  part  of  the  book  is  that, 
in  which  is  compiled  a  system  of  maxims,  and  regu 
lations  of  conduct,  drawn  from  miscellaneous  sources, 
and  arranged  under  the  head  of  Rules  of  Behaviour 
in  Company  and  Conversation.  Some  of  these  are  un 
important,  and  suited  only  to  form  the  habits  of  a 
child ;  others  are  of  a  higher  import,  fitted  to  soften 
and  polish  the  manners,  to  keep  alive  the  best  affec 
tions  of  the  heart,  to  impress  the  obligation  of  the 
moral  virtues,  to  teach  what  is  due  to  others  in  the 
social  relations,  and  above  all  to  inculcate  the  practice 
of  a  perfect  self-control. 

*In  studying  the  character  of  Washington  it  is  obvi 
ous,  that  this  code  of  rules  had  an  influence  upon  his 
whole  life.  His  temperament  was  ardent,  his  passions 
strong,  and,  amidst  the  multiplied  scenes  of  temptation 
and  excitement  through  which  he  passed,  it  was  his 
constant  effort  and  ultimate  triumph  to  check  the  one 
and  subdue  the  other.  His  intercourse  with  men,  pri 
vate  and  public,  in  every  walk  and  station,  was  marked 
with  a  consistency,  a  fitness  to  occasions,  a  dignity, 
decorum,  condescension,  and  mildness,  a  respect  for 
the  claims  of  others,  and  a  delicate  perception  of  the 
nicer  shades  of  civility,  which  were  not  more  the  die- 


8  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

tales  of  his  native  good  sense  and  incomparable  judg 
ment,  than  the  fruits  of  a  long  and  unwearied  discipline. 
He  left  school  in  the  autumn  preceding  his  six 
teenth  birth-day.  The  last  two  years  had  been  devot 
ed  to  the  study  of  geometry,  trigonometry,  and  sur 
veying,  for  which  he  had  a  decided  partiality.  It  is 
probable,  also,  that  his  friends,  discovering  this  inclina 
tion,  encouraged  him  in  yielding  to  it,  with  the  view 
of  qualifying  him  for  the  profession  of  a  surveyor,  which 
was  then  a  lucrative  employment,  and  led  to  oppor 
tunities  of  selecting  valuable  new  lands.  During  the 
last  summer  he  was  at  school,  we  find  him  surveying 
the  fields  around  the  school-house  and  in  the  adjoin 
ing  plantations,  of  which  the  boundaries,  angles,  and 
measurements,  the  plots  and  calculations,  are  entered 
with  formality  and  precision  in  his  books. 

Nor  was  his  skill  confined  to  the  more  simple  pro 
cesses  of  the  art.     He   used  logarithms,  and  proved 
the  accuracy  of  his  work  by  different  methods.     The 
manuscripts  fill  several  quires  of  paper,  and   are   re 
markable  for  the  care  with  which  they  were  kept,  the 
neatness  and  uniformity  of  the  handwriting,  the  beau 
ty  of  the  diagrams,  and  a  precise  method  and  arrange-' 
ment  in  copying  out  tables  and  columns  of  figures.  * 
These  particulars  will  not  be  thought  too  trivial  to 
2  mentioned,  when  it  is  known,  that  he  retained  sim 
ilar   habits   through  life.     His   business   papers,   dav- 
Oka,  legers,  and  letter-books,  in   which   before   the 
oMon   no  one   wrote  but  himself,   exhibit    speci- 
s  of  the  same  studious  care  and  exactness.     Every 
"««}>'-   u  clear  and   distinct    place,   the   hand- 
itmg  is  round  and   regular,   without  interlineations, 
>  s,  or   blemishes ;    and,  if  mistakes   occurred,   the 
words  were  so  skilfully  erased  and  corrected,  as 
ender  the  defect  invisible  except  to  a  scrutinizing 


Vo 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  9 

eye.  The  constructing  of  tables,  diagrams,  and  other 
figures  relating  to  numbers  or  classification,  was  an 
exercise  in  which  he  seems  at  all  times  to  have  tak 
en  much  delight.  If  any  of  his  farms  were  to  be  di 
vided  into  new  lots,  a  plan  was  first  drawn  on  paper; 
if  he  meditated  a  rotation  of  crops,  or  a  change  in 
the  mode  of  culture,  the  various  items  of  expense, 
labor,  products,  and  profits  were  reduced  to  tabular 
forms;  and  in  his  written  instructions  to  his  mana 
gers,  which  were  annually  repeated,  the  same  method 
was  pursued. 

While  at  the  head  of  the  army  this  habit  was  of  es 
pecial  service  to  him.  The  names  and  rank  of  the 
officers,  the  returns  of  the  adjutants,  commissaries,  and 
quartermasters,  were  compressed  by  him  into  syste 
matic  tables,  so  contrived  as  to  fix  strongly  in  his  mind 
the  most  essential  parts,  without  being  encumbered 
with  details.  When  the  army  was  to  march,  or  per 
form  any  movements  requiring  combination  and  con 
cert,  a  scheme  was  first  delineated ;  and  at  the  be 
ginning  of  an  active  campaign,  or  in  the  preparation 
for  a  detached  enterprise,  the  line  of  battle  was  pro 
jected  and  sketched  on  paper,  each  officer  being  as 
signed  to  his  post,  with  the  names  of  the  regiments 
and  strength  of  the  forces  he  was  to  command. 

During  the  presidency  it  was  likewise  his  custom  to 
subject  the  treasury  reports  and  accompanying  docu 
ments  to  the  process  of  tabular  condensation,  with  a 
vast  expenditure  of  labor  and  patience ;  but  it  enabled 
him  to  grasp  and  retain  in  their  order  a  series  of  iso 
lated  facts,  and  the  results  of  a  complicated  mass  of 
figures,  which  could  never  have  been  mastered  so 
effectually  by  any  other  mode  of  approaching  them. 
Such  were  some  of  the  benefits  of  those  parts  of  his 

VOL.    I.  2 


10  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

education,  to  which  he  was  led  by  the  natural  bent 
of  his  mind. 

Except  the  above  branches  of  the  mathematics,  his 
acquirements  did  not  extend  beyond  the  subjects  usually 
taught  to  boys  of  his  age  at  the  common  schools.     It 
is  even  doubtful  whether  he  received  any  instruction 
in  the  principles  of  language.     His  earliest  compositions 
were   often   faulty    in    grammatical    construction.      By 
practice,  reading,   and   study,   he   gradually   overcame 
this  defect,  till  at  length  he  wrote  with  accuracy,  pu 
rity  of  idiom,  and  a  striking  appropriateness  of  phrase 
ology   and  clearness  of  style.     In   the   choice   of  his 
words,  to  express  precisely  and  forcibly  his  meaning, 
he  was  always  scrupulous.     In  this   respect  his  lan 
guage  may  be  said   to  have  reflected  the   image   of 
his  mind,  in   which  candor,   sincerity,   and  directness 
were  prevailing  traits. 

No  aid  was  derived  from  any  other  than  his  native 

tongue.    He  never  even  commenced  the  study  of  the 

ancient  classics.    After  the  French  officers  had  joined 

the  American  army  in  the  revolution,  and  particularly 

tiile  the  forces   under  Count  Rochambeau   were  in 

3  country,  he  bestowed  some  degree  of  attention  on 

language;  but  at  no  time  could  he  write  or  con- 

•'eree  m  it,  or  indeed  translate  any  paper. 

tite  at  school  a  project  was   entertained   by  his 

"--I* ,  winch,  if  it  had  been  matured,  would   have 

h,s ^own  destiny,  and  perhaps  have  produced 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  11 

he  afterwards  kept  up  a  friendly  correspondence.  Hav 
ing  observed  the  military  turn  of  his  young  brother, 
and  looking  upon  the  British  navy  as  the  most  direct 
road  to  distinction  in  that  line,  he  obtained  for  George 
a  midshipman's  warrant,  in  the  year  1746,  when  he 
was  fourteen  years  old.  This  step  was  taken  with  his 
acquiescence,  if  not  at  his  request,  and  he  prepared 
with  a  buoyant  spirit  for  his  departure ;  but,  as  the 
time  approached,  the  solicitude  of  his  mother  inter 
posed  with  an  authority,  to  which  nature  gave  a  claim. 

At  this  critical  juncture,  Mr.  Jackson,  a  friend  of  the 
family,  wrote  to  Lawrence  Washington  as  follows.  "I 
am  afraid  Mrs.  Washington  will  not  keep  up  to  her 
first  resolution.  She  seems  to  dislike  George's  going 
to  sea,  and  says  several  persons  have  told  her  it  was 
a  bad  scheme.  She  offers  several  trifling  objections, 
such  as  fond,  unthinking  mothers  habitually  suggest ; 
and  I  find,  that  one  word  against  his  going  has  more 
weight  than  ten  for  it."  She  persisted  in  opposing  the 
plan,  and  it  was  given  up.  Nor  ought  this  decision 
to  be  ascribed  to  obstinacy,  or  maternal  weakness. 
This  was  her  eldest  son,  whose  character  and  man 
ners  must  already  have  exhibited  a  promise,  full  of 
solace  and  hope  to  a  widowed  mother,  on  whom  alone 
devolved  the  charge  of  four  younger  children.  To 
see  him  separated  from  her  at  so  tender  an  age,  ex 
posed  to  the  perils  of  accident  and  the  world's  rough 
usage,  without  a  parent's  voice  to  counsel  or  a  parent's 
hand  to  guide,  and  to  enter  on  a  theatre  of  action, 
which  would  for  ever  remove  him  from  her  presence, 
was  a  trial  of  her  fortitude  and  sense  of  duty,  which 
she  could  not  be  expected  to  hazard  without  reluc 
tance  and  concern. 

Soon   after  leaving  school,  he  went  to  reside  with 
his  brother  Lawrence  at  his  seat  on  the  Potomac  River, 


12  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1748. 

which  had  been  called  Mount  Vernon,  in  compliment 
to  the  admiral  of  that  name.  The  winter  was  passed 
in  his  favorite  study  of  the  mathematics,  and  in  the 
exercise  of  practical  surveying,  merely  with  the  view 
of  becoming  familiar  with  the  application  of  principles 
and  the  use  of  instruments.  At  this  time  he  was  in 
troduced  to  Lord  Fairfax,  and  other  members  of  the 
Fairfax  family,  established  in  that  part  of  Virginia. 

Lawrence  Washington  had  married  a  daughter  of 
William  Fairfax,  a  gentleman  of  consideration  on  ac 
count  of  his  wealth,  character,  and  political  station,  be 
ing  many  years  a  member  and  for  some  time  president 
of  his  Majesty's  Council  in  the  Colony.  His  seat  was 
at  Belvoir,  a  short  distance  from  Mount  Vernon.  He 
had  an  interesting  family  of  several  sons  and  daugh 
ters,  intelligent  and  cultivated,  with  whom  George  as 
sociated  on  terms  of  intimacy,  and  formed  attachments 
that  were  ever  after  valuable  to  him.  In  the  father 
he  found  a  friend  and  adviser,  as  well  as  a  man  skilled 
in  affairs,  of  wide  experience,  and  of  an  enlightened 
understanding.  To  his  fortunate  acquaintance  with  this 
family  he  was  mainly  indebted  for  the  opportunities  of 
performing  those  acts,  which  laid  the  foundation  of  his 
subsequent  successes  and  advancement. 

Lord  Fairfax,  a  distant  relative  of  William  Fairfax, 
was  a  man  of  an  eccentric  turn  of  mind,  of  great  pri 
vate  worth,  generous,  and  hospitable.     He  had   been 
xuatomed  to  the  best  society  to  which  his  rank  en- 
itled   him  in  England.     While   at  the   University   of 

Jbrd  he  had  a  fondness  for  literature,  and  his  taste 
*iH  m  that  line  may  be  inferred  from  his  having 

ten   some  of  the  papers  in  the   Spectator.     Pos- 

»ng  by  inheritance  a  vast  tract  of  country,  situate 
between  the  Potomac  and  Rappahannoc  Rivers,  and 
stretching  across  the  Allegany  Mountains,  he  made  a 


^Er.16.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  13 

voyage  to  Virginia  to  examine  this  domain.  So  well 
pleased  was  he  with  the  climate  and  mode  of  life,  that 
he  resolved,  after  going  back  to  England  and  arranging 
his  affairs,  to  return  and  spend  his  days  in  the  midst 
of  this  wild  territory. 

At  the  time  of  which  we  are  now  speaking,  he 
had  just  arrived  to  execute  his  purpose,  and  was  re 
siding  with  his  relative  at  Belvoir.  This  was  his  home 
for  several  years ;  but  he  at  length  removed  over  the 
Blue  Ridge,  built  a  house  in  the  Shenandoah  valley, 
called  Greenway  Court,  and  cultivated  a  large  farm. 
Here  he  lived  in  comparative  seclusion,  often  amusing 
himself  with  hunting,  but  chiefly  devoted  to  the  care 
of  his  estate,  to  acts  of  benevolence  among  his  ten 
ants,  and  to  such  public  duties  as  devolved  upon  him, 
in  the  narrow  sphere  he  had  chosen  ;  a  friend  of  lib 
erty,  honored  for  his  uprightness,  esteemed  for  the 
amenity  of  his  manners  and  his  practical  virtues.  He 
died  at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety -two,  near  the  close 
of  the  American  revolution. 

William  Fairfax  was  born  in  England.  He  joined 
the  army  in  early  life,  and  served  in  Spain ;  went 
next  to  the  East  Indies,  and  afterwards  took  part  in 
an  expedition  against  the  Island  of  New  Providence. 
He  was  successively  governor  of  that  Island,  and  chief 
justice  of  the  Bahamas  ;  and  was  thence  transferred 
at  his  request  to  an  office  in  New  England.  While 
there,  he  yielded  to  the  solicitation  of  Lord  Fairfax  to 
take  the  agency  of  his  affairs  in  Virginia,  and  had 
been  several  years  in  that  employment,  when  the  lat 
ter  assumed  the  charge  into  his  own  hands. 

The  immense  tracts  of  wild  lands,  belonging  to 
Lord  Fairfax  in  the  rich  valleys  of  the  Allegany  Moun 
tains,  had  not  been  surveyed.  Settlers  were  finding 
their  way  up  the  streams,  selecting  the  fertile  places, 

VOL.     I.  B 


14  LIFE    OJb'   WASHINGTON.  [1748. 

and  securing  an  occupancy  without  warrant  or  license. 
To  enable   the  proprietor  to  claim  his  quitrents   and 
give  legal   titles,  it   was    necessary   that    those   lands 
should  be  divided  into  lots  and  accurately  measured. 
So  favorable  an  opinion  had  he  formed  of  the  abilities 
and  attainments  of  young  Washington,  that  he  intrust 
ed  to  him  this  responsible  service ;  and  he  set  off  on 
his  first  surveying  expedition  in  March,  just  a  month 
from  the  day  he  was  sixteen  years  old,  accompanied 
by  George  Fairfax,  the  eldest  son  of  William  Fairfax. 
The  enterprise  was  arduous,  requiring  discretion  and 
skill,  and  attended  with  privations  and  fatigues  to  which 
he  had  not  been  accustomed.     After  crossing  the  first 
range  of  the  Alleganies,  the  party  entered  a  wilderness. 
From  that  time  their  nights   were  passed  under  the 
open  sky,  or  in  tents  or  rude  cabins  affording  but  a 
treacherous    shelter    against    the    inclemency    of    the 
weather.    The  winds  sometimes  beat  upon  them,  and 
prostrated  them  to  the  ground.     Winter  still  lingered 
on  the  summits  of  the  mountains ;  the  rivers,  swollen 
by  melting  snows  and  recent  rains,  were   impassable 
at  the  usual  fords,  except  by  swimming  the  horses  ; 
the  roads   and    paths   through   the   woods   were    ob 
structed  by  swamps,  rocks,  and  precipices.     The  lands 
surveyed   by  him   lay   on   the   South   Branch   of  the 
Potomac,   seventy  miles  above  its  junction   with   the 
other  branch  of  that  river. 

The  task  was  executed  in   such  a  manner,   as   to 

give  entire  satisfaction   to   his   employer,   confirm   the 

1  opinion  of  his  friends,  and  establish  his  reputa- 

i  a  surveyor.     On  other  accounts  it  was  benefi- 

>  him.    It  inspired  a  confidence  in  himself,  kindled 

A  hopes,  and  prepared  the  way  for  new  successes. 

had  moreover  acquired  a  knowledge  of  parts  of 

the  country  hitherto  little  known,  which  were   to   be 


Vol.  i. 


.Et.17. 


A 

BOOK   of   PURVEYS 

Began 

JUL,Y  22 


^ET.  17.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  15 

the  scene  of  his  first  military  operations ;  and  had 
witnessed  modes  of  life,  with  which  it  was  necessary 
for  him  to  become  familiar  in  fulfilling  the  high  trusts 
that  awaited  him.  During  this  expedition  he  was  also 
present  at  an  Indian  war- dance,  and  had  his  first  in 
terview  with  a  race,  on  whose  condition  in  peace  and 
war  he  was  to  have  a  wider  influence  than  any  other 
man. 

Having  received  a  commission,  or  appointment,  as 
a  public  surveyor,  which  gave  authority  to  his  surveys 
and  enabled  him  to  enter  them  in  the  county  offices, 
he  devoted  three  years  to  this  pursuit,  without  any 
intervals  of  relaxation  except  the  winter  months.  Por 
tions  of  each  year  were  passed  among  the  Alleganies, 
where  he  surveyed  lands  on  branches  of  the  Potomac 
River,  which  penetrated  far  in  a  southern  direction 
among  the  lofty  ridges  and  spurs  of  those  moun 
tains.  The  exposures  and  hardships  of  these  expe 
ditions  could  be  endured  only  for  a  few  weeks  to 
gether.  As  a  relief,  he  would  come  down  into  the 
settled  parts,  and  survey  private  tracts  and  farms,  thus 
applying  himself  to  the  uninterrupted  exercise  of  his 
profession. 

There  being  few  surveyors  at  that  time  in  Virginia, 
and  the  demand  for  them  large,  the  pay  allowed  for 
their  services  was  proportionably  high.  By  diligence 
and  habits  of  despatch,  the  employment  was  lucrative ; 
and,  what  was  more  important,  his  probity  and  talents 
for  business  were  at  a  very  early  age  made  known  to 
gentlemen,  whose  standing  in  society  rendered  their 
friendship  and  interest  a  substantial  benefit.  During 
these  three  years  his  home  was  with  his  brother  at 
Mount  Vernon,  as  being  nearer  the  scene  of  his  la 
bors  than  his  mother's  residence;  but  he  often  visit 
ed  her,  and  assisted  in  the  superintendence  of  her 
affairs. 


16  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1751. 

At  the  age  of  nineteen  his  character  had  made  so 
favorable  an  impression,  that  he  was  appointed  to  an 
office  of  considerable  distinction  and  responsibility  by 
the  government  of  Virginia.  The  frontiers  were  threat 
ened  with  Indian  depredations  and  French  encroach 
ments,  and,  as  a  precautionary  measure,  it  was  resolved 
to  put  the  militia  in  a  condition  for  defence.  To  carry 
this  into  effect,  the  province  was  divided  into  districts, 
having  in  each  an  officer  called  an  adjutant-general  with 
the  rank  of  major,  whose  duty  it  was  to  assemble  and 
exercise  the  militia,  inspect  their  arms,  and  enforce 
all  the  regulations  for  discipline  prescribed  by  the  laws. 
George  Washington  was  commissioned  to  take  charge 
of  one  of  these  districts.  The  post  was  probably  ob 
tained  through  the  influence  of  his  brother  and  Wil 
liam  Fairfax,  the  former  a  delegate  in  the  House  of 
Burgesses,  the  latter  a  member  of  the  governor's  Coun 
cil.  The  pay  was  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  a 
year. 

His  military  propensities  had  not   subsided.     They 
rather   increased   with   his   years.      In   Virginia    were 
many  officers,  besides  his  brother,  who  had  served  in 
the  recent  war.     Under  their  tuition  he  studied  tac 
tics,  learned  the  manual  exercise,  and  became  expert 
in  the  use  of  the  sword.     He  read  the  principal  books 
the  military  art,  and  joined   practice  to  theory  as 
r  as  circumstances  would  permit.     This  new  station, 
fore,  was  in  accordance  with  his  inclinations,  and 

ered  upon  it  with  alacrity  and  zeal 

But  he  had  scarcely  engaged  in  this  service,  when 

was  called  to  perform  another  duty,  deeply  inter- 

l  in  its  claims  on  his  sensibility  and  fraternal  af- 

on.     Lawrence  Washington,  originally  of  a  slender 

constitution,  had  been  for  some  time  suffering  under 

a  pulmonary  attack,  which  was  now  though?  to   be 


./Ex.  19.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  17 

approaching  a  dangerous  crisis.  The  physicians  rec 
ommended  a  voyage  to  the  West  Indies,  and  the 
experiment  of  a  warmer  climate.  The  necessity  of 
having  some  friend  near  him,  and  his  attachment  to 
George,  were  reasons  for  desiring  his  company.  They 
sailed  for  Barbadoes  in  the  month  of  September,  1751, 
and  landed  on  that  island  after  a  passage  of  five  weeks 

The  change  of  air,  the  hospitality  of  the  inhabitants, 
the  novelty  of  the  scene,  and  the  assiduous  attentions 
of  his  brother,  revived  the  spirits  of  the  patient,  and 
seemed  at  first  to  renovate  his  strength.  But  the  hope 
was  delusive,  and  the  old  symptoms  returned.  The 
trial  of  a  few  weeks  produced  no  essential  alteration  for 
the  better ;  and  he  determined  to  proceed  to  Bermuda 
in  the  spring,  and  that  in  the  mean  time  his  brother 
should  go  back  to  Virginia,  and  accompany  his  wife 
to  that  island.  Accordingly,  George  took  passage  in 
a  vessel  bound  to  the  Chesapeake,  and,  after  encoun 
tering  a  most  tempestuous  voyage,  reached  home  in 
February,  having  been  absent  somewhat  more  than 
four  ^months. 

He  had  been  but  a  short  time  in  Barbadoes,  when 
he  was  seized  with  the  small-pox.  The  disease  was 
severe,  but,  with  the  aid  of  good  medical  attendance, 
he  was  able  to  go  abroad  in  three  weeks.  The  jour- 
nal  kept  by  him  during  the  two  voyages  and  at  Bar 
badoes,  fragments  of  which  have  been  preserved,  shows 
the  same  habits  of  minute  observation  and  power  of 
deducing  general  results  from  small  particulars,  which 
distinguished  him  on  all  occasions.  At  sea  he  daily 
copied  the  log-book,  noted  the  course  of  the  winds, 
the  state  of  the  weather,  the  progress  of  the  ship,  and 
incidental  occurrences,  applying  to  navigation  the  knowl 
edge  he  had  gained  of  a  kindred  art.  In  the  Island 
of  Barbadoes,  every  thing  attracted  his  notice ;  the  soil, 

VOL.1.  3  B* 


J8  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1752. 

agricultural  products,  modes  of  culture,  fruits,  com 
merce,  military  force,  fortifications,  manners  of  the  in 
habitants,  municipal  regulations,  and  government;  on 
all  of  which  he  wrote  down  summary  remarks  in  his 
journal. 

The  first  letter  from  his  brother  at  Bermuda  gave 
an  encouraging  account  of  his  health,  and  expressed 
a  wish  that  his  wife  should  join  him  there;  but  it 
was  followed  by  another,  of  a  different  tenor,  which 
prevented  her  departure.  Finding  no  essential  relief, 
he  came  home  in  the  summer,  and  sank  rapidly  into 
his  grave,  at  the  age  of  thirty-four,  leaving  a  wife,  an 
infant  daughter,  and  a  large  circle  of  friends,  to  deplore 
a  loss  keenly  felt  by  them  all.  Few  men  have  been 
more  beloved  for  their  amiable  qualities,  or  admired 
for  those  higher  traits  of  character,  which  give  dignity 
(to  virtue,  and  a  charm  to  accomplishments  of -mind 
and  manners. 

By  this  melancholy  event,  new  duties  and  respon 
sibilities  devolved  upon  George.     Large  estates  were 
left  by  the  deceased  brother,  the  immediate  care   of 
which  demanded  his  oversight.     He  had  likewise  been 
appointed  one  of  the  executors  of  the  will,  in  which 
was  an  eventual  interest  of  considerable  magnitude  per 
taining  to  himself.    The  estate  at  Mount  Vernon  was 
bequeathed  to  the  surviving  daughter;  and,  in  case  of 
her  demise  without  issue,  this  estate  and  other  lands 
were  to  descend  to  George,  with  the  reservation  of 
the  use  of  the  same  to  the  wife  during  her  lifetime. 
Although  he  was  the  youngest  executor,  yet  his  ac- 
imtance  with  his  brother's  concerns,  and  the  con- 
ence  always  reposed  in  him  by  the  deceased,  were 
for  placing  the  business  principally  in  his  hands, 
ime  and  thoughts,  for  several  months,  were  taken 
up  with  these  affairs,  complicated  in  their  nature,  and 
reqiunng  delicacy  and  caution  in  their  management. 


jEx.SO.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  19 

His  private  employments,  however,  did  not  draw 
him  away  from  his  public  duties  as  adjutant-general. 
Indeed  the  sphere  of  that  office  was  enlarged.  Soon 
after  Governor  Dinwiddie  came  to  Virginia,  the  col 
ony  was  portioned  into  four  grand  military  divisions. 
Major  Washington's  appointment  was  then  renewed, 
and  the  northern  division  was  allotted  to  him.  It  in 
cluded  several  counties,  each  of  which  was  to  be  vis 
ited  at  stated  times  by  the  adjutant,  in  order  to  train 
and  instruct  the  militia  officers,  review  the  companies 
on  parade,  inspect  the  arms  and  accoutrements,  and 
establish  a  uniform  system  of  manoeuvres  and  disci 
pline.  These  exercises,  so  congenial  to  his  taste,  were 
equally  advantageous  to  himself  and  to  the  subordinate 
officers,  who  could  not  fail  to  be  animated  by  his 
example,  activity,  and  enthusiasm. 


20  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1753. 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  French  make  Encroachments  on  the  Western  Frontiers  of  Virginia. 
—  Claims  of  the  French  and  English  to  the  Western  Territory  con 
sidered.  —  Major  Washington  is  sent  by  the  Governor  of  Virginia  to  warn 
the  Intruders  to  retire.  —  Crosses  the  Allegany  Mountains.  —  Meets 
Indians  on  the  Ohio  River,  who  accompany  him  to  the  French  Garri 
son. —  Indian  Speech.  —  Interviews  with  the  French  Commander. — 
Perilous  Adventures  during  his  Journey,  and  in  crossing  the  Allegany 
River.  —  Returns  to  Williamsburg  and  reports  to  the  Governor. — 
His  Journal  published.  —  He  is  appointed  to  the  Command  of  Troops 
to  repel  the  Invasion  of  the  Frontiers.  —  Governor  Dinwiddie. 

THE  time  was  now  at  hand,  when  the  higher  desti 
nies  of  Washington  were  to  unfold  themselves.  Intel 
ligence  came  from  the  frontiers,  that  the  French  had 
crossed  the  Lakes  from  Canada  in  force,  and  were 
about  to  establish  posts  and  erect  fortifications  on  the 
waters  of  the  Ohio.  It  was  rumored,  also,  that,  alarmed 
for  their  safety,  the  friendly  Indians  were  beginning  to 
waver  in  their  fidelity ;  and  the  hostile  tribes,  encour 
aged  by  the  presence  and  support  of  the  French,  ex 
hibited  symptoms  of  open  war.  The  crisis,  in  the 
opinion  of  Governor  Dinwiddie  and  his  Council,  called 
for  an  immediate  inquiry.  A  messenger  had  already 
been  sent  over  the  mountains,  in  the  character  of  a 
trader,  with  presents  of  powder,  lead,  and  guns  for 
the  Indians,  instructed  to  ascertain  their  temper,  pen 
etrate  their  designs,  and  above  all  to  trace  out  the 
artifices  and  movements  of  the  French. 

This  messenger,  either  intimidated  or  deceived  by 
the  savages,  executed  his  mission  imperfectly.  He 
went  as  far  as  the  Ohio  River,  met  some  of  the  friendly 
sachems,  delivered  his  presents,  stayed  a  few  days 
with  them,  and  then  returned.  He  brought  back  va 
rious  reports  concerning  the  French,  narrated  to  him 


^ET.21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  21 

by  the  Indians,  who  had  been  in  their  camp  at  Lake 
Erie,  and  who  magnified  their  strength  and  formidable 
appearance,  telling  him  that  they  took  every  English 
man  prisoner,  whom  they  found  beyond  the  Alleganies, 
because  all  that  country  belonged  to  the  French  King, 
and  no  Englishman  had  a  right  to  trade  with  the  In 
dians  in  the  King's  territory. 

In  the  mean  time  the  British  ministry,  anticipating 
from  the  political  aspect  of  affairs  a  rupture  with 
France,  despatched  orders  to  the  governor  of  Virginia 
to  build  two  forts  near  the  Ohio  River,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  securing  possession,  driving  off  intruders,  and 
retaining  the  alliance  of  the  Indians,  or  holding  them 
in  check.  Thirty  pieces  of  light  cannon  and  eighty 
barrels  of  powder  were  sent  out  from  England  for 
the  use  of  the  forts. 

These  orders  came  too  late.  Before  they  arrived, 
the  governor  of  Canada  had  been  diligently  employed 
for  a  whole  season  in  pushing  forward  troops  across 
the  Lakes,  with  munitions  of  war  and  other  supplies, 
and  a  footing  had  already  been  gained  in  the  heart 
of  the  disputed  territory.  Bodies  of  armed  men  had 
likewise  ascended  the  Mississippi  from  New  Orleans 
to  act  in  concert,  and  established  themselves  on  the 
southern  waters  of  the  Ohio.  The  object  was  to  form 
a  line  of  military  posts  from  Louisiana  to  Canada,  and 
thus  confine  the  western  limits  of  the  English  colonies 
within  the  Allegany  Mountains.  Thus  far  had  the 
French  advanced,  before  the  British  government  be 
gan  any  active  measures  to  counteract  them. 

A  question  here  occurs,  of  much  historical  interest, 
but  of  too  wide  a  compass  to  be  discussed  in  this  place. 
What  right  had  England  or  France  to  the  territory  in 
dispute  1  Although  each  party  set  up  many  preten 
sions,  it  would  be  difficult  in  reviewing  them  to  strike 


22  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

the  balance,  because,  when  compared,  it  could  not  be 
shown,  that  even  a  plausible  argument  existed  in  favor 
of  either  side.  England  rested  her  claims  on  Indian 
treaties,  and  the  French  fortified  theirs  by  still  higher 
authority,  the  treaties  of  Ryswick,  Utrecht,  and  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  and  by  the  fact  of  prior  discovery. 

It  was  always  the  policy  of  the  English  to  keep 
up  a  good  understanding  with  the  Six  Nations,  a  pow 
erful  confederacy  bordering  on  Lake  Ontario.  By 
their  position  they  formed  a  barrier  against  the  French 
in  Canada ;  and,  as  they  had  no  good  will  towards 
their  Indian  neighbours  on  the  other  side  of  the  Lakes, 
who  adhered  to  the  French,  it  was  found  practicable, 
by  repeated  presents  and  a  good  deal  of  management, 
to  retain  their  friendship.  These  tribes  pretended, 
that  at  some  remote  period  they  had  conquered  all 
the  region  west  of  the  mountains,  as  far  as  the  Mis 
sissippi  River.  On  the  strength  of  this  assumption, 
they  made  treaties  with  the  English,  ceding  to  them 
the  lands  within  that  space,  and  confirming  the  title 
by  such  forms  as  were  prescribed  to  them.  This  was 
the  basis  of  the  English  claim.  But  the  Indians  dwel 
ling  on  the  lands,  and  whose  ancestors  from  time  im 
memorial  had  dwelt  there,  neither  participated  in  these 
treaties  nor  assented  to  them.  On  the  contrary,  they 
declared  themselves  the  only  rightful  owners,  and  de 
nied  the  authority  of  the  Six  Nations  to  meddle  in 
the  matter. 

The  French  insisted  on  the  right  of  discovery  and 
:>ocupancy.  Father  Marquette,  La  Salle,  and  others, 
they  said,  had  descended  the  Mississippi,  and  settle 
ments  had  been  made  south  of  Lake  Michigan  and 
on  the  Illinois  River,  years  before  any  Englishman  had 
his  foot  westward  of  the  great  mountains;  and 
European  treaties,  in  which  England  was  a  party,  had 


yEx.21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  23 

repeatedly  recognised  the  title  of  France  to  all  her 
actual  possessions  in  America.  So  far  the  ground  was 
tenable.  But  a  position  was  assumed,  as  a  concomi 
tant  or  consequence,  of  a  more  dubious  character. 
The  French  maintained  it  to  be  an  axiom  in  the  law 
of  nations,  that  the  discovery  of  a  river  gave  the  dis 
coverer  a  right  to  all  the  country  watered  by  the 
streams  flowing  into  it.  Hence  the  passing  of  Father 
Marquette  down  the  Mississippi  in  a  canoe,  invested 
his  sovereign  with  a  title  to  the  immense  valley  bound 
ed  by  the  Appalachian  Mountains  on  one  side,  and 
the  Rocky  Mountains  on  the  other.  However  gravely 
such  an  hypothesis  may  be  advanced,  however  ingen 
iously  defended,  its  fallacy  is  too  obvious  to  be  point 
ed  out. 

From  these  hints  it  is  clear,  that  neither  of  the 
contending  parties  had  any  just  claim  to  the  lands, 
about  which  they  were  beginning  to  kindle  the  flames 
of  war.  They  were  both  intruders  upon  the  soil  of 
the  native  occupants.  Of  these  proprietors,  it  was  not 
pretended,  that  any  purchase  had  been  made  or  at 
tempted.  It  was  not  strange,  that  they  should  look 
with  astonishment  upon  so  singular  a  transaction,  as 
that  of  two  nations,  in  distant  parts  of  the  world  un 
known  to  them,  entering  into  a  quarrel  about  the  right 
of  seizing  their  property.  When  Mr.  Gist  went  into 
that  country,  on  a  tour  of  observation  for  the  Ohio 
Company,  two  sachems  sent  a  messenger  to  ask  him 
"  where  the  Indians'  lands  lay,  for  the  French  claimed 
all  the  land  on  one  side  of  the  Ohio  River,  and  the 
English  on  the  other."  This  pertinent  inquiry  con 
tains  a  forcible  statement  of  the  whole  merits  of  the 
case,  far  outweighing  all  the  treaties  referred  to,  wheth 
er  made  in  Europe  or  America. 

Such  were  some  of  the  original  grounds  of  the  con- 


24  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

test,  in  which  nearly  all  Europe  was  involved,  and 
which  terminated  in  severing  from  France  the  larger 
portion  of  her  possessions  on  the  western  continent. 
The  result  is  well  known.  The  terms  of  the  peace, 
so  humiliating  to  the  national  pride  of  France,  were 
endured  no  longer  than  till  an  opportunity  offered  of 
retaliation  and  recompense.  This  presented  itself 
much  sooner  than  could  have  been  foreseen,  in  the 
war  of  the  American  revolution ;  and  it  may  safely  be 
said,  that  the  first  blow  struck  on  the  Ohio  was  the 
beginning  of  the  series  of  events,  which  ended  thirty 
years  afterwards  in  establishing  the  independence  of 
the  English  Colonies.  We  shall  hence  find  Wash 
ington  acting  a  prominent  part  in  this  great  drama  from 
its  very  commencement  to  its  close,  gaining  strength 
and  rising  higher  and  higher  at  every  stage,  the  de 
fender  of  his  country's  cause,  equal  to  all  occasions, 
successful,  and  triumphant. 

As  a  first  step  towards  executing  the  orders  of  the 
ministers,  Governor  Dinwiddie  resolved  to  send  a  com 
missioner  in  due  form,  and  invested  with  suitable 
powers,  to  confer  with  the  officer  commanding  the 
French  forces,  and  inquire  by  what  authority  he  pre 
sumed  to  invade  the  King's  dominions,  and  what  were 
his  designs.  The  commission  was  delicate  and  haz 
ardous,  requiring  discretion,  ability,  experience  in  the 
modes  of  travelling  in  the  woods,  and  a  knowledge  of 
Indian  manners.  These  requisites  were  believed  to 
be  combined  in  Major  Washington,  and  the  important 
service  was  intrusted  to  him,  although  as  yet  but 
twenty-one  years  old. 

He  was  instructed  to  proceed  without  delay  to  the 
3hio  River,  convene  some  of  the  Indian  chiefs  at  a 
place  called  Logstown,  make  known  to  them  the  ob 
jects  of  his  visit,  and,  after  having  ascertained  where 


jET.21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  25 

the  French  were  stationed,  to  request  an  escort  of 
warriors  to  be  his  guides  and  safeguard  the  rest  of 
the  journey.  When  arrived  at  the  principal  French 
post,  he  was  to  present  his  credentials  and  a  letter 
from  the  governor  of  Virginia  to  the  commandant, 
and  in  the  name  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  to  demand 
an  answer.  He  was  furthermore  to  inquire  diligently, 
and  by  cautious  means,  into  the  number  of  the  French 
troops  that  had  crossed  the  Lakes,  the  reinforcements 
expected  from  Canada,  how  many  forts  they  had  erect 
ed  and  at  what  places,  how  they  were  garrisoned  and 
appointed,  and  their  distances  from  each  other ;  and, 
in  short,  to  procure  all  the  intelligence  possible  respect 
ing  the  condition  and  objects  of  the  intruders. 

Fortified  with  written  instructions  to  this  effect,  with 
credentials  and  a  passport  to  which  the  great  seal  of 
the  colony  was  affixed,  he  departed  from  Williams- 
burg,  the  seat  of  government  in  Virginia,  on  the  31st 
of  October,  1753.  The  distance  before  him  to  the 
extreme  point  of  his  destination,  by  the  route  he  would 
pursue,  was  about  five  hundred  and  sixty  miles,  in 
great  part  over  lofty  and  rugged  mountains,  and  more 
than  half  of  the  way  through  the  heart  of  a  wilderness, 
where  no  traces  of  civilization  as  yet  appeared. 

Passing  through  the  towns  of  Fredericksburg,  Alex 
andria,  and  Winchester,  he  arrived  at  Will's  Creek  in 
fourteen  days.  John  Davidson  had  joined  him  as 
Indian  interpreter ;  and  Jacob  Vanbraam,  a  Dutchman 
by  birth,  and  formerly  an  officer  in  the  army,  was 
employed  to  assist  in  his  intercourse  with  the  French, 
being  acquainted  with  their  language.  At  Will's  Creek 
he  found  Mr.  Gist,  a  person  long  accustomed  to  the 
woods,  having  several  times  penetrated  far  into  the 
interior,  and  lately  begun  a  settlement  in  the  valley 
between  the  last  ridge  of  the  Alleganies  and  the  Mo- 

VOL.  I.  4  C 


26  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1753 

nongahela  River.  Mr.  Gist  consented  to  go  with  him 
as  a  guide.  Four  other  men,  two  of  them  Indian 
traders,  were  added  as  attendants. 

The  party  was  now  increased  to  eight  persons. 
With  horses,  tents,  baggage,  and  provisions,  suited  to 
the  expedition,  they  left  the  extreme  verge  of  civi 
lization  at  Will's  Creek,  and  entered  the  forests.  The 
inclemency  of  the  season,  the  Alleganies  covered  with 
snow  and  the  valleys  flooded  by  the  swelling  waters, 
the  rough  passages  over  the  mountains  and  the  diffi 
culties  in  crossing  the  streams  by  frail  rafts,  fording, 
or  swimming,  were  obstacles  that  could  be  overcome 
but  slowly  and  with  patience.  They  at  length  reached 
the  Fork  of  the  Ohio,  where  the  Monongahela  and 
Allegany  unite  to  form  that  river.  The  place  was 
critically  examined  by  Major  Washington,  and  he  was 
impressed  with  the  advantages  it  afforded  as  a  military 
post,  both  for  defence  and  a  depository  of  supplies,  in 
case  of  hostilities  in  that  quarter;  and  it  was  by  his 
advice,  that  a  fortification  was  shortly  afterwards  begun 
there,  which  became  celebrated  in  two  wars. 

Hastening  onward  to  Logstown,  about  twenty  miles 
below  the  Fork,  he  called  together  some  of  the  Indian 
chiefs,  and  delivered  to  them  the  governor's  message, 
soliciting  a  guard  to  the  French  encampments.  The 
principal  sachem  was  Tanacharison,  otherwise  called 
the  Half-King.  He  was  friendly  to  the  English,  or 
rather  he  was  unfriendly  to  the  French ;  not  that  he 
loved  one  more  than  the  other,  but  he  valued  his  rights 
and  independence.  In  the  simplicity  of  his  heart,  he 
supposed  the  English  sought  only  an  intercourse  of 
trade,  an  exchange  of  arms,  powder,  and  goods,  for 
skins  and  furs,  which  would  be  beneficial  to  the  In 
dians.  When  the  French  came  with  arms  in  their 
hands,  took  possession  of  the  country,  and  built  forts, 


^ET.2L]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  27 

his  suspicions  were  awakened,  and  he  saw  no  other 
method  of  defeating  their  designs,  than  by  adhering 
to  the  English.  Tanacharison,  as  a  deputy  from  sev 
eral  tribes,  had  been  to  the  head-quarters  of  the  French 
commandant,  and  made  a  speech  to  him,  the  substance 
of  which  he  related  to  Major  Washington. 

"  Fathers,"  said  he,  "  I  am  come  to  tell  you  your 
own  speeches ;  what  your  own  mouths  have  declared. 
Fathers,  you  in  former  days  set  a  silver  basin  before 
us,  wherein  there  was  the  leg  of  a  beaver,  and  desired 
all  the  nations  to  come  and  eat  of  it,  to  eat  in  peace 
and  plenty,  and  not  to  be  churlish  to  one  another; 
and  that  if  any  such  person  should  be  found  to  be  a 
disturber,  I  here  lay  down  by  the  edge  of  the  dish  a 
rod,  which  you  must  scourge  them  with ;  and  if  your 
father  should  get  foolish,  in  my  old  days,  I  desire  you 
may  use  it  upon  me  as  well  as  others. 

"Now,  fathers,  it  is  you  who  are  the  disturbers  in 
this  land,  by  coming  and  building  your  towns,  and 
taking  it  away  unknown  to  us,  and  by  force. 

"Fathers,  we  kindled  a  fire  a  long  time  ago,  at  a 
place  called  Montreal,  where  we  desired  you  to  stay, 
and  not  to  come  and  intrude  upon  our  land.  I  now 
desire  you  may  despatch  to  that  place  ;  for  be  it  known 
to  you,  fathers,  that  this  is  our  land  and  not  yours. 

"  Fathers,  I  desire  you  may  hear  me  in  civilness ; 
if  not,  we  must  handle  that  rod  which  was  laid  down 
for  the  use  of  the  obstreperous.  If  you  had  come  in 
a  peaceable  manner,  like  our  brothers  the  English,  we 
would  not  have  been  against  your  trading  with  us 
as  they  do;  but  to  come,  fathers,  and  build  houses 
upon  our  land,  and  to  take  it  by  force,  is  what  we 
cannot  submit  to. 

"  Fathers,  both  you  and  the  English  are  white ;  we 
live  in  a  country  between ;  therefore,  the  land  belongs 


28  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

to  neither  one  nor  the  other.  But  the  Great  Being 
above  allowed  it  to  be  a  place  of  residence  for  us ; 
so,  fathers,  I  desire  you  to  withdraw,  as  I  have  done 
our  brothers  the  English ;  for  I  will  keep  you  at  arm's 
length.  I  lay  this  down  as  a  trial  for  both,  to  see 
which  will  have  the  greatest  regard  to  it,  and  that 
side  we  will  stand  by,  and  make  equal  sharers  with 
us.  Our  brothers,  the  English,  have  heard  this,  and 
I  come  now  to  tell  it  to  you ;  for  I  am  not  afraid  to 
discharge  you  off  this  land." 

These  are  the  sentiments  of  a  patriot  and  a  hero, 
but  the  high-minded  savage  was  not  aware,  that,  as 
far  as  he  and  his  race  were  concerned,  there  was  no 
difference  between  his  professed  friends  and  open  en 
emies.  He  had  never  studied  in  the  school  of  politics, 
which  finds  an  excuse  for  rapacity  and  injustice  in 
the  law  of  nations,  nor  learned  that  it  was  the  pre 
rogative  of  civilization  to  prey  upon  the  ignorant  and 
the  defenceless. 

The  sachems  at  length  met  in  council,  and  Major 
Washington  addressed  to  them  a  speech,  explaining 
the  objects  of  his  mission,  and  the  wishes  of  the  gov 
ernor.  He  then  gave  them  a  string  of  wampum,  the 
Indian  token  of  friendship  and  alliance.  They  consult 
ed  together,  and  deputed  Tanacharison  to  reply  in  the 
name  of  the  whole.  His  language  was  pacific,  and 
the  escort  was  promised ;  but,  the  young  warriors  be 
ing  out  on  a  hunting  party,  three  or  four  days  were 
consumed  in  waiting  for  their  return.  As  his  business 
was  pressing,  Major  Washington  could  delay  no  long 
er,  and  he  finally  set  off,  accompanied  by  four  Indians 
only,  Tanacharison  being  of  the  number. 

The  distance  to  the  station  of  the  French  com- 
miuulant  was  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles.  The 
journey  was  performed  without  any  important  inci- 


^T.21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  29 

dent,  except  at  Venango,  one  of  the  French  outposts, 
where  various  stratagems  were  used  to  detain  the  In 
dians.  He  was  civilly  treated,  however,  by  Captain 
Joncaire,  the  principal  officer,  who  told  him  where  the 
head-quarters  were  established.  Rain  and  snow  fell 
continually,  and,  after  incredible  toils  from  exposure 
and  the  badness  of  the  travelling  through  an  illimitable 
forest,  intersected  with  deep  streams  and  morasses,  he 
was  rejoiced  to  find  himself  at  the  end  of  his  journey, 
forty-one  days  from  the  time  he  left  Williamsburg. 

M.  de  St.  Pierre,  the  commandant,  was  an  elderly 
person,  a  knight  of  the  military  order  of  St.  Louis, 
and  courteous  in  his  manners.  At  the  first  interview 
he  promised  immediate  attention  to  the  letter  from 
Governor  Dinwiddie,  and  every  thing  was  provided 
for  the  convenience  and  comfort  of  Major  Washington 
and  his  party  while  they  remained  at  the  fort.  At 
the  next  meeting  the  commission  and  letter  were  pro 
duced,  read,  translated,  and  deliberately  explained. 
The  commandant  counselled  with  his  officers,  and  in 
two  days  an  answer  was  returned. 

The  governor's  letter  asserted,  that  the  lands  on  the 
Ohio  belonged  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  expressed 
surprise  at  the  encroachments  of  the  French,  demand 
ed  by  whose  authority  an  armed  force  had  crossed  the 
Lakes,  and  urged  a  speedy  and  peaceable  departure. 
M.  de  St.  Pierre  replied  in  the  style  of  a  soldier,  say 
ing  it  did  not  belong  to  him  to  discuss  treaties,  that 
such  a  message  should  have  been  sent  to  the  Marquis 
Duquesne,  Governor  of  Canada,  by  whose  instructions 
he  acted,  and  whose  orders  he  should  be  careful  to 
obey,  and  that  the  summons  to  retire  could  not  be 
complied  with.  The  tone  was  respectful,  but  uncom 
plying  and  determined. 

While  the  French  officers  were  holding  consultations, 


28  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

to  neither  one  nor  the  other.  But  the  Great  Being 
above  allowed  it  to  be  a  place  of  residence  for  us; 
so,  fathers,  I  desire  you  to  withdraw,  as  I  have  done 
our  brothers  the  English ;  for  I  will  keep  you  at  arm's 
length.  I  lay  this  down  as  a  trial  for  both,  to  see 
which  will  have  the  greatest  regard  to  it,  and  that 
side  we  will  stand  by,  and  make  equal  sharers  with 
us.  Our  brothers,  the  English,  have  heard  this,  and 
I  come  now  to  tell  it  to  you ;  for  I  am  not  afraid  to 
discharge  you  off  this  land." 

These  are  the  sentiments  of  a  patriot  and  a  hero, 
but  the  high-minded  savage  was  not  aware,  that,  as 
far  as  he  and  his  race  were  concerned,  there  was  no 
difference  between  his  professed  friends  and  open  en 
emies.  He  had  never  studied  in  the  school  of  politics, 
which  finds  an  excuse  for  rapacity  and  injustice  in 
the  law  of  nations,  nor  learned  that  it  was  the  pre 
rogative  of  civilization  to  prey  upon  the  ignorant  and 
the  defenceless. 

The  sachems  at  length  met  in  council,  and  Major 
Washington  addressed  to  them  a  speech,  explaining 
the  objects  of  his  mission,  and  the  wishes  of  the  gov 
ernor.  He  then  gave  them  a  string  of  wampum,  the 
Indian  token  of  friendship  and  alliance.  They  consult 
ed  together,  and  deputed  Tanacharison  to  reply  in  the 
name  of  the  whole.  His  language  was  pacific,  and 
the  escort  was  promised ;  but,  the  young  warriors  be 
ing  out  on  a  hunting  party,  three  or  four  days  were 
consumed  in  waiting  for  their  return.  As  his  business 
was  pressing,  Major  Washington  could  delay  no  long 
er  and  he  finally  set  off,  accompanied  by  four  Indians 
only,  Tanacharison  being  of  the  number. 

The  distance  to  the  station  of  the  French  com 
mandant  was  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles.  The 
journey  was  performed  without  any  important  inci- 


^ET.21.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  29 

dent,  except  at  Venango,  one  of  the  French  outposts, 
where  various  stratagems  were  used  to  detain  the  In 
dians.  He  was  civilly  treated,  however,  by  Captain 
Joncaire,  the  principal  officer,  who  told  him  where  the 
head-quarters  were  established.  Rain  and  snow  fell 
continually,  and,  after  incredible  toils  from  exposure 
and  the  badness  of  the  travelling  through  an  illimitable 
forest,  intersected  with  deep  streams  and  morasses,  he 
was  rejoiced  to  find  himself  at  the  end  of  his  journey, 
forty-one  days  from  the  time  he  left  Williamsburg. 

M.  de  St.  Pierre,  the  commandant,  was  an  elderly 
person,  a  knight  of  the  military  order  of  St.  Louis, 
and  courteous  in  his  manners.  At  the  first  interview 
he  promised  immediate  attention  to  the  letter  from 
Governor  Dinwiddie,  and  every  thing  was  provided 
for  the  convenience  and  comfort  of  Major  Washington 
and  his  party  while  they  remained  at  the  fort.  At 
the  next  meeting  the  commission  and  letter  were  pro 
duced,  read,  translated,  and  deliberately  explained. 
The  commandant  counselled  with  his  officers,  and  in 
two  days  an  answer  was  returned. 

The  governor's  letter  asserted,  that  the  lands  on  the 
Ohio  belonged  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  expressed 
surprise  at  the  encroachments  of  the  French,  demand 
ed  by  whose  authority  an  armed  force  had  crossed  the 
Lakes,  and  urged  a  speedy  and  peaceable  departure. 
M.  de  St.  Pierre  replied  in  the  style  of  a  soldier,  say 
ing  it  did  not  belong  to  him  to  discuss  treaties,  that 
such  a  message  should  have  been  sent  to  the  Marquis 
Duquesne,  Governor  of  Canada,  by  whose  instructions 
he  acted,  and  whose  orders  he  should  be  careful  to 
obey,  and  that  the  summons  to  retire  could  not  be 
complied  with.  The  tone  was  respectful,  but  uncom 
plying  and  determined. 

While  the  French  officers  were  holding  consultations, 


30  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

and  getting  the  despatch  ready,  Major  Washington 
took  an  opportunity  to  look  around  and  examine  the 
fort.  His  attendants  were  instructed  to  do  the  same. 
He  was  thus  enabled  to  bring  away  an  accurate  de 
scription  of  its  form,  size,  construction,  cannon,  and 
barracks.  His  men  counted  the  canoes  in  the  river, 
and  such  as  were  partly  finished.  The  fort  was  situate 
on  a  branch  of  French  Creek,  about  fifteen  miles  south 
of  Lake  Erie.  A  plan  of  it,  drawn  by  Major  Wash 
ington,  was  sent  to  the  British  government. 

The  snow  was  falling  so  fast,  that  he  ordered  back 
his  horses  to  Venango,  resolved  to  go  down  himself  by 
water,  a  canoe  having  been  offered  to  him  for  that 
purpose.  He  had  been  entertained  with  great  polite 
ness  ;  nor  did  the  complaisance  of  M.  de  St.  Pierre 
exhaust  itself  in  mere  forms  of  civility.  The  canoe, 
by  his  order,  was  plentifully  stocked  with  provisions, 
liquors,  and  every  other  supply  that  could  be  wanted 

But  the  same  artifices  were  practised  and  expe 
dients  tried,  as  at  Venango,  to  lure  away  the  Indians, 
and  keep  them  behind.  Many  temptations  were  held 
out,  presents  given,  and  others  promised.  The  Half- 
King  was  a  man  of  consequence,  whose  friendship  was 
not  to  be  lost,  if  it  could  possibly  be  retained.  He 
persisted  in  his  reserve,  however,  and  now  offered  a 
second  time  to  the  French  commandant  the  speech- 
belt,  or  wampum,  as  indicating  that  the  alliance  be 
tween  them  was  broken  off.  The  latter  refused  to 
accept  it,  and  soothed  the  savage  with  soft  words  and 
fair  professions,  saying  it  was  his  wish  to  live  in  amity 
and  peace  with  the  Indians,  and  to  trade  with  them, 
that  he  would  immediately  send  goods  to  their 
These  attempts  to  inveigle  the  Half-King  and 

3  companions   were  discovered  by  Major  Washing 
ron,  who  complained  of  the  delay,  and  insinuated  the 


/Ex.21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  31 

cause.  M.  de  St.  Pierre  was  urbane,  as  usual,  seem 
ed  ignorant  of  all  that  passed,  could  not  tell  why  the 
Indians  stayed,  and  declared  nothing  should  be  want 
ing  on  his  part  to  fulfil  Major  Washington's  desires. 
Finally,  after  much  perplexity  and  trouble,  the  whole 
party  embarked  in  the  canoe. 

The  passage  down  was  fatiguing,  slow,  and  perilous. 
Rocks,  shallows,  drifting  trees,  and  currents,  kept  them 
in  constant  alarm.  "Many  times,"  says  Major  Wash 
ington  in  his  journal,  "  all  hands  were  obliged  to  get 
out,  and  remain  in  the  water  half  an  hour  or  more  in 
getting  over  the  shoals.  At  one  place  the  ice  had 
lodged,  and  made  it  impassable  by  water;  and  we 
were  obliged  to  carry  our  canoe  across  a  neck  of  land 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  over."  In  six  days  they  landed  at 
Venango,  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles 
by  the  winding  of  the  stream. 

The  horses  were  found  here,  but  in  so  emaciated 
and  pitiable  a  condition,  that  it  was  doubtful  whether 
they  could  perform  the  journey.  The  baggage  and 
provisions  were  all  to  be  transported  on  their  backs. 
To  lighten  their  burden,  as  much  as  possible,  Major 
Washington,  clad  in  an  Indian  walking-dress,  deter 
mined  to  proceed  on  foot,  with  Mr.  Gist  and  Mr.  Van- 
braam,  putting  the  horses  under  the  direction  of  the 
drivers.  After  three  days'  travel,  the  horses  becoming 
more  feeble,  and  the  cold  and  snow  hourly  increasing, 
this  mode  of  journeying  proved  so  tardy  and  dis 
couraging,  that  another  was  resorted  to.  Mr.  Van- 
braam  took  charge  of  the  horses,  with  orders  to  go  on 
as  fast  as  he  could.  Major  Washington,  with  a  knap 
sack  on  his  back,  containing  his  papers  and  food,  and 
with  a  gun  in  his  hand,  left  the  party,  accompanied 
only  by  Mr.  Gist,  equipped  in  the  same  manner.  They 
turned  out  of  the  path,  and  directed  their  course 


32  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

through  the  woods  so  as  to  strike  the  Allegany  River, 
and  cross  it  near  Shannopins  Town,  two  or  three  miles 
above  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio.  The  next  day  an  ad 
venture  occurred,  which  is  well  narrated  by  Mr.  Gist 
in  a  diary  written  by  him  at  the  time. 

"We  rose  early  in  the  morning,  and  set  out  about 
two  o'clock,  and  got  to  the  Murdering  Town  on  the 
southeast  fork  of  Beaver  Creek.  Here  we  met  with 
an  Indian,  whom  I  thought  I  had  seen  at  Joncaire's, 
at  Venango,  when  on  our  journey  up  to  the  French 
fort.  This  fellow  called  me  by  my  Indian  name,  and 
pretended  to  be  glad  to  see  me.  He  asked  us  sev 
eral  questions,  as,  how  we  came  to  travel  on  foot,  when 
we  left  Venango,  where  we  parted  with  our  horses, 
and  when  they  would  be  there.  Major  Washington 
insisted  on  travelling  by  the  nearest  way  to  the  Forks 
of  the  Allegany.  We  asked  the  Indian  if  he  could  go 
with  us,  and  show  us  the  nearest  way.  The  Indian 
seemed  very  glad,  and  ready  to  go  with  us ;  upon 
which  we  set  out,  and  the  Indian  took  the  Major's 
pack.  We  travelled  very  brisk  for  eight  or  ten  miles, 
when  the  Major's  feet  grew  very  sore,  and  he  very 
weary,  and  the  Indian  steered  too  much  northeast 
wardly.  The  Major  desired  to  encamp ;  upon  which 
the  Indian  asked  to  carry  his  gun,  but  he  refused; 
and  then  the  Indian  grew  churlish,  and  pressed  us  to 
keep  on,  telling  us  there  were  Ottowa  Indians  in 
those  woods,  and  they  would  scalp  us  if  we  lay  out ; 
but  go  to  his  cabin,  and  we  should  be  safe. 

"I  thought  very  ill  of  the  fellow,  but  did  not  care 
to  let  the  Major  know  I  mistrusted  him.  But  he  soon 
mistrusted  him  as  much  as  I  did.  The  Indian  said 
he  could  hear  a  gun  from  his  cabin,  and  steered  us 
more  northwardly.  We  grew  uneasy,  and  then  he 
said  two  whoops  might  be  heard  from  his  cabin.  We 


jET.21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  33 

went  two  miles  further.  Then  the  Major  said  he 
would  stay  at  the  next  water,  and  we  desired  the 
Indian  to  stop  at  the  next  water ;  but  before  we  came 
to  water,  we  came  to  a  clear  meadow.  It  was  very 
light,  and  snow  was  on  the  ground.  The  Indian  made 
a  stop,  and  turned  about.  The  Major  saw  him  point 
his  gun  towards  us,  and  he  fired.  Said  the  Major, 
'  Are  you  shot  ? '  <  No,'  said  I ;  upon  which  the  In 
dian  ran  forward  to  a  big  standing  white  oak,  and 
began  loading  his  gun,  but  we  were  soon  with  him. 
I  would  have  killed  him,  but  the  Major  would  not  suf 
fer  me.  We  let  him  charge  his  gun.  We  found  he 
put  in  a  ball ;  then  we  took  care  of  him.  Either  the 
Major  or  I  always  stood  by  the  guns.  We  made  him 
make  a  fire  for  us  by  a  little  run,  as  if  we  intended  to 
sleep  there.  I  said  to  the  Major,  'As  you  will  not 
have  him  killed,  we  must  get  him  away,  and  then  we 
must  travel  all  night';  upon  which  I  said  to  the  In 
dian,  'I  suppose  you  were  lost,  and  fired  your  gun.' 
He  said  he  knew  the  way  to  his  cabin,  and  it  was 
but  a  little  way.  'Well,'  said  I,  'do  you  go  home; 
and,  as  we  are  tired,  we  will  follow  your  track  in  the 
morning,  and  here  is  a  cake  of  bread  for  you,  and 
you  must  give  us  meat  in  the  morning.'  He  was 
glad  to  get  away.  I  followed  him,  and  listened,  until 
he  was  fairly  out  of  the  way ;  and  then  we  went 
about  half  a  mile,  when  we  made  a  fire,  set  our  com 
pass,  fixed  our  course,  and  travelled  all  night.  In  the 
morning  we  were  on  the  head  of  Piny  Creek." 

Whether  it  was  the  intention  of  the  Indian  to  kill 
either  of  them  can  only  be  conjectured.  The  cir 
cumstances  were  extremely  suspicious.  Major  Wash 
ington  hints  at  this  incident  in  his  journal.  "We 
fell  in  with  a  party  of  French  Indians,"  says  he,  "who 
had  lain  in  wait  for  us.  One  of  them  fired  at  Mr. 

VOL.    I.  5 


34  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

Gist  or  me,  not  fifteen  steps  off,  but  fortunately  missed. 
We  took  the  fellow  in  custody,  and  kept  him  till  nine 
o'clock  at  night;  then  let  him  go,  and  walked  all 
the  remaining  part  of  the  night  without  making  any 
stop,  that  we  might  get  the  start  so  far  as  to  be  out 
of  the  reach  of  their  pursuit  the  next  day,  since  we 
were  well  assured  they  would  follow  our  track  as  soon 
as  it  was  light."  No  more  was  seen  or  heard  of  them. 
The  next  night,  at  dusk,  the  travellers  came  to  the 
Allegany  River,  a  little  above  Shannopins,  where  they 
expected  to  cross  over  on  the  ice;  but  in  this  they 
were  disappointed,  the  river  being  frozen  only  a  few 
yards  on  each  side,  and  a  great  body  of  broken  ice 
driving  rapidly  down  the  current. 

Weary  and  exhausted  they  were  compelled  to  pass 
the  night  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  exposed  to  the 
•rigor  of  the  weather,  making  their  beds  on  the  snow, 
with  no  other  covering  than  their  blankets.  When 
the  morning  came,  their  invention  was  the  only  re 
source  for  providing  the  means  of  gaining  the  oppo 
site  shore. 

"There  was  no  way  of  getting  over,"  says  Major 
Washington,  "  but  on  a  raft ;  which  we  set  about  with 
but  one  poor  hatchet,  and  finished  just  after  sun- 
setting.  This  was  a  whole  day's  work.  We  next  got 
it  launched,  and  went  on  board  of  it;  then  set  off. 
But  before  we  were  half  way  over,  we  were  jammed 
in  the  ice  in  such  a  manner,  that  we  expected  every 
moment  our  raft  would  sink,  and  ourselves  perish.  I 
put  out  my  setting-pole  to  try  to  stop  the  raft,  that 
the  ice  might  pass  by ;  when  the  rapidity  of  the  stream 
threw  it  with  so  much  violence  against  the  pole,  that 
it  jerked  me  out  into  ten  feet  water.  But  I  fortu 
nately  saved  myself  by  catching  hold  of  one  of  the 
raft  logs.  Notwithstanding  all  our  efforts  we  could 


jET.21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  35 

not  get  the  raft  to  either  shore,  but  were  obliged,  as 
we  were  near  an  island,  to  quit  our  raft,  and  make 
to  it." 

This  providential  escape  from  most  imminent  dan 
ger  was  not  the  end  of  their  calamities.  They  were 
thrown  upon  a  desert  island ;  the  weather  was  in 
tensely  cold ;  Mr.  Gist's  hands  and  feet  were  frozen ; 
and  their  sufferings  through  the  night  were  extreme. 
A  gleam  of  hope  appeared  with  the  dawn  of  morning. 
Between  the  island  and  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river, 
the  ice  had  congealed  so  hard  as  to  bear  their  weight 
They  crossed  over  without  accident,  and  the  same 
day  reached  a  trading -post  recently  established  by 
Mr.  Frazier,  near  the  spot  where  eighteen  months 
afterwards  was  fought  the  memorable  battle  of  the 
Monongahela. 

Here  they  rested  two  or  three  days,  both  to  recruit 
themselves  and  to  procure  horses.  Meantime  Major- 
Washington  paid  a  complimentary  visit  to  Queen  Ali- 
quippa,  an  Indian  princess,  who  resided  at  the  con 
fluence  of  the  Monongahela  and  Youghiogany  Rivers. 
She  had  expressed  dissatisfaction,  that  he  had  neglect 
ed  this  mark  of  respect  on  his  way  out.  An  apology, 
seconded  by  the  more  substantial  token  of  a  present, 
soothed  her  wounded  dignity,  and  secured  a  gracious 
reception. 

Nothing  was  heard  of  Vanbraam  and  his  party. 
Anxious  to  hasten  back,  and  report  to  the  governor 
the  result  of  his  mission,  Major  Washington  did  not 
wait  for  them.  With  Mr.  Gist  he  recrossed  the  Alle- 
ganies  to  Will's  Creek,  and  thence  proceeded  with 
despatch  to  Williamsburg,  where  he  arrived  on  the 
16th  of  January,  having  been  absent  eleven  weeks. 

The  intentions  and  movements  of  the  French  be 
ing  now  understood,  Governor  Dinwiddie  thought  the 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1754 

occasion  demanded  prompt  and  energetic  action.  He 
called  his  Council  together,  and  laid  before  them  Major 
Washington's  journal,  and  the  letter  of  the  French 
commandant.  It  was  agreed,  that  the  instructions  here 
tofore  received  from  the  ministry  imposed  it  as  a  duty, 
in  case  of  an  invasion  of  the  King's  dominions,  to  re 
pel  it  by  a  resort  to  arms.  There  was  no  longer  any 
doubt,  that  the  state  of  things,  anticipated  by  the  min 
isters,  had  actually  come  to  pass.  It  was  now  time  to 
prepare  for  the  exigency.  At  the  last  meeting  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses,  the  governor  had  failed  in  his 
endeavours  to  rouse  the  representatives  of  the  people 
to  a  sense  of  danger,  and  no  funds  had  been  provided 
for  establishing  a  military  force. 

Without  waiting  for  the  burgesses  to  convene,  the 
Council  ad  vised  the  immediate  enlistment  of  two  hun 
dred  men,  with  directions  to  march  to  the  Ohio,  and 
build  one  or  two  forts  there,  before  the  French  should 
be  able  to  descend  the  river  in  the  spring,  as  they 
had  threatened  to  do.  An  order  was  issued  for  rais 
ing  two  companies,  of  one  hundred  men  each,  hi  the 
northern  counties  by  voluntary  enlistments,  or,  if  that 
method  should  prove  impracticable,  by  drafts  from  the 
militia.  The  conduct  of  Major  Washington  had  hith 
erto  been  marked  with  so  much  prudence,  resolution, 
and  capacity,  that  he  was  appointed  to  the  chief  com 
mand  of  these  troops,  apparently  by  the  unanimous 
voice  of  the  Council. 

To  make  an  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  people, 
and  if  possible  to  work  them  up  to  some  degree  of 
( nthusiasm,  and  excite  their  indignation  against  the 
invaders,  Governor  Dinwiddie  caused  Major  Washing 
ton's  journal  to  be  published.  It  was  copied  into  near 
ly  all  the  newspapers  of  the  other  colonies.  In  Lon 
don  it  was  reprinted,  under  the  auspices  of  the  gov- 


jEx.21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  37 

ernment,  and  accounted  a  document  of  much  impor 
tance,  as  unfolding  the  views  of  the  French,  and  an 
nouncing  the  first  positive  proof  of  their  hostile  acts 
in  the  disputed  territory. 

Nothing  more  was  expected  from  the  small  military 
preparations  set  on  foot  by  the  governor  and  Council, 
than  to  take  a  position  on  the  Ohio  before  the  French 
should  come  down  the  river,  and  unite  with  the  par 
ties  fiom  Xew  Orleans.  The  command  of  one  of  the 
two  companies  was  given  to  Captain  Trent,  who,  being 
acquainted  with  the  frontiers,  was  sent  forward  to  en 
list  his  men  among  the  traders  and  back  settlers,  and 
ordered  to  commence  with  all  speed  the  building  of  a 
fort  at  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio,  in  conformity  with  the 
recommendation  of  Major  Washington,  who  had  ex 
amined  that  place,  as  we  have  seen,  with  a  view  to 
its  military  advantages. 

At  the  same  time,  Major  Washington  was  stationed 
at  Alexandria,  as  a  convenient  situation  for  the  ren 
dezvous  of  his  men,  and  for  superintending  the  trans 
portation  of  supplies  and  the  cannon  intended  to  be 
mounted  in  the  forL  Lord  Fairfax,  holding  the  office 
of  county-lieutenant,  which  gave  him  authority  over 
the  militia  hi  his  neighbourhood,  was  active  in  procur 
ing  enlistments  and  rendering  other  services  to  his 
young  friend.  The  governor's  instructions  to  the 
officers  bore  a  warlike  aspect  They  were,  to  drive 
away,  kill,  and  destroy,  or  seize  as  prisoners,  all  per 
sons  not  the  subjects  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain, 
who  should  attempt  to  settle  or  take  possession  of  the 
lands  on  the  Ohio  River  or  any  of  its  tributaries. 

These  arrangements  being  made,  Governor  Dinwid- 
die  summoned  the  legislature  to  meet  at  an  early  day, 
in  order  to  take  into  consideration  the  critical  state  of 
affairs,  and  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  Dominion,  as 

VOL.  I.  D 


40  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754 


CHAPTER  III. 

Military  Preparations. — Washington  appointed  Lieutenant-Colonel. — 
Marches  to  the  Allegany  Mountains.  —  Joined  by  Parties  of  Indians. 
—  Skirmish  with  a  French  Detachment  under  Jumonville.  —  The 
Chief  Command  devolves  on  Colonel  Washington. — His  generous 
Sentiments  respecting  the  Terms  of  Service.  —  Fort  Necessity. — 
Battle  of  the  Great  Meadows.  —  Resigns  his  Commission.  —  Engages 
in  the  Expedition  under  General  Braddock.  —  Difficulties  encountered 
by  the  Army  in  its  March.  —  Battle  of  the  Monongahela.  —  Its  dis 
astrous  Results.  —  Bravery  and  good  Conduct  of  Colonel  Washing 
ton  in  that  Action.  —  His  prudent  Advice  to  General  Braddock. 

WITH  the  means  now  provided  by  the  legislature, 
the  military  establishment  was  increased  to  six  com 
panies,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Joshua  Fry. 
He  was  an  Englishman  by  birth,  educated  at  Oxford, 
skilled  in  the  mathematical  sciences,  and  much  esteem 
ed  for  his  amiable  qualities  and  gentlemanly  character. 
Major  Washington  was  made  second  in  command, 
with  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel.  Subordinate  offi 
cers  were  commissioned,  and,  to  quicken  the  military 
zeal  of  the  people,  and  give  alacrity  to  the  recruiting 
service,  Governor  Dinwiddie  issued  a  proclamation 
granting  two  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land  on  the 
3hio  River,  to  be  divided  among  the  troops,  who 
>lmuld  engage  in  the  proposed  expedition,  and  re 
leasing  the  same  from  quitrents  for  fifteen  years.  One 
thousand  acres  were  ordered  to  be  laid  off,  contiguous 
to  the  fort  at  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio,  for  the  use  of  the 
soldiers  doing  duty  there,  to  be  called  the  garrison 
lands. 

The  reasons  assigned  by  the  governor  to  the  min- 

for  making  this  grant  were,  that  he  hoped  the 

're   would    become   permanent   settlers,   and   that 

was  better  to  secure  the  lands  by  such  a  bounty, 


Mr.22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  41 

than  to  allow  the  French  to  take  quiet  possession  of 
as  many  millions  of  acres  as  he  had  granted  thousands. 
His  proclamation  was  sanctioned  by  the  King,  but  it 
was  not  well  received  in  another  quarter.  The  As 
sembly  of  Pennsylvania  took  alarm  at  the  freedom, 
with  which  lands,  situate  as  they  said  in  that  province, 
were  given  away.  Governor  Hamilton  wrote  an  ex- 
postulatory  letter.  It  was  a  perplexing  case ;  but  Gov 
ernor  Dinwiddie  escaped  from  the  difficulty  by  reply 
ing,  that  the  claims  of  Pennsylvania  were  at  least 
doubtful,  the  boundary  line  not  having  been  run,  that 
the  object  in  view  equally  concerned  both  provinces, 
that  his  grant  did  not  necessarily  imply  future  jurisdic 
tion,  and  that,  if  the  Pennsylvania  claim  should  be 
established,  the  quitrents  might  eventually  be  paid  to 
the  proprietary  instead  of  the  crown. 

Fresh  encouragement  was  inspired  by  a  letter  from 
the  Earl  of  Holdernesse,  authorizing  Governor  Din 
widdie  to  call  to  his  aid  two  independent  companies 
from  New  York,  and  one  from  South  Carolina.  These 
were  colonial  troops,  raised  and  supported  at  the  King's 
charge,  and  commanded  by  officers  with  royal  com 
missions.  They  could  be  marched  to  any  part  of  the 
continent.  None  of  these  companies  had  ever  been 
stationed  in  Virginia.  Expresses  were  immediately 
despatched  to  the  governors  of  the  above  colonies, 
requesting  them  to  order  forward  the  companies  with 
out  delay. 

News  came  from  North  Carolina,  also,  that  the  As 
sembly  had  voted  twelve  thousand  pounds  for  defence, 
and  that  a  respectable  force  would  soon  be  in  the  field 
to  join  their  neighbours  in  the  common  cause.  Thus 
far  the  prospect  was  flattering.  The  sympathy  of  the 
other  colonies,  however,  did  not  manifest  itself  in  any 
direct  efforts.  The  Assembly  of  Maryland  brought  in 

VOL.    I.  6  D* 


42  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

a  money  bill,  which  was  rejected  by  the  governor,  un 
der  pretence,  that  the  mode  proposed  for  levying  the 
taxes  was  an  encroachment  upon  the  prerogative.  In 
deed,  the  apparition  of  the  prerogative  never  failed  to 
stare  the  colonial  governors  in  the  face,  whenever  any 
measure  salutary  to  the  people  was  to  be  approved  by 
them.  It  may  be,  that  the  bold  experiments  and  as 
piring  demands  of  the  assemblies  sometimes  required 
this  cautionary  check. 

The  spirit  of  liberty,  even  at  that  day,  was  restless 
under  the  burden  of  charters  and  usages,  and  was 
everywhere  struggling  to  throw  it  off,  or  at  least  to 
diminish  its  weight.  The  'prerogative  was  the  potent 
charm,  by  which  the  governors  endeavoured  to  allay 
this  spirit,  when  they  found  arguments  and  personal 
influence  unavailing.  In  Pennsylvania,  more  exposed 
to  the  invasion  than  Virginia,  the  legislature  were  so 
busy  in  carrying  on  the  quarrel,  which  continued  for 
years  between  themselves  and  the  governor,  that  they 
had  little  leisure  for  other  business.  Here  again  was 
a  prerogative,  but  not  enforced  in  the  name  of  the 
King,  and  hence  perhaps  the  more  odious  to  the  people. 

The  descendants  of  William  Penn,  called  the  pro 
prietaries,  owned  large  tracts  of  land  in  the  province. 
The  Assembly  insisted,  and  very  justly,  that  these 
lands,  being  equally  benefited,  ought  to  bear  an  equal 

ruon  of  the  tax  for  defence.     They  reported  money 
upon   that  principle;    the   governor   refused   his 

^nature,  maintaining  the  proprietary  prerogative.     The 

ell  to ^the  ground,  and  nothing   was   done.     In 

r  of  explanation,  Governor  Hamilton  regretted 

ulure  of  the  bjls,  but  laid  the  blame  at  the  door  of 

A?h     T'^    '^  Sald'  had  SCrUPles  about  ™g. 
Although  thus  feebly  sustained  by  their  neighbours, 
the   V,rg,n,ans    d,d   not  abate  their  exertions       The 


JET.  22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  43 

enlistments  went  on  with  considerable  success.  Colo 
nel  Washington  continued  his  head-quarters  at.  Alex 
andria  till  the  beginning  of  April.  Two  companies 
had  been  collected  at  that  place,  with  which  he  march 
ed  to  Will's  Creek,  where  he  arrived  on  the  20th, 
having  been  joined  on  the  way  by  another  company 
under  Captain  Stephen.  The  march  was  slow  and 
fatiguing,  on  account  of  the  roughness  of  the  roads, 
and  the  difficulty  of  procuring  wagons  to  convey  the 
baggage.  It  was  necessary  to  put  the  militia  law  in 
execution,  which  authorized  impressments ;  but  meas 
ures  of  this  sort  are  always  disliked  by  the  people, 
and  orders  are  tardily  obeyed  or  evaded.  The  artil 
lery  and  some  of  the  heavier  articles  went  by  water 
up  the  Potomac. 

A  party  of  Captain  Trent's  men  had  already  gone 
to  the  Ohio,  and  begun  to  build  a  fort.  Just  before 
Colonel  Washington  reached  Will's  Creek,  a  rumor 
came  from  the  interior,  that  these  men  were  taken  by 
the  French ;  and  two  days  afterwards  the  alarming 
intelligence  was  confirmed  by  the  ensign  of  Captain 
Trent's  company.  He  reported,  that,  while  they  were 
at  work,  forty-one  in  number,  a  body  of  French  troops 
descended  the  river  from  Venango,  consisting  of  one 
thousand  men,  with  eighteen  pieces  of  cannon,  sixty 
batteaux,  and  three  hundred  canoes,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Captain  Contrecceur,  and  summoned  them 
to  surrender,  threatening  to  take  forcible  possession  of 
the  fort  if  this  summons  were  not  immediately  obeyed. 
No  alternative  remained,  and,  the  captain  and  lieuten 
ant  being  absent,  Ensign  Ward  acceded  to  articles  of 
capitulation,  and  gave  up  the  fort,  but  was  permitted 
to  retire  with  his  men.  He  came  to  Will's  Creek, 
and  brought  the  news  of  the  disaster.  His  statement, 
however,  as  to  the  numbers  of  the  French,  their  can- 


44  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

non  and  boats,  turned  out  to  be  very  much  exagger 
ated.  This  was  the  first  open  act  of  hostility  in  the 
memorable  war  of  seven  years  that  followed.  The 
French  enlarged  and  completed  the  fort,  which  they 
called  Fort  Duquesne,  in  compliment  to  the  governor 
of  Canada. 

To  the  little  army  under  Colonel  Washington,  as 
yet  amounting  to  no  more  than  three  small  companies, 
this  was  a  critical  moment.  They  occupied  an  out 
post,  beyond  which  there  was  no  barrier  to  oppose  the 
formidable  French  force  on  the  Ohio.  Even  a  detach 
ment,  well  armed  and  disciplined,  might  surround  and 
cut  them  off.  Colonel  Fry  had  not  joined  them,  and 
the  whole  responsibility  rested  on  the  Lieu  tenant- Colonel. 
He  instantly  sent  expresses  to  the  governors  of  Vir 
ginia,  Maryland,  and  Pennsylvania,  setting  forth  his 
weak  and  exposed  condition,  and  calling  for  reinforce 
ments.  He  then  held  a  council  of  war.  Notwith 
standing  the  dangers  that  threatened  on  every  side, 
it  was  resolved  to  push  boldly  into  the  wilderness,  to 
clear  and  prepare  the  road  as  they  advanced,  and,  if 
possible,  to  penetrate  to  the  Monongahela  at  the  mouth 
of  Red-stone  Creek,  and  erect  there  a  fortification.  The 
soldiers  would  thus  be  employed,  their  apprehensions 
quieted,  the  bane  of  idleness  avoided,  and  a  way  opened 
for  the  more  expeditious  march  of  the  troops  in  the  rear. 

So  many  obstacles  intervened,  that  the  progress  was 
slow.  Trees  were  to  be  felled,  bridges  made,  marshes 
filled  up,  and  rocks  removed.  In  the  midst  of  these 
difficulties  the  provisions  failed,  the  commissaries  hav 
ing  neglected  to  fulfil  their  engagements,  and  there 
was  great  distress  for  want  of  bread. 

At  the  Youghiogany,  where  they  were  detained  in 
constructing  a  bridge,  Colonel  Washington  was  told 
by  the  traders  and  Indians,  that,  except  at  one  place. 


^ET.22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  45 

a  passage  might  be  had  by  water  down  that  river. 
To  ascertain  this  point,  extremely  advantageous  if  true, 
he  embarked  in  a  canoe  with  five  men  on  a  tour  of 
discovery,  leaving  the  army  under  the  command  of  a 
subordinate  officer.  His  hopes  were  disappointed. 
After  navigating  the  river  in  his  canoe  near  thirty 
miles,  encountering  rocks  and  shoals,  he  passed  be 
tween  two  mountains,  and  came  to  a  fall  that  arrested 
his  course,  and  rendered  any  further  attempt  imprac 
ticable.  He  returned,  and  the  project  of  a  conveyance 
by  water  was  given  up. 

He  had  scarcely  rejoined  the  army,  when  a  mes 
sage  was  brought  to  him  from  his  old  friend  Tana- 
charison,  or  the  Half-King,  then  with  his  people  near 
the  Monongahela  River,  which  warned  him  to  be  on 
his  guard,  as  a  party  of  French  had  been  out  two 
days,  and  were  then  marching  towards  him  determined 
to  attack  the  first  English  they  should  meet.  His 
account  was  confirmed  by  another,  which  stated  the 
French  to  be  only  fifteen  miles  distant. 

Not  knowing  their  number,  or  at  what  moment  they 
might  approach,  he  hastened  to  a  place  called  the 
Great  Meadows,  cleared  away  the  bushes,  threw  up 
an  entrenchment,  and  prepared,  as  he  expressed  it, 
"  a  charming  field  for  an  encounter."  He  then  mount 
ed  some  of  the  soldiers  on  wagon-horses,  and  sent 
them  out  to  reconnoitre.  They  came  back  without 
having  seen  any  traces  of  the  enemy ;  but  the  camp 
was  alarmed  in  the  night,  the  sentries  fired,  and  all 
hands  were  kept  under  arms  till  morning.  Mr.  Gist 
came  to  the  camp,  also,  and  reported  that  a  French 
detachment,  consisting  of  fifty  men,  had  been  at  his 
settlement  the  day  before,  and  that  he  had  observed 
their  tracks  within  five  miles  of  the  Great  Meadows. 

The  approach  of  the  French,  with  hostile  designs, 


46  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

was  now  deemed  certain;  and  the  best  preparation 
was  made  to  receive  them,  which  circumstances  would 
permit.  In  the  mean  time,  about  nine  o'clock  at  night, 
another  express  came  from  the  Half-King,  who  was 
then  with  a  party  of  his  warriors  about  six  miles  from 
the  camp,  stating  that  he  had  seen  the  tracks  of  two 
Frenchmen,  and  that  the  whole  detachment  was  near 
that  place.  Colonel  Washington  immediately  put  him 
self  at  the  head  of  forty  men,  leaving  the  rest  to  guard 
the  camp,  and  set  off  to  join  the  Half- King.  The  night 
was  dark,  the  rain  fell  in  torrents,  the  paths  through 
the  woods  were  narrow  and  intricate,  and  the  soldiers 
often  lost  their  way,  groping  in  the  bushes,  and  clam 
bering  over  rocks  and  fallen  trees. 

The  whole  night  was  passed  in  the  march,  and  they 
got  to  the  Indian  encampment  just  before  sunrise.  A 
council  was  held  with  Tanacharison  and  his  chief  war 
riors,  and  it  was  agreed  that  they  should  march  in 
concert  against  the  French.  Two  Indians  went  out 
to  ascertain  the  position  of  the  enemy,  which  was  dis 
covered  to  be  in  an  obscure  retreat,  surrounded  by 
rocks,  half  a  mile  from  the  road.  The  plan  of  the 
attack  was  then  formed.  Colonel  Washington  and 
his  men  were  to  advance  on  the  right,  and  the  Indians 
on  the  left.  The  march  was  pursued  in  single  file, 
according  to  the  Indian  manner,  till  they  came  so  near 
as  to  be  discovered  by  the  French,  who  instantly 
seized  their  arms,  and  put  themselves  in  an  attitude 
of  defence. 

At  this  moment  the  firing  commenced  on  both  sides. 
A  smart  skirmish  ensued,  which  was  kept  up  for  a 
quarter  of  an  hour,  when  the  French  ceased  to  resist. 
M.  de  Jumonville,  the  commander  of  the  French  par 
ty,  and  ten  of  his  men,  were  killed.  Twenty-two  were 
taken  prisoners,  one  of  whom  was  wounded.  A  Ca- 


^T.  22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  47 

nadian  made  his  escape  during  the  action.  One  of 
Colonel  Washington's  men  was  killed,  and  two  or 
three  wounded.  No  harm  happened  to  the  Indians, 
as  the  enemy's  fire  was  directed  chiefly  against  the 
English.  This  event  occurred  on  the  28th  of  May. 
The  prisoners  were  conducted  to  the  Great  Meadows, 
and  thence  under  a  guard  to  Governor  Dinwiddie. 

No  transaction  in  the  life  of  Washington  has  been 
so  much  misrepresented,  or  so  little  understood,  as 
this  skirmish  with  Jumonville.  It  being  the  first  con 
flict  of  arms  in  the  war,  a  notoriety  was  given  to  it, 
particularly  in  Europe,  altogether  disproportioned  to  its 
importance.  War  had  not  yet  been  declared  between 
Great  Britain  and  France,  and  indeed  the  diplomatists 
on  both  sides  were  making  great  professions  of  friend 
ship.  It  was  the  policy  of  each  nation  to  exaggerate 
the  proceedings  of  the  other  on  their  colonial  frontiers, 
and  to  make  them  a  handle  for  recrimination  and  com 
plaints,  by  throwing  upon  the  adverse  party  the  blame 
of  committing  the  first  acts  of  aggression.  Hence, 
when  the  intelligence  of  the  skirmish  with  Jumonville 
got  to  Paris,  it  was  officially  published  by  the  govern 
ment,  in  connexion  with  a  memoir  and  various  papers, 
and  his  death  was  called  a  murder.  It  was  said,  that, 
while  bearing  a  summons  as  a  civil  messenger,  without 
any  hostile  intentions,  he  was  waylaid  and  assassinated. 
The  report  was  industriously  circulated,  and  gained 
credence  with  the  multitude.  M.  Thomas,  a  poet  and 
scholar  of  repute,  seized  the  occasion  to  write  an  epic, 
entitled  "Jumonville"  in  which  he  tasked  his  inven 
tion  to  draw  a  tragical  picture  of  the  fate  of  his  hero. 
The  fabric  of  the  story  and  the  incidents  were  alike 
fictitious.  But  the  tale  passed  from  fiction  to  history, 
and  to  this  day  it  is  repeated  by  the  French  historians, 
who  in  other  respects  render  justice  to  the  character 


48  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

of  Washington,  and  who  can  find  no  other  apology 
for  this  act,  than  his  youth  and  inexperience,  and  the 
ferocity  of  his  men. 

The  mistakes  of  the  French  writers  were  not  un 
known  to  Washington ;  but,  conscious  of  having  acted 
in  strict  conformity  with  his  orders  and  military  usage, 
he  took  no  pains  to  correct  them,  except  in  a  single 
letter  to  a  friend  written  several  years  afterwards,  which 
related  mostly  to  the  errors  in  the  French  account  of 
the  subsequent  action  of  the  Great  Meadows.  Un 
fortunately  all  his  correspondence,  and  the  other  papers 
which  he  wrote  during  this  campaign,  were  lost  the 
next  year  at  the  battle  of  the  Monongahela ;  and  he 
was  thus  deprived  of  the  only  authentic  materials,  that 
could  be  used  for  explanation  and  defence.  The  most 
important  of  these  papers  have  recently  been  found, 
and  they  afford  not  only  a  complete  vindication  of  the 
conduct  of  Colonel  Washington  in  this  affair,  but  show 
that  it  met  with  the  unqualified  approbation  of  the 
governor  and  legislature  of  Virginia,  and  of  the  British 
ministry.* 

It  is  true  that  Jumonville  was  the  bearer  of  a  sum 
mons  ;  but  this  was  unknown  to  Colonel  Washington, 
nor  did  the  mode  in  which  the  former  approached  the 
English  camp  indicate  that  he  came  on  an  errand  of 
peace.  He  was  at  the  head  of  an  armed  force,  he 
sent  out  spies  in  advance,  concealed  himself  and  his 
party  two  days  in  an  obscure  place  near  the  camp, 

•  In  the  public  offices  at  London,  I  examined  the  official  communica- 

om  Governor  Dinwiddie,  giving  a  full  account  of  the  events  of 

By  the  politeness  of  an  individual  in  England,  who  had  in 

-ssion  the  letter-books  and  private  papers  of  Governor  Dinwid- 

LS  permitted  to  inspect  those  papers,  and  to  have  copies  taken. 

•hem  were  the  original  letters  of  Colonel  Washington,  written 

™,  respecting  the  skirmish  with  Jumonville,  and  the  principal 

incidents  of  the  campaign. 


jEx.22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  49 

and  despatched  messengers  with  intelligence  to  his 
commander  at  the  fort.  These  were  strong  evidences 
of  a  hostile  intention ;  and,  had  Colonel  Washington  not 
regarded  them  in  that  light,  he  would  have  been  justly 
censurable  for  ignorance  or  neglect  of  duty. 

The  summons  itself  was  by  no  means  conciliatory; 
and,  if  Colonel  Washington  had  actually  known,  that 
the  French  officer  had  such  a  paper  in  his  pocket,  he 
could  not  properly  do  otherwise  than  he  did,  under 
the  circumstances  in  which  M.  de  Jumonville  chose  to 
place  himself.  It  warned  the  English  to  retire  below 
the  Alleganies,  and  threatened  compulsory  measures 
if  it  should  not  be  obeyed.  The  presumption  was, 
that  the  summons  was  only  a  feint,  in  case  the  party 
should  be  captured,  and  that  Jumonville  was  to  re 
main  concealed,  and  wait  for  reinforcements,  after  he 
had  reconnoitred  the  English  camp,  and  ascertained 
its  strength.  If  such  were  not  the  object,  the  con 
sequences  are  justly  chargeable  on  the  indiscretion  of 
M.  de  Jumonville  in  the  extraordinary  mode  of  con 
ducting  his  enterprise. 

The  labors  and  dangers  of  the  field  were  not  the 
only  troubles,  with  which  Colonel  Washington  at  this 
time  had  to  contend.  By  an  ill-timed  parsimony,  the 
pay  of  the  officers  was  reduced  so  low,  as  to  create 
murmurs  and  discontent  throughout  the  camp.  Com 
plaints  grew  loud  and  vehement,  accompanied  with 
threats  to  resign  and  leave  the  army  to  its  fate.  Un 
der  this  pressure  the  character  of  Washington  shone 
with  the  same  purity  and  lustre,  that  often  distinguished 
it  afterwards  on  similar  trying  occasions.  In  his  let 
ters  to  the  governor  he  assumed  a  firm  and  manly 
tone,  demanded  for  himself  and  his  associates  an  allow 
ance  equal  to  that  received  by  the  King's  troops,  and 
deprecated  the  idea  of  being  placed  upon  a  footing, 

VOL.  I.  7  E 


50  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

which  should  imply   an   inferiority  in   rank,  or  in  the 
value  of  their  services. 

While  he  took  this  high  stand,  in  defending  the  just 
claims  of  the  officers,  he  endeavoured  to  calm  their 
feelings,  and  reconcile  them  to  their  condition,  by 
appeals  to  their  honor  and  the  obligations  of  duty. 
"I  have  communicated  your  sentiments  to  the  other 
officers,"  said  he  to  the  governor,  "and,  as  far  as  I 
could  put  on  the  hypocrite,  set  forth  the  advantages 
that  may  accrue,  and  advised  them  to  accept  the  terms, 
as  a  refusal  might  reflect  dishonor  upon  their  charac 
ter,  leaving  it  to  the  world  to  assign  what  reason  it 
pleases  for  their  quitting  the  service."  And  again ; 
"  I  considered  the  pernicious  consequences  that  would 
attend  a  disunion,  and  was  therefore  too  much  attached 
to  my  country's  interests  to  suffer  it  to  ripen."  In  this 
\vay  he  concealed  his  uneasiness,  and  tranquillized 
the  minds  of  his  officers,  although  he  felt  the  wrongs 
they  suffered,  and  approved  the  spirit  that  would  not 
tamely  submit  to  them. 

As  to  himself,  it  was  not  so  much  the  smallness  of 
the  pay,  that  gave  him  concern,  as  the  indignity  and 
injustice  of  having  his  services  estimated  at  a  lower 
rate,  than  in  the  British  establishment,  when  in  reality 
no  service  could  be  more  severe  and  hazardous,  or 
less  promising  of  glory,  than  the  one  in  which  he  was 
engaged.  "Now  if  we  could  be  fortunate  enough," 
said  he,  "to  drive  the  French  from  the  Ohio,  as  far 
as  your  Honor  would  please  to  have  them  sent,  in 
any  short  time,  our  pay  will  not  be  sufficient  to  dis 
charge  our  first  expenses.  I  would  not  have  you 
imagine  from  this,  that  I  have  said  all  these  things 
to  have  our  pay  increased,  but  to  justify  myself,  and 
to  show  you  that  our  complaints  are  not  frivolous, 
but  founded  on  strict  reason.  For  my  own  part,  it  is 


^ET.22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  51 

a  matter  almost  indifferent,  whether  I  serve  for  full 
pay,  or  as  a  generous  volunteer.  Indeed,  did  my  cir 
cumstances  correspond  with  my  inclinations,  I  should 
not  hesitate  a  moment  to  prefer  the  latter ;  for  the 
motives  that  have  led  me  here  are  pure  and  noble. 
I  had  no  view  of  acquisition,  but  that  of  honor,  by 
serving  my  King  and  country."  In  this  declaration, 
uttered  in  the  sincerity  of  his  heart,  we  perceive  the 
principles,  the  eminent  virtues,  that  dictated  every  act 
of  his  public  life. 

Colonel  Fry  having  died  suddenly  at  Will's  Creek, 
while  on  his  way  to  join  the  army,  the  chief  com 
mand  devolved  on  Colonel  Washington.  Recruits  were 
brought  forward  by  Major  Muse.  The  North  Car 
olina  troops,  to  the  number  of  about  three  hundred 
and  fifty,  led  by  Colonel  Innes,  arrived  at  Winches 
ter.  The  governor  was  then  in  that  town,  holding 
a  council  with  Indians,  and  he  appointed  Innes  com 
mander  of  the  expedition,  but  confirmed  Colonel  Wash 
ington's  command  of  the  Virginia  regiment. 

The  appointment  of  Innes  was  an  unpopular  meas 
ure  in  Virginia,  as  he  was  from  another  colony ;  and 
the  governor  was  accused  of  partiality  for  an  old  friend 
and  countryman,  both  he  and  Innes  being  Scotchmen 
by  birth.  No  ill  consequences  ensued.  Neither  Colo 
nel  Innes  nor  his  troops  advanced  beyond  Winchester 
To  promote  enlistments  the  men  were  extravagantly 
paid ;  and,  when  the  money  raised  by  the  Assembly  for 
their  support  was  expended,  they  dispersed  of  their 
own  accord.  An  Independent  Company  from  South 
Carolina,  consisting  of  one  hundred  men  under  Cap 
tain  Mackay,  arrived  at  the  Great  Meadows.  Two 
companies  from  New  York  landed  at  Alexandria,  and 
marched  to  the  interior,  but  not  in  time  to  overtake 
or  succour  the  army  in  advance. 


52  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754 

It  was  foreseen  by  Colonel  Washington,  that,  when 
the  French  at  Fort  Duquesne  should  get  the  news  of 
Jumonville's  defeat,  a  strong  detachment  would  be 
sent  out  against  him.  As  a  preparation  for  this  event, 
he  set  all  his  men  at  work  to  enlarge  the  entrenchment 
at  the  Great  Meadows,  and  erect  palisades.  To  the 
structure  thus  hastily  thrown  up  he  gave  the  name 
of  Fort  Necessity. 

The  Indians,  who  leaned  to  the  English  interest, 
fled  before  the  French  and  flocked  to  the  camp,  bring 
ing  along  their  wives  and  children,  and  putting  them 
under  his  protection.  Among  them  came  Tanacha- 
rison  and  his  people,  Queen  Aliquippa  and  her  son, 
and  other  persons  of  distinction,  till  between  forty  and 
fifty  families  gathered  around  him,  and  laid  his  mag 
azine  of  supplies  under  a  heavy  contribution.  It  may 
be  said,  once  for  all,  that  the  burden  of  supporting 
these  sons  of  the  forest  during  this  campaign,  and  the 
perplexities  of  managing  them,  were  by  no  means  coun 
terbalanced  by  any  advantage  derived  from  their  aid. 
As  spies  and  scouts  they  were  of  some  service ;  in 
the  field  they  did  nothing. 

The  forces  at  the  Great  Meadows,  including  Cap 
tain  Mackay's  company,  had  now  increased  to  about 
four  hundred  men.  But  a  new  difficulty  arose,  which 
threatened  disagreeable  consequences.  Captain  Mackay 
had  a  royal  commission,  which  in  his  opinion  put  him 
tbove  the  authority  of  Colonel  Washington,  who  was 
a  colonial  officer,  commissioned  by  the  governor  of 
Virginia.  He  was  a  man  of  mild  and  gentlemanly 
manners,  and  no  personal  differences  interrupted  the 
harmony  between  them;  but  still  he  declined  receiving 
the  orders  of  the  colonel,  and  his  company  occupied 
a  separate  encampment.  At  this  crisis,  when  an  at 
tack  was  daily  expected,  and  when  a  perfect  union 


JET.  22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  53 

of  design  and  action  was  essential,  such  a  state "  of 
things  was  so  impropitious,  that  Colonel  Washington 
wrote  earnestly  to  the  governor  to  settle  the  contro 
versy  by  a  positive  order  under  his  own  hand.  The 
governor  hesitated,  because  he  was  not  sure,  that  Cap 
tain  Mackay's  pretensions  were  inconsistent  with  the 
rule  adopted  by  the  ministry,  namely,  that  all  officers 
with  King's  commissions  should  take  rank  of  those 
commissioned  in  the  colonies. 

To  avoid  altercation,  and  prevent  the  contagious 
example  of  disobedience  from  infecting  the  troops, 
Colonel  Washington  resolved  to  advance  with  a  large 
part  of  his  army,  and,  if  not  obstructed  by  the  enemy, 
to  go  on  by  the  shortest  route  to  the  Monongahela 
River.  Captain  Mackay's  company  was  left  at  Fort 
Necessity,  as  a  guard  to  that  post.  The  road  was  to 
be  cleared  and  levelled  for  artillery  carriages ;  and  the 
process  was  so  laborious,  that  it  took  two  weeks  to 
effect  a  passage  through  the  gorge  of  the  mountains 
to  Gist's  settlement,  a  distance  of  only  thirteen  miles. 
The  Indians  were  troublesome  with  their  speeches, 
councils,  and  importunities  for  presents,  particularly  a 
party  from  the  interior,  who  feigned  friendship,  but 
who  were  discovered  to  be  spies  from  the  French. 
Due  vigilance  was  practised,  and  scouts  were  kept 
abroad,  even  as  far  as  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  so  that  the  first  motions  of  the  enemy  might 
be  detected. 

It  was  at  length  told  by  French  deserters  and  In 
dians,  that  Fort  Duquesne  was  reinforced  by  troops 
from  Canada,  and  that  a  strong  detachment  would 
shortly  march  against  the  English.  A  council  of  war 
being  called,  it  was  at  first  thought  best  to  make  a 
stand,  and  wait  the  approach  of  the  enemy  at  Gist';* 
plantation.  An  intrenchment  for  defence  was  begun, 


E* 


64  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

Captain  Mackay  was  requested  to  come  forward  with 
his  company,  and  the  scouting  parties  were  ordered 
to  return  to  the  camp.  Captain  Mackay  promptly 
joined  the  advanced  division ;  and  another  council  de 
cided,  that  the  enemy's  force  was  so  large,  as  to  leave 
no  reasonable  hope  of  a  successful  resistance,  and  that 
a  retreat  was  necessary. 

In  the  face  of  many  obstacles  this  determination  was 
executed.  The  horses  were  few  and  weak,  and  a 
severe  service  was  imposed  on  the  men.  who  were 
obliged  to  bear  heavy  burdens,  and  drag  nine  swivels 
over  a  broken  road.  Colonel  Washington  set  a  worthy 
example  to  his  officers,  by  lading  his  horse  with  pub 
lic  stores,  going  on  foot,  and  paying  the  soldiers  a 
reward  for  carrying  his  baggage.  In  two  days  they 
all  got  back  to  the  Great  Meadows.  It  was  not  the 
intention  to  stop  there;  but  the  men  had  become  so 
much  fatigued  and  distressed  for  the  want  of  provisions, 
that  they  could  go  no  further.  For  eight  days  they 
had  been  without  bread.  A  small  quantity  of  flour 
only  was  found  at  the  Great  Meadows,  but  supplies 
were  hourly  expected ;  and,  in  this  exigency,  no  other 
course  remained,  than  to  fortify  themselves  as  well  as 
they  could,  and  abide  the  issue  of  events. 

Fort  Necessity  was  situate  in  a  level  meadow,  about 
two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  broad,  and  covered  with 
Jong  grass  and  low  bushes.  The  foot  of  the  nearest 
hills  came  within  one  hundred  yards  of  the  fort,  and 
t  one  place  within  sixty  yards.  The  space  between 
the  fort  and  hills  was  open  and  smooth,  the  bushes 
having  been  cleared  away.  The  fort  itself  was  an 
irregular  square,  each  side  measuring  thirty-five  yards, 

ith  a  trench  partly  finished  on  two  sides.  The  en 
trances  were  guarded  by  three  bastions. 

"On  the  3d  of  July  early  in  the  morning  an  alarm 


^ET.22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  55 

was  received  from  a  sentinel,  who  had  been  wounded 
by  the  enemy ;  and  at  nine  o'clock  intelligence  came, 
that  the  whole  body  of  the  enemy,  amounting,  as  was 
reported,  to  nine  hundred  men,  was  only  four  miles 
off.  At  eleven  o'clock  they  approached  the  fort,  and 
began  to  fire,  at  the  distance  of  six  hundred  yards, 
but  without  effect.  Colonel  Washington  had  drawn 
up  his  men  on  the  open  and  level  ground  outside  of 
the  trenches,  waiting  for  the  attack,  which  he  presumed 
would  be  made  as  soon  as  the  enemy's  forces  emerged 
from  the  woods ;  and  he  ordered  his  men  to  reserve 
their  fire,  till  they  should  be  near  enough  to  do  exe 
cution.  The  distant  firing  was  supposed  to  be  a  strat 
agem  to  draw  Washington's  men  into  the  woods,  and 
thus  to  take  them  at  a  disadvantage.  He  suspected 
the  design,  and  maintained  his  post  till  he  found  the 
French  did  not  incline  to  leave  the  woods,  and  attack 
the  fort  by  an  assault,  as  he  supposed  they  would, 
considering  their  superiority  of  numbers.  He  then 
drew  his  men  back  within  the  trenches,  and  gave 
them  orders  to  fire  according  to  their  discretion,  as 
suitable  opportunities  might  present  themselves.  The 
French  and  Indians  remained  on  the  side  of  the  rising 
ground,  which  was  nearest  to  the  fort,  and,  sheltered 
by  the  trees,  kept  up  a  brisk  fire  of  musketry,  but 
never  appeared  in  the  open  plain  below.  The  rain 
fell  heavily  through  the  day,  the  trenches  were  filled 
with  water,  and  many  of  the  arms  of  Colonel  Wash 
ington's  men  were  out  of  order,  and  used  with  diffi 
culty. 

"In  this  way  the  battle  continued  from  eleven  o'clock 
in  the  morning  till  eight  at  night,  when  the  French 
called  and  requested  a  parley.  Suspecting  this  to  be 
a  feint  to  procure  the  admission  of  an  officer  into  the 
fort,  that  he  might  discover  their  condition,  Colonel 


56  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1754, 

Washington  at  first  declined  listening  to  the  proposal, 
but  when  the  call  was  repeated,  with  the  additional 
request  that  an  officer  might  be  sent  to  them,  engag 
ing  at  the  same  time  their  parole  for  his  safety,  he 
sent  out  Captain  Vanbraam,  the  only  person  under 
his  command,  that  could  speak  French,  except  the 
Chevalier  de  Peyrouny,  an  ensign  in  the  Virginia  regi 
ment,  who  was  dangerously  wounded,  and  disabled 
from  rendering  any  service  on  this  occasion.  Van 
braam  returned,  and  brought  with  him  from  M.  de  Vil- 
liers,  the  French  commander,  proposed  articles  of  capit 
ulation.  These  he  read  and  pretended  to  interpret, 
and,  some  changes  having  been  made  by  mutual  agree 
ment,  both  parties  signed  them  about  midnight. 

"  By  the  terms  of  the  capitulation,  the  whole  garrison 
was  to  retire,  and  return  without  molestation  to  the 
inhabited  parts  of  the  country ;  and  the  French  com 
mander  promised,  that  no  embarrassment  should  be 
interposed,  either  by  his  own  men  or  the  savages. 
The  English  were  to  take  away  every  thing  in  their 
possession,  except  their  artillery,  and  to  march  out  of 
the  fort  the  next  morning  with  the  honors  of  war,  their 
drums  beating  and  colors  flying.  As  the  French  had 
killed  all  the  horses  and  cattle,  Colonel  Washington 
had  no  means  of  transporting  his  heavy  baggage  and 
stores;  and  it  was  conceded  to  him,  that  his  men 
might  conceal  their  effects,  and  that  a  guard  might 
be  left  to  protect  them,  till  horses  could  be  sent  up 
to  take  them  away.  Colonel  Washington  agreed  to 
n-xtore  the  prisoners,  who  had  been  taken  at  the  skir 
mish  with  Jumonville ;  and,  as  a  surety  for  this  article 
two  hostages,  Captain  Vanbraam  and  Captain  Stobo, 
\vrre  delivered  up  to  the  French,  and  were  to  be  re 
tained  till  the  prisoners  should  return.  It  was  more 
over  agreed,  that  the  party  capitulating  should  not 


I'  ,'•'  C  v 


'*\m 


J3T.22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  57 

attempt  to  build  any  more  establishments  at  that  place, 
or  beyond  the  mountains  for  the  space  of  a  year. 

"Early  the  next  morning  Colonel  Washington  began 
to  march  from  the  fort  in  good  order,  but  he  had  pro 
ceeded  only  a  short  distance,  when  a  body  of  one 
hundred  Indians,  being  a  reinforcement  to  the  French, 
came  upon  him,  and  could  hardly  be  restrained  from 
attacking  his  men.  They  pilfered  the  baggage  and 
did  other  mischief.  He  marched  forward,  however, 
with  as  much  speed  as  possible,  in  the  weakened  and 
encumbered  condition  of  his  army,  there  being  no 
other  mode  of  conveying  the  wounded  men  and  the 
baggage,  than  on  the  soldiers'  backs.  As  the  provis 
ions  were  nearly  exhausted,  no  time  was  to  be  lost ; 
and,  leaving  much  of  the  baggage  behind,  he  hastened 
to  Will's  Creek,  where  all  the  necessary  supplies  were 
in  store.  Thence  Colonel  Washington  and  Captain 
Mackay  proceeded  to  Williamsburg,  and  communicated 
in  person  to  the  governor  the  events  of  the  cam 
paign."  * 

The  exact  number  of  men  engaged  in  the  ac 
tion  cannot  be  ascertained.  According  to  a  return 
made  out  by  Colonel  Washington  himself,  the  Virginia 
regiment  consisted  of  three  hundred  and  five,  includ 
ing  officers,  of  whom  twelve  were  killed  and  forty- 
three  wounded.  Captain  Mackay's  company  was  sup 
posed  to  contain  about  one  hundred,  but  the  number 
of  killed  and  wounded  is  not  known. 

The  conduct  of  the  commander  and  of  the  troops 
was  highly  approved  by  the  governor  and  Council,  and 
received  merited  applause  from  the  public.  As  soon 
as  the  House  of  Burgesses  assembled,  they  passed  a 
vote  of  thanks  to  Colonel  Washington  and  his  officers 

*  See  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  II.  p.  456,  Appendix. 
VOL.    I.  8 


58  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

"for  their  bravery  and  gallant  defence  of  their  coun 
try."  A  pistole  was  granted  from  the  public  treasury 
to  each  of  the  soldiers. 

Thus  commenced  the  military  career  of  Washing 
ton,  and  thus  ended  his  first  campaign.  Although  as 
yet  a  youth,  with  small  experience,  unskilled  in  war, 
and  relying  on  his  own  resources,  he  had  behaved 
with  the  prudence,  address,  courage,  and  firmness  of 
a  veteran  commander.  Rigid  in  discipline,  but  sharing 
the  hardships  and  solicitous  for  the  welfare  of  his  sol 
diers,  he  had  secured  their  obedience  and  won  their 
esteem  amidst  privations,  sufferings,  and  perils,  that 
have  seldom  been  surpassed. 

Notwithstanding  the  late  discomfiture,  Governor  Din- 
widdie's  ardor  did  not  abate.  It  was  indeed  a  foible 
with  him,  that  his  zeal  outstripped  his  knowledge  and 
discretion.  Wholly  ignorant  of  military  affairs,  he  un 
dertook  to  organize  the  army,  prescribe  rules,  issue 
orders,  form  plans  of  operation,  and  manage  the  de 
tails.  Hence  frequent  blunders  and  confusion.  Colo 
nel  Washington  rejoined  his  regiment,  which  had 
marched  by  way  of  Winchester  to  Alexandria.  He 
there  received  orders  to  fill  up  the  companies  by  en 
listments,  and  lead  them  without  delay  to  Will's  Creek, 
where  Colonel  Innes  was  employed  in  building  Fort 
Cumberland,  with  the  remnant  of  the  North  Carolina 
troops,  and  the  three  independent  companies,  that  had 
come  to  Virginia  from  South  Carolina  and  New  York. 
It  was  the  governor's  project,  that  the  united  forces 
should  immediately  cross  the  Alleganies,  and  drive  the 
French  from  Fort  Duquesne,  or  build  another  fort  be 
yond  the  mountains. 

Astonished  that  such  a  scheme  should  be  contem 
plated,  at  a  season  of  the  year  when  the  mountains 
would  be  rendered  impassable  by  the  snows  and  rigor 


jET.22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  59 

of  the  climate,  and  with  an  army  destitute  of  supplies, 
feeble  in  numbers,  and  worn  down  by  fatigue,  Colonel 
Washington  wrote  a  letter  of  strong  remonstrance  to 
a  member  of  the  governor's  Council,  representing  the 
absurdity  and  even  impossibility  of  such  an  enterprise. 
His  regiment  was  reduced  by  death,  wounds,  and  sick 
ness.  He  was  ordered  to  obtain  recruits,  but  not  a 
farthing  of  money  had  been  provided.  He  was  or 
dered  to  march,  but  his  men  had  neither  arms,  tents, 
ammunition,  clothing,  nor  provisions,  sufficient  to  enable 
them  to  take  the  field,  and  no  means  existed  for 
procuring  them.  It  is  enough  to  say,  that  the  scheme 
was  abandoned. 

The  governor  was  destined  to  struggle  with  difficul 
ties,  and  to  have  his  hopes  defeated.  The  Assembly 
were  so  perverse,  as  not  to  yield  to  all  his  demands, 
and  he  never  ceased  to  complain  of  their  "republican 
way  of  thinking,"  and  to  deplore  their  want  of  respect 
for  the  authority  of  his  office  and  the  prerogative  of 
the  crown.  He  had  lately  prorogued  them,  as  a  pun 
ishment  for  their  obstinacy,  and  written  to  the  ministry, 
that  the  representatives  of  the  people  seemed  to  him 
infatuated,  and  that  he  was  satisfied  "the  progress  of 
the  French  would  never  be  effectually  opposed,  but 
by  means  of  an  act  of  Parliament  to  compel  the  colo 
nies  to  contribute  to  the  common  cause  independently 
of  assemblies."  When  the  burgesses  came  together 
again,  however,  he  was  consoled  by  their  good  nature 
in  granting  twenty  thousand  pounds  for  the  public  ser 
vice  ;  and  he  soon  received  ten  thousand  pounds  in 
specie  from  the  government  in  England  for  the  same 
object. 

Thus  encouraged  he  formed  new  plans,  and  as  the 
gift  of  ten  thousand  pounds  was  under  his  control,  he 
could  appropriate  it  as  he  pleased.  He  enlarged  the 


60  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

army  to  ten  companies,  of  one  hundred  mftn  each, 
and  put  the  whole  upon  the  establishment  of  indepen 
dent  companies,  by  which  the  highest  officers  in  the 
Virginia  regiment  would  be  captains,  and  even  these 
inferior  to  officers  of  the  same  rank  holding  King's 
commissions.  The  effect  was  to  reduce  Colonel  Wash 
ington  to  the  rank  of  captain,  and  put  him  under  offi 
cers  whom  he  had  commanded.  Such  a  degradation, 
of  course,  was  not  to  be  submitted  to  by  a  high-minded 
man.  He  resigned  his  commission,  and  retired  from 
the  army. 

Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland,  soon  after  received 
an  appointment  from  the  King  as  commander-in-chief 
of  the  forces  employed  to  act  against  the  French. 
Knowing  Colonel  Washington's  character,  and  the  im 
portance  of  his  aid,  Governor  Sharpe  solicited  him,  by 
a  letter  from  himself  and  another  from  one  of  his  offi 
cers,  to  resume  his  station.  It  was  intimated,  that  he 
might  hold  his  former  commission.  "This  idea,"  said 
Washington  in  reply,  "has  filled  me  with  surprise; 
for,  if  you  think  me  capable  of  holding  a  commission, 
that  has  neither  rank  nor  emolument  annexed  to  it, 
you  must  entertain  a  very  contemptible  opinion  of  my 
weakness,  and  believe  me  to  be  more  empty  than  the 
commission  itself."  He  promptly  declined  the  invita 
tion,  and  added ;  "  I  shall  have  the  consolation  of 
knowing,  that  I  have  opened  the  way,  when  the  small- 
ness  of  our  numbers  exposed  us  to  the  attacks  of  a 
superior  enemy ;  and  that  I  have  had  the  thanks  of 
my  country  for  the  services  I  have  rendered." 

Thus  sustained  within  himself,  neither  seeking   re- 

5  nor  venting  complaints,  he  passed  the  winter  in 

retirement     He  acknowledged  his  partiality,  however, 

for  the  profession  of  arms,  and  his  ambition  to  acquire 

experience  and  skill  in  the  military  art.     Nor  did  he 

long  for  an  opportunity  to  gratify  his  wishes. 


J3T.23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  61 

Early  in  the  spring,  General  Braddock  landed  in 
Virginia,  with  two  regiments  of  regular  troops  from 
Great  Britain,  which  it  was  supposed  would  bear  down 
all  opposition,  and  drive  back  the  intruding  French  to 
Canada.  The  people  were  elated  with  joy,  and  al 
ready  the  war  on  the  frontier  seemed  hastening  to  an 
end.  Colonel  Washington  acceded  to  a  request  from 
General  Braddock  to  take  part  in  the  campaign  as 
one  of  his  military  family,  in  which  he  would  retain 
his  former  rank,  and  the  objections  on  that  score  would 
be  obviated. 

His  views  on  the  subject  were  explained,  with  a 
becoming  frankness  and  elevation  of  mind,  in  a  letter 
to  a  friend.  "  I  may  be  allowed,"  said  he,  "  to  claim 
some  merit,  if  it  is  considered  that  the  sole  motive, 
which  invites  me  to  the  field,  is  the  laudable  desire 
of  serving  my  country,  not  the  gratification  of  any  am 
bitious  or  lucrative  plans.  This,  I  flatter  myself,  will 
manifestly  appear  by  my  going  as  a  volunteer  without 
expectation  of  reward,  or  prospect  of  obtaining  a  com 
mand,  as  I  am  confidently  assured  it  is  not  in  General 
Braddock's  power  to  give  me  a  commission  that  I 
would  accept."  Again,  "If  there  is  any  merit  in  my 
case,  I  am  unwilling  to  hazard  it  among  my  friends, 
without  this  exposition  of  facts,  as  they  might  con 
ceive  that  some  advantageous  offers  had  engaged  my 
services,  when,  in  reality,  it  is  otherwise,  for  I  expect 
to  be  a  considerable  loser  in  my  private  affairs  by  go 
ing.  It  is  true  I  have  been  importuned  to  make  this 
campaign  by  General  Braddock,  as  a  member  of  his 
family,  he  conceiving,  I  suppose,  that  the  small  knowl 
edge  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  acquiring  of  the 
country  and  the  Indians  is  worthy  of  his  notice,  and 
may  be  useful  to  him  in  the  progress  of  the  expedi 
tion."  Influenced  by  these  honorable  and  generous 

VOL.  I.  F 


62  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

motives,  he  accepted  the  offer,  and  prepared  to  engage 
in  the  service  as  a  volunteer. 

Several  companies  of  Braddock's  two  regiments  were 
cantoned  at  Alexandria,  at  which  place  the  commander 
himself  met  the  governors  of  five  colonies,  in  order  to 
concert  a  general  scheme  of  military  operations.  Colo 
nel  Washington  was  introduced  to  these  gentlemen ; 
and  the  manner  in  which  he  was  received  by  them 
gave  a  flattering  testimony  of  the  consideration,  which 
his  name  and  character  had  already  inspired.  With 
the  deportment  and  civilities  of  Governor  Shirley  he 
v/as  particularly  pleased. 

General  Braddock  marched  to  the  interior,  and  was 
overtaken  by  Colonel  Washington  at  Winchester,  when 
the  latter  assumed  the  station  and  duties  of  aid-de 
camp.  The  troops  followed  in  divisions  by  different 
routes,  and  all  assembled  at  Will's  Creek.  Here  the 
general  was  disappointed,  vexed,  and  thrown  into  par 
oxysms  of  ill  humor,  at  not  finding  in  readiness  the 
horses  and  wagons,  which  had  been  promised,  and 
on  which  he  depended  for  transporting  the  baggage, 
tents,  provisions,  and  artillery  beyond  that  post.  The 
contractors  had  proved  faithless,  either  from  neglect 
or  inability. 

The  embarrassment  was  at  last  removed  by  the  pa 
triotic  zeal  and  activity  of  Franklin.  Being  postmaster- 

eneral  of  the  provinces,  he  visited  the  commander 
during  his  march,  with  the  view  of  devising  some  plan 

>  facilitate  the  transmission  of  the  mail  to  and  from 
the  army  On  certain  conditions  he  agreed  to  pro- 
one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons,  and  the  requisite 
.umber  of  horses  By  prompt  exertions,  and  by  his 

fluence  among  the  farmers  of  Pennsylvania,  he  ob 
tained  them  all  and  sent  them  to  Will's  Creek  This 
act  was  praised  by  General  Braddock  in  a  letter  to 


^x.23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  63 

the  ministry ;  but  he  passed  a  severe  censure  upon 
the  authorities  of  the  country  by  adding,  "that  it  was 
the  only  instance  of  address  and  integrity,  which  he  had 
seen  in  the  provinces."  It  is  true,  that  by  this  timely 
aid  alone  his  army  was  enabled  to  move. 

While  these  preparations  were  in  progress,  Colonel 
Washington  was  sent  on  a  mission  to  Williamsburg  to 
procure  money  for  the  military  chest.  The  trust  was 
executed  with  despatch  and  success.  On  returning 
to  camp  he  found,  that  a  detachment  of  five  hundred 
men  had  marched  in  advance ;  and  all  the  troops  were 
immediately  put  in  motion,  except  a  small  party  left 
as  a  guard  at  Fort  Cumberland.  The  scene  was  new 
to  the  general  and  his  officers,  and  obstacles  presented 
themselves  at  every  step,  which  they  had  not  antici 
pated.  The  roughness  of  the  road  made  it  impossible 
for  the  usual  number  of  horses  to  drag  the  wagons, 
loaded  as  they  were,  not  only  with  the  supplies  and 
munitions,  but  with  superfluous  baggage  and  the  camp 
equipage  of  the  officers ;  and  they  were  obliged  to 
double  the  teams,  thus  detaining  the  whole  train  of 
wagons,  till  those  in  front  were  forced  along  by  this 
tedious  process. 

It  was  soon  apparent,  that,  with  these  hindrances,  the 
season  might  be  consumed  in  crossing  the  mountains. 
A  council  of  war  was  resorted  to;  but  before  it  met, 
the  general  privately  asked  the  opinion  of  Colonel 
Washington.  "  I  urged  him,"  said  he,  "  in  the  warmest 
terms  I  was  able,  to  push  forward,  if  he  even  did  it 
with  a  small  but  chosen  band,  with  such  artillery  and 
light  stores  as  were  necessary,  leaving  the  heavy  ar 
tillery  and  baggage  with  the  rear  division  to  follow  by 
slow  and  easy  marches,  which  they  might  do  safely 
while  we  were  advancing  in  front."  His  reason  for 
pressing  this  measure  was,  that,  from  the  best  advices, 


64  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

an  accession  of  force  was  shortly  expected  at  Fort 
Duquesne,  and  that  it  was  of  the  utmost  moment  to 
make  the  attack  before  such  an  event  should  occur.  It 
was  moreover  important  to  divide  the  army,  because 
the  narrowness  of  the  road,  and  the  difficulty  of  get 
ting  the  wagons  along,  caused  it  to  be  stretched  into 
a  line  four  miles  in  length,  by  which  the  soldiers  were 
so  much  scattered,  that  they  might  be  attacked  and 
routed  at  any  point,  even  by  small  parties,  before  a 
proper  force  could  be  brought  to  their  support. 

These  suggestions  prevailed  in  the  council,  and  were 
approved  by  the  general.  The  army  was  separated 
into  two  divisions.  Braddock  led  the  advanced  divis 
ion  of  twelve  hundred  men  lightly  equipped,  taking 
only  such  carriages  and  articles  as  were  absolutely  es 
sential.  Colonel  Dunbar,  with  the  residue  of  the  army, 
about  six  hundred,  remained  in  the  rear. 

At  this  time  Colonel  Washington  was  seized  with 
a  raging  fever,  which  was  so  violent  as  to  alarm  the  phy 
sician  ;  and,  as  an  act  of  humanity,  the  general  ordered 
him  to  proceed  no  further,  till  the  danger  was  over ; 
with  a  solemn  pledge,  that  he  should  be  brought  up 
to  the  front  of  the  army  before  it  should  reach  the 
French  fort.  Consigned  to  a  wagon,  and  to  the  phy 
sician's  care,  he  continued  with  the  rear  division  nearly 
two  weeks,  when  he  was  enabled  to  be  moved  for 
ward  by  slow  stages,  but  not  without  much  pain  from 
weakness  and  the  jolting  of  the  vehicle.  He  overtook 
the  general  at  the  mouth  of  the  Youghiogany  River, 
fifteen  miles  from  Fort  Duquesne,  the  evening  before 
the  battle  of  the  Monongahela. 

;'  The  officers  and  soldiers  were  now  in  the  highest 
spirits,  and  firm  in  the  conviction,  that  they  should 
within  a  few  hours  victoriously  enter  the  walls  of  Fort 
Duquesne.  The  steep  and  rugged  grounds,  on  the 


jET.23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  65 

north  side  of  the  Monongahela,  prevented  the  army 
from  marching  in  that  direction,  and  it  was  necessary 
in  approaching  the  fort,  now  about  fifteen  miles  dis 
tant,  to  ford  the  river  twice,  and  march  a  part  of  the 
way  on  the  south  side.  Early  on  the  morning  of  the 
9th,  all  things  were  in  readiness,  and  the  whole  train 
passed  through  the  river  a  little  below  the  mouth  of 
the  Youghiogany,  and  proceeded  in  perfect  order  along 
the  southern  margin  of  the  Monongahela.  Washington 
was  often  heard  to  say  during  his  lifetime,  that  the 
most  beautiful  spectacle  he  had  ever  beheld  was  the 
display  of  the  British  troops  on  this  eventful  morning. 
Every  man  was  neatly  dressed  in  full  uniform,  the  sol 
diers  were  arranged  in  columns  and  marched  in  exact 
order,  the  sun  gleamed  from  their  burnished  arms,  the 
river  flowed  tranquilly  on  their  right,  and  the  deep 
forest  overshadowed  them  with  solemn  grandeur  on 
their  left  Officers  and  men  were  equally  inspirited 
with  cheering  nopes  and  confident  anticipations. 

"  In  this  manner  they  marched  forward  till  about  noon, 
when  they  arrived  at  the  second  crossing-place,  ten 
miles  from  Fort  Duquesne.  They  halted  but  a  little 
time,  and  then  began  to  ford  the  river  and  regain  its 
northern  bank.  As  soon  as  they  had  crossed,  they 
came  upon  a  level  plain,  elevated  only  a  few  feet  above 
the  surface  of  the  river,  and  extending  northward  nearly 
half  a  mile  from  its  margin.  Then  commenced  a  grad 
ual  ascent  at  an  angle  of  about  three  degrees,  which 
terminated  in  hills  of  a  considerable  height  at  no  great 
distance  beyond.  The  road  from  the  fording-place  to 
Fort  Duquesne  led  across  the  plain  and  up  this  ascent, 
and  thence  proceeded  through  an  uneven  country,  at 
that  time  covered  with  wood. 

"By  the  order  of  march,  a  body  of  three  hundred 
men,  under  Colonel  Gage,  made  the  advanced  party,, 

VOL.  I.  9  F  * 


66  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

which  was  immediately  followed  by  another  of  two 
hundred.  Next  came  the  general  with  the  columns 
of  artillery,  the  main  body  of  the  army,  and  the  bag 
gage.  At  one  o'clock,  the  whole  had  crossed  the  river, 
and  almost  at  this  moment  a  sharp  firing  was  heard 
upon  the  advanced  parties,  who  were  now  ascending 
the  hill,  and  had  proceeded  about  a  hundred  yards 
from  the  termination  of  the  plain.  A  heavy  discharge 
of  musketry  was  poured  in  upon  their  front,  which  was 
the  first  intelligence  they  had  of  the  proximity  of  an 
enemy,  and  this  was  suddenly  followed  by  another  on 
their  right  flank.  They  were  filled  with  the  greater 
consternation,  as  no  enemy  was  in  sight,  and  the  firing 
seemed  to  proceed  from  an  invisible  foe.  They  fired 
in  their  turn,  however,  but  quite  at  random  and  ob 
viously  without  effect. 

"  The  general  hastened  forward  to  the  relief  of  the 
advanced  parties ;  but,  before  he  could  reach  the  spot 
which  they  occupied,  they  gave  way  and  fell  back  upon 
-the  artillery  and  the  other  columns  of  the  army,  causing 
extreme  confusion,  and  striking  the  whole  mass  with 
such  a  panic,  that  no  order  could  afterwards  be  restored. 
The  general  and  the  officers  behaved  with  the  utmost 
•courage,  and  used  every  effort  to  rally  the  men,  and 
bring  them  to  order,  but  all  in  vain.  In  this  state  they 
continued  nearly  three  hours,  huddling  together  in  con 
fused  bodies,  firing  irregularly,  shooting  down  their 
own  officers  and  men,  and  doing  no  perceptible  harm 
to  the  enemy.  The  Virginia  provincials  were  the  only 
troops,  who  seemed  to  retain  their  senses,  and  they 
beliaved  with  a  bravery  and  resolution  worthy  of  a 
better  fate.  They  adopted  the  Indian  mode,  and  fought 
each  man  for  himself  behind  a  tree.  This  was  pro 
hibited  by  the  general,  who  endeavoured  to  form  his 
men  into  platoons  and  columns,  a3  if  they  had  been 


/ET.23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  67 

manoeuvring  on  the  plains  of  Flanders.  Meantime  the 
French  and  Indians,  concealed  in  the  ravines  and  be 
hind  trees,  kept  up  a  deadly  and  unceasing  discharge 
of  musketry,  singling  out  their  objects,  taking  delib 
erate  aim,  and  producing  a  carnage  almost  unparalleled 
in  the  annals  of  modern  warfare.  More  than  half  of 
the  whole  army,  which  had  crossed  the  river  in  so 
proud  an  array  only  three  hours  before,  were  killed 
or  wounded.  The  general  himself  received  a  mortal 
wound,  and  many  of  his  best  officers  fell  by  his  side."  * 
During  the  whole  of  the  action,  as  reported  by  an 
officer  who  witnessed  his  conduct,  Colonel  Washing 
ton  behaved  with  "  the  greatest  courage  and  resolu 
tion."  Captains  Orme  and  Morris,  the  two  other  aids- 
de-camp,  were  wounded  and  disabled,  and  the  duty 
of  distributing  the  general's  orders  devolved  on  him 
alone.  He  rode  in  every  direction,  and  was  a  con 
spicuous  mark  for  the  enemy's  sharp-shooters.  "By 
the  all-powerful  dispensations  of  Providence,"  said  he, 
in  a  letter  to  his  brother,  "I  have  been  protected  be 
yond  all  human  probability  or  expectation ;  for  I  had 
four  bullets  through  my  coat,  and  two  horses  shot  un 
der  me,  yet  I  escaped  unhurt,  although  death  was 
levelling  my  companions  on  every  side  of  me."  So 
bloody  a  contest  has  rarely  been  witnessed.  The 
number  of  officers  in  the  engagement  was  eighty-six, 
of  whom  twenty-six  were  killed,  and  thirty-seven 
wounded.  The  killed  and  wounded  of  the  privates 
amounted  to  seven  hundred  and  fourteen.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  enemy's  loss  was  small.  Their  force 
amounted  at  least  to  eight  hundred  and  fifty  men,  of 
whom  six  hundred  were  Indians.  According  to  the 
returns,  not  more  than  forty  were  killed.  They  fought 

*  See  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  II.  p.  469,    Appendix. 


C8  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

ia  deep  ravines,  concealed  by  the  bushes,  and  the  balls 
(  f  the  English  passed  over  their  heads. 

The  remnant  of  Braddock's  army  being  put  to  flight, 
jiiid  having  recrossed  the  river,  Colonel  Washington 
hastened  to  meet  Colonel  Dunbar,  and  order  up  horses 
iiad  wagons  for  the  wounded.  Three  days  were  oc 
cupied  in  retreating  to  Gist's  plantation.  The  enemy 
did  not  pursue  them.  Satiated  with  carnage  and  plun 
der,  the  Indians  could  not  be  tempted  from  the  battle- 
feld,  and  the  French  were  too  few  to  act  without  their 
;  d.  The  unfortunate  general,  dying  of  his  wounds, 
xvas  transported  first  in  a  tumbril,  then  on  a  horse,  and 
at  last  was  carried  by  the  soldiers.  He  expired  the 
fourth  day  after  the  battle,  and  was  buried  in  the  road 
near  Fort  Necessity.  A  new  panic  seized  the  troops ; 
disorder  and  confusion  reigned ;  the  artillery  was  de 
stroyed;  the  public  stores  and  heavy  baggage  were 
burnt,  no  one  could  tell  by  whose  orders;  nor  were 
discipline  and  tranquillity  restored,  till  the  straggling 
;aid  bewildered  companies  arrived  at  Fort  Cumberland. 
Colonel  Washington,  no  longer  connected  with  the 
service,  and  debilitated  by  his  late  illness,  stayed  there 
a  few  days  to  regain  strength,  and  then  returned  to 
Mount  Vernon.* 

*  A  report  has  long  been  current  in   Pennsylvania,  that   Braddock 
was  shot  by  one  of  his  own  men,  founded  on  the  declaration  of  a  pro 
vincial  soldier,  who  was  in  the  action.    There  is  another  tradition,  also, 
worthy  of  notice,  which  rests  on  the  authority  of  Dr.  Craik,  the  intimate 
friend  of  Washington  from  his  boyhood  to  his  death,  and  who  was  with 
him  at  the  battle  of  the  Monongahela.     Fifteen  years  after  that  event, 
they  travelled  together  on  an  expedition  to  the  western  country,  with 
11  party  of  woodsmen,  for  the  purpose  of  exploring  wild  lands.     While 
.  -sar  the  junction  of  the  Great  Kenhawa  and  Ohio  Rivers,  a  company 
Indians  came  to  them  with  an  interpreter,  at  the  head  of  whom  was 
»  aged  and  venerable  chief.     This  personage   made   known  to  them 
'  the  interpreter,  that,  hearing  Colonel  Washington  was  in  that  region, 
o  had  come  a  long  way  to  visit  him,  adding,  that,  during  the  battle  of  the 
ongahcla,  he  had  singled  him  out  as  a  conspicuous  object,  fired  his 


JST.23.]  LIFE    OP    WASHINGTON.  63 

Such  was  the  termination  of  an  enterprise,  one  of 
the  most  memorable  in  American  history,  and  almost 
unparalleled  for  its  disasters,  and  the  universal  disap 
pointment  and  consternation  it  occasioned.  Notwith 
standing  its  total  and  even  disgraceful  failure,  the  bit 
ter  invectives  everywhere  poured  out  against  its  prin 
cipal  conductors,  and  the  reproaches  heaped  upon  the 
memory  of  its  ill-fated  commander,  yet  the  fame  and 
character  of  Washington  were  greatly  enhanced  by  it, 
His  intrepidity  and  good  conduct  were  lauded  by  his 
companions  in  arms,  and  proclaimed  from  province  to 
province.  Contrary  to  his  will,  and  in  spite  of  his  efforts, 
he  had  gathered  laurels  from  the  defeat  and  ruin  of  others. 
Had  the  expedition  been  successful,  these  laurels  would 
have  adorned  the  brow  of  his  superiors.  It  might  have 
been  said  of  him,  that  he  had  done  his  duty,  and  ac 
quitted  himself  honorably ;  but  he  could  not  have  been 
the  prominent  and  single  object  of  public  regard ;  nor 
could  he,  by  a  long  series  of  common  events,  have, 
risen  to  so  high  an  eminence,  or  acquired  in  so  wid ; 
a  sphere  the  admiration  and  confidence  of  the  people. 
For  himself,  for  his  country,  for  mankind,  therefore; 
this  catastrophe,  in  appearance  so  calamitous  and  so 
deeply  deplored  at  the  time,  should  unquestionably  be 
considered  as  a  wise  and  beneficent  dispensation  of 
Providence. 

It  was  known,  that  he  gave  prudent  counsel  to 
General  Braddock,  which  was  little  heeded.  During 
the  march,  a  body  of  Indians  offered  their  services, 

rifle  at  him  many  times,  and  directed  his  young  warriors  to  do  the  same, 
but  to  his  utter  astonishment  none  of  their  balls  took  effect  He  was 
then  persuaded,  that  the  youthful  hero  was  under  the  special  guardian 
ship  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and  ceased  to  fire  at  him  any  longer.  He  was 
now  come  to  pay  homage  to  the  man,  who  was  the  particular  favorite 
of  Heaven,  and  who  could  never  die  in  battle." —  Washington's  Writing-, 
Vol.  II.  p.  475,  Appendix. 


70  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

which,  at  the  earnest  recommendation  and  request  of 
Washington,  were  accepted,  but  in  so  cold  a  manner, 
and  the  Indians  were  treated  with  so  much  neglect, 
that  they  withdrew  one  after  another  in  disgust.  On 
the  evening  preceding  the  action,  they  came  again  to 
camp,  and  renewed  their  offer.  Again  Colonel  Wash 
ington  interposed,  and  urged  the  importance  of  these 
men  as  scouts  and  out-guards,  their  knowledge  of  the 
ground,  and  skill  in  fighting  among  woods.  Relying 
on  the  prowess  of  his  regular  troops,  and  disdaining 
such  allies,  the  general  peremptorily  refused  to  receive 
them,  in  a  tone  not  more  decided  than  ungracious.* 
Had  a  scouting  party  of  a  dozen  Indians  preceded  the 
army  after  it  crossed  the  Monongahela,  they  would 
have  detected  the  enemy  in  the  ravines,  and  reversed 
the  fortunes  of  the  day. 

General  Braddock  was  a  brave  man  and  an  expe 
rienced  officer;  but,  arrogant  and  obstinate,  he  had 
the  weakness,  at  all  times  a  folly  and  in  his  case  an 
infatuation,  to  despise  his  enemy.  Ignorant  of  the 
country,  of  the  mode  of  warfare  in  which  he  was  en 
gaged,  and  of  the  force  opposed  to  him,  he  refused 
counsel,  neglected  precautions,  and  thus  lost  his  life. 

*  This  was  told  to  me  by  William  Butler,  a  very  old  man,  who  had 

been  a  soldier  in  the  action  of  the  Monongahela,  and  who  said  he  was 

standing  as  sentinel  at  the  door  of  the  General's  tent,  and  heard  the 

conversation.    Seventy-five  years  after  the  battle,  there  were  at  least 

wo  men  living  in  Pennsylvania,  who  were  engaged  in  it. 


jEr.23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  71 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Colonel  Washington  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Virginia 
Forces.  —  Distresses  of  the  Frontier  Inhabitants.  —  Reforms  in  the 
Arrangement  and  Discipline  of  the  Army.— Difficulties  with  an  Officer 
holding  a  King's  Commission  concerning  Rank.  —  Washington  visits 
General  Shirley  at  Boston  upon  this  Subject.  —  His  Claim  confirmed 
—  Returns  and  repairs  to  his  Head-quarters  at  Winchester.  —  Embar 
rassments  of  his  Situation.  —  Testimonies  of  Confidence  in  his  Char 
acter  and  Ability.  —  Occurrences  of  the  Campaign.  —  Incursions  of 
the  Savages.  —  Plan  of  Fortifications  for  the  Interior.  —  Fort  Cum 
berland.  —  Memorial  presented  by  Colonel  Washington  to  the  Earl  of 
Loudoun  on  the  State  of  Military  Affairs  in  Virginia. 

ALTHOUGH  Colonel  Washington  retired  to  a  pri 
vate  station  at  Mount  Vernon,  he  did  not  neglect  his 
duties  to  the  public.  Still  holding  the  office  of  adjutant- 
general  of  the  militia,  he  circulated  orders  for  them  to 
assemble  at  certain  times  and  places  to  be  exercised 
and  reviewed.  So  much  were  the  inhabitants  alarmed 
at  the  recent  successes  of  the  enemy,  that  their  mar 
tial  spirit  received  a  new  impulse,  and  volunteer  com 
panies  began  to  be  organized.  Their  ardor  was  stim 
ulated  from  the  pulpit,  and  it  was  in  a  sermon  to  one 
of  these  companies,  that  the  accomplished  and  eloquent 
Samuel  Davies  pronounced  the  celebrated  encomium 
in  a  single  sentence,  which  has  often  been  quoted  as 
prophetic.  After  praising  the  zeal  and  courage,  which 
had  been  shown  by  the  Virginia  troops,  the  preacher 
added  ;  "  As  a  remarkable  instance  of  this,  I  may  point 
out  to  the  public  that  heroic  youth,  Colonel  Wash 
ington,  whom  I  cannot  but  hope  Providence  has  hith 
erto  preserved  in  so  signal  a  manner  for  some  important 
service  to  his  country."  This  was  but  the  echo  of 
the  general  voice,  and  it  is  a  proof  of  the  high  esti 
mation  in  which  the  character  of  Washington  was  at 


72  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

this  time  held  by  his  countrymen,  and  of  the  hopes  it 

had  raised. 

Another  and  more  substantial  proof  soon  followed. 
The  Virginia  legislature  voted  forty  thousand  pounds 
for  the  public  service,  and  enlarged  their  regiment  to 
sixteen  companies.  Three  hundred  pounds,  were  like 
wise  granted  to  Colonel  Washington,  and  proportional 
sums  to  the  other  officers  and  privates,  "  for  their  gal 
lant  behaviour  and  losses "  at  the  battle  of  the  Mo- 
nongahela. 

While  the  bill  was  pending,  his  friends  in  the  As 
sembly  wrote   to   him,  urging  his  attendance  at  Wil- 
liamsburg,  and  expressing  their  wishes,  that  he  might 
be  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  army  under  its 
new  organization.     Interest  was  made  for  another  per 
son,  which  was  known   to   be   countenanced   by   the 
governor's   predilections.     To   these  letters,   and   par 
ticularly  to  one  from  his  elder  brother,  then  a  member 
of  the  Assembly,  he   replied   in   language   worthy  of 
himself,  dignified,  disinterested,  firm.     He  said  that  he 
had  served  two  campaigns,  besides  performing  a  per 
ilous  journey,  had   suffered  much   in   his   health    and 
affairs,  had  been  deprived  of  his  commission  in  a  way 
to  wound  his  feelings,  had  gone  out  and  fought  as  a 
volunteer,  and  that  the  result  of  the  whole  was  vexa 
tion  and  disappointment.     He  added,  however,  "I  am 
always  willing   and   ready  to  render  my  country  any 
services  that  I  am  capable  of,  but  never  upon  the  terms 
I  have  done."     He  did  not  absolutely  refuse  to  accept 
the  command,  if  it  should  be  offered,  but  said  he  would 
not  seek   what  he  did  not  covet,  nor  be   thought  to 
solicit  what  he  would  receive  only  as  voluntarily  be 
stowed   by   his   countrymen.     Standing   on    this    high 
ground,  he  prescribed  several  conditions  as  essential; 
among  others,  a  voice  in  choosing  his  officers,  a  better 


^ET.23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  73 

system  of  military  regulations,  more  promptness  in  pay 
ing  the  troops,  and  a  thorough  reform,  inducing  activ 
ity  and  method,  in  all  the  departments  for  procuring 
supplies. 

No  one,  probably,  was  more  surprised  than  himself, 
that  all  his  requisitions  should  be  complied  with.  The 
appointment  was  confirmed  in  the  fullest  latitude  of 
his  demands,  with  the  additional  privilege  of  an  aid- 
de-camp  and  secretary.  He  had  been  at  home  but 
four  weeks,  when  he  was  called  to  Williamsburg  to 
receive  his  instructions  and  make  arrangements  for  or 
ganizing  the  new  army.  Public  opinion  had  subdued 
the  governor's  partiality  for  another  candidate,  and  he 
acquiesced  with  apparent  satisfaction.  In  a  letter  to 
the  ministry,  he  spoke  of  Colonel  Washington  as  "a 
man  of  great  merit  and  resolution,"  adding,  "  I  am  con 
vinced,  if  General  Braddock  had  survived,  he  would 
have  recommended  him  to  the  royal  favor,  which  I 
beg  your  interest  in  recommending."  How  far  the 
minister's  interest  was  effectual  is  uncertain  ;  but  no 
royal  favor  to  Washington  ever  crossed  the  Atlantic. 

Being  now  established  in  a  command  of  high  respon 
sibility,  he  applied  himself  to  the  discharge  of  its  duties 
with  his  accustomed  energy  and  circumspection.  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Adam  Stephen  and  Major  Andrew 
Lewis  were  the  field-officers  next  in  rank.  His  head 
quarters  were  fixed  at  Winchester.  After  putting  af 
fairs  in  train,  sending  out  recruiting  officers,  and  re 
porting  to  the  governor  the  state  of  the  old  regiment 
and  estimates  for  the  new,  he  performed  a  tour  of 
inspection  among  the  mountains,  visiting  all  the  out 
posts  along  the  frontier  from  Fort  Cumberland  to  Fort 
Dinwiddie  on  Jackson's  River,  giving  the  necessary 
orders,  and  obtaining,  from  personal  observation,  a 
knowledge  of  every  thing  within  the  compass  of  his 

VOL.  I.  10  G 


74  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON  [1755. 

command.  Scarcely  was  this  service  completed,  when 
an  express  overtook  him,  on  his  way  to  Williamsburg, 
bringing  intelligence  that  the  Indians  had  broken  in 
to  the  "back  settlements,  committed  ravages  and  mur 
ders,  and  spread  terror  on  every  side.  He  hastened 
back  to  head-quarters,  called  in  the  recruits,  sum 
moned  the  militia  to  assemble,  and  ordered  out  such 
a  force  as  he  could  muster  to  repel  the  ruthless  in 
vaders.  The  check  was  timely  and  effectual,  but  not 
such  as  to  quiet  the  fears  of  the  inhabitants,  who  flock 
ed  in  families  from  their  homes;  and  so  great  was 
the  panic,  that  many  of  them  continued  their  flight 
till  they  had  crossed  the  Blue  Ridge. 

On  this  occasion  the  patience  and  sensibility  of  the 
commander,  as  well  as  his  discretion  and  address,  were 
put  to  a  severe  trial.  On  one  hand,  he  witnessed  with 
an  aching  heart  the  dangers,  wants,  and  distresses 
of  the  inhabitants ;  on  the  other,  he  experienced  all 
the  evils  of  insubordination  among  the  troops,  per- 
verseness  in  the  militia,  inactivity  in  the  officers,  dis 
regard  of  orders,  and  reluctance  in  the  civil  authorities 
to  render  a  proper  support.  And  what  added  to  his 
mortification  was,  that  the  laws  gave  him  no  power  to 
correct  these  evils,  either  by  enforcing  discipline,  or 
compelling  the  indolent  and  refractory  to  do  their  duty. 
The  army  regulations  had  been  reformed,  but  they 
were  still  deficient  in  the  essential  articles  for  prevent 
ing  desertions,  punishing  offences,  and  securing  obe 
dience.  The  militia  system  was  suited  only  to  times 
of  peace.  It  provided  for  calling  out  men  to  repel 
invasion;  but  the  powers  granted  for  effecting  it  were 
so  limited,  as  to  be  almost  inoperative. 

These  defects,  and  their  fatal  consequences,  were 
represented  in  strong  language  by  Colonel  Washington, 
in  his  official  communications  to  the  governor  and  to 


jET.23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  75 

the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly.  All  ears  seemed  dull 
to  his  remonstrances  and  closed  to  his  counsels.  Such, 
to  use  his  own  words,  was  the  fear  of  displeasing  the 
people,  who  were  "  so  tenacious  of  their  liberty,  as  not 
to  invest  a  power  where  interest  and  policy  so  unan 
swerably  demanded  it."  By  dint  of  perseverance, 
however,  by  attending  in  person  at  the  seat  of  govern 
ment  and  conversing  with  individual  members,  by  per 
suasion  and  argument,  by  force  of  truth  and  reason, 
he  at  last  prevailed.  A  bill  was  carried  through  the 
House,  in  which  were  included  all  the  articles  required, 
providing  for  the  punishment  of  mutiny,  desertion,  and 
disobedience,  for  holding  courts -martial,  and  for  main 
taining  order  and  discipline.  This  success  relieved  him 
from  a  weight,  which  had  hung  heavily  upon  his 
thoughts.  It  was  also  a  gratifying  testimony  of  the 
respect  entertained  for  his  opinions  and  judgment.  He 
returned  to  his  station  with  a  renovated  spirit.  It  was 
too  late  in  the  season  to  meditate  a  campaign,  or  of 
fensive  operations.  To  fill  up  the  army,  reduce  it  to 
method,  train  the  men,  strengthen  and  secure  the  out 
posts,  construct  new  forts,  and  provide  supplies  for 
the  winter,  were  the  objects  demanding  his  attention. 
These  tasks  were  executed  with  unremitted  assiduity. 
When  his  presence  could  be  dispensed  with  at  head 
quarters,  he  visited  the  places  of  rendezvous  and  the 
principal  posts,  exercising,  by  his  orders  and  personal 
oversight,  a  general  superintendence,  and  thus  pro 
moting  unity,  system,  and  efficiency  in  every  part. 

There  was  a  circumstance  at  this  time  connected 
with  his  command,  which  caused  discontent  both  to 
himself  and  his  officers.  At  Fort  Cumberland  was  a 
Captain  Dagworthy,  commissioned  by  Governor  Sharpe, 
who  had  under  him  a  small  company  of  Maryland 
troops.  This  person  had  held  a  royal  commission  in 


76  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1756. 

the  last  war,  upon  which  he  now  plumed  himself,  re 
fusing  obedience  to  any  provincial  officer,  however 
high^in  rank.  Hence,  whenever  Colonel  Washington 
was  at  Fort  Cumberland,  the  Maryland  captain  would 
pay  no  regard  to  his  orders.  The  example  was  mis 
chievous,  and  kept  the  garrison  in  perpetual  feuds  and 
insubordination.  The  affair  was  laid  in  due  form  be 
fore  Governor  Dinwiddie,  and  his  positive  order  in  the 
case  was  requested.  Not  caring  to  venture  his  au 
thority  in  deciding  a  doubtful  question,  the  governor 
refrained  from  interference,  but  at  the  same  time  told 
Colonel  Washington  that  the  pretensions  of  Dagworthy 
were  frivolous ;  and  he  seemed  not  a  little  incensed, 
that  a  captain  with  thirty  men  should  presume  to  dis 
pute  the  rank  of  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Vir 
ginia  forces,  who  had  been  commissioned  under  his 
own  hand.  In  short,  he  intimated  to  Colonel  Wash 
ington,  that  Dagworthy  might  be  arrested,  according 
to  military  usage ;  taking  care,  nevertheless,  to  give 
no  order  on  the  subject. 

This  vacillation  of  the  governor  only  increased  the 
embarrassment.  In  the  first  place,  the  fort  was  in 
Maryland,  and  Dagworthy  acted  under  the  governor 
of  that  colony,  who  was  known  to  encourage  his  claim. 
Again,  in  General  Braddock's  time,  Dagworthy,  on 
the  ground  of  his  old  commission,  had  been  put  above 
provincial  officers  of  higher  rank.  With  these  prece 
dents  before  him,  Colonel  Washington  did  not  choose 
to  hazard  an  arrest,  for  which  he  might  himself  be 
called  to  account.  He  was  prompt,  however,  in  his 
determination,  either  to  resign  his  commission,  as  he 
had  formerly  done  for  a  similar  reason,  or  to  have  this 
difficulty  removed. 

As  a  last  resort,  it  was  proposed  to  refer  the  matter 
to  General  Shirley,  now  the  commander-in-chief  of  his 


/Ex.23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  77 

Majesty's  armies  in  America;  and  it  was  the  request 
of  the  officers,  that  the  petition  should  be  presented 
by  Colonel  Washington  in  person.  The  proposal  was 
approved  by  the  governor,  who  consented  to  his  ab 
sence,  and  furnished  him  with  letters  to  the  General 
and  other  persons  of  distinction. 

Despatching  orders  to  Colonel  Stephen,  who  was 
left  with  the  command  of  the  Virginia  troops,  he  made 
no  delay  in  preparing  for  his  departure.  He  commenced 
his  tour  on  the  4th  of  February,  1756.  General  Shir 
ley  was  at  Boston.  A  journey  of  five  hundred  miles 
was  to  be  performed  in  the  depth  of  winter.  Attended 
by  his  aid-de-camp,  Captain  Mercer,  and  by  Captain 
Stewart,  he  travelled  the  whole  way  on  horseback, 
pursuing  the  route  through  Philadelphia,  New  York, 
New  London,  and  Rhode  Island.  He  stopped  several 
days  in  the  principal  cities,  where  his  character,  and 
the  curiosity  to  see  a  person  so  renowned  for  his  bra 
very  and  miraculous  escape  at  Braddock's  defeat,  pro 
cured  for  him  much  notice.  He  was  politely  received 
by  General  Shirley,  who  acceded  to  his  petition  in  its 
fullest  extent,  giving  a  pointed  order  in  writing,  that 
Dagworthy  should  be  subject  to  his  command.  The 
journey  was  advantageous  in  other  respects.  The 
plan  of  operations  for  the  coming  campaign  was  ex 
plained  to  him  by  the  General ;  and  he  formed  acquaint 
ances  and  acquired  knowledge  eminently  useful  to  him 
at  a  future  day.  He  was  absent  from  Virginia  seven 
weeks. 

While  in  New  York,  he  was  lodged  and  kindly  en 
tertained  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Beverley  Robinson,  be 
tween  whom  and  himself  an  intimacy  of  friendship 
subsisted,  which  indeed  continued  without  change,  till 
severed  by  their  opposite  fortunes  twenty  years  after 
wards  in  the  revolution.  It  happened  that  Miss  Mary 


78  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

Phillips,  a  sister  of  Mrs.  Robinson,  and  a  young  lady 
of  rare  accomplishments,  was  an  inmate  in  the  family. 
The  charms  of  this  lady  made  a  deep  impression  upon 
the  heart  of  the  Virginia  Colonel.  He  went  to  Bos 
ton,  returned,  and  was  again  welcomed  to  the  hos 
pitality  of  Mr.  Robinson.  He  lingered  there,  till  duty 
called  him  away;  but  he  was  careful  to  intrust  his 
secret  to  a  confidential  friend,  whose  letters  kept  him 
informed  of  every  important  event.  In  a  few  months 
intelligence  came,  that  a  rival  was  in  the  field,  and 
that  the  consequences  could  not  be  answered  for,  if 
he  delayed  to  renew  his  visits  to  New  York.  Whether 
time,  the  bustle  of  a  camp,  or  the  scenes  of  war,  had 
moderated  his  admiration,  or  whether  he  despaired  of 
success,  is  not  known.  He  never  saw  the  lady  again, 
till  she  was  married  to  that  same  rival,  Captain  Mor 
ris,  his  former  associate  in  arms,  and  one  of  Braddock's 
aids-de-camp. 

He  had  before  felt  the  influence  of  the  tender  pas 
sion.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  was  smitten  by  the 
graces  of  a  fair  one,  whom  he  called  a  "  Lowland 
beauty,"  and  whose  praises  he  recorded  in  glowing 
strains,  while  wandering  with  his  surveyor's  compass 
among  the  Allegany  Mountains.  On  that  occasion  he 
wrote  desponding  letters  to  a  friend,  and  indited  plain 
tive  verses,  but  never  ventured  to  reveal  his  emotions 
to  the  lady,  who  was  unconsciously  the  cause  of  his 
pains. 

As  the  Assembly  was  to  convene  just  at  the  time  of 
his  return,  he  hastened  to  Williamsburg  in  order  to  ma 
ture  a  plan  for  employing  the  army  during  the  summer. 
The  idea  of  offensive  operations  was  abandoned  at  the 
outset.  Neither  artillery,  engineers,  nor  the  means 
of  transportation  necessary  for  such  an  object,  could 
be  procured.  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland,  aroused 


^T.24.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  79 

at  last  from  their  apathy,  had  appropriated  money  for 
defence  ;  but,  not  inclined  to  unite  with  Virginia  or 
each  other  in  any  concerted  measures,  they  were  con 
tented  to  expend  their  substance  in  fortifying  their 
own  borders.  If  a  more  liberal  policy  had  predomi 
nated,  if  these  colonies  had  smothered  their  local  jeal 
ousies,  and  looked  only  to  their  common  interests,  they 
might  by  a  single  combined  effort  have  driven  the 
French  from  the  Ohio,  and  rested  in  quiet  the  remain 
der  of  the  war.  There  being  no  hope  of  such  a  result, 
it  was  foreseen  by  the  Virginians,  that  the  most  stren 
uous  exertions  would  be  requisite  to  defend  the  long 
line  of  their  frontiers  against  the  inroads  of  the  savages. 

The  Assembly  readily  came  to  a  determination,  there 
fore,  to  augment  the  army  to  fifteen  hundred  men.  A 
bill  was  enacted  for  drafting  militia  to  supply  the  de 
ficiency  of  recruits,  and  commissioners  were  appointed 
to  superintend  the  business,  of  whom  the  Speaker  was 
chairman.  These  drafted  men  were  to  serve  till  De 
cember,  to  be  incorporated  into  the  army,  and  subjected 
to  the  military  code.  By  an  express  clause  in  the  law, 
they  could  not  be  marched  out  of  the  province. 

Colonel  Washington  repaired  to  his  head-quarters 
at  Winchester.  A  few  men  only  were  stationed  there, 
the  regiment  being  mostly  dispersed  at  different  posts 
in  the  interior,  so  situated  as  to  afford  the  best  pro 
tection  to  the  inhabitants.  The  enemy  were  on  the 
alert.  Scarcely  a  day  passed  without  new  accounts  of 
Indian  depredations  and  massacres.  The  scouting 
parties  and  even  the  forts  were  attacked,  and  many  of 
the  soldiers  and  some  of  the  bravest  officers  killed. 
So  bold  were  the  savages,  that  they  committed  rob 
beries  and  murders  within  twenty  miles  of  Winchester, 
and  serious  apprehensions  were  entertained  for  the 
safety  of  that  place.  The  feelings  of  the  commander, 


80  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1756. 

deeply  affected  by  the  scenes  he  witnessed,  and  his 
inability  to  extend  relief,  are  vividly  portrayed  in  a 
letter  to  the  governor. 

«  Your  Honor  may  see,"  said  he,  "  to  what  unhappy 
straits  the  distressed  inhabitants  and  myself  are  reduced. 
I  am  too  little  acquainted,  Sir,  with  pathetic  language 
to   attempt   a  description   of  the    people's    distresses, 
though  I  have   a  generous  soul,  sensible   of  wrongs, 
and  swelling  for  redress.     But  what  can  I  do  ?     I  see 
their  situation,  know  their  danger,  and  participate  their 
sufferings,  without  having  it  in  my  power  to  give  them 
further  relief,  than  uncertain  promises.     In  short,  I  see 
inevitable  destruction  in  so  clear  a  light,  that,  unless 
vigorous   measures   are   taken  by   the   Assembly,  and 
speedy  assistance  sent  from  below,  the  poor  inhabitants 
that  are  now  in  forts,  must  unavoidably  fall,  while  the 
remainder  are  flying  before  the  barbarous  foe.     In  fine, 
the  melancholy  situation  of  the  people,  the  little  pros 
pect   of   assistance,   the   gross   and    scandalous    abuse 
cast  upon   the   officers  in  general,  which  is  reflecting 
upon  me  in  particular,  for  suffering  misconduct  of  such 
extraordinary  kinds,  and  the  distant  prospect,  if  any, 
of  gaining  honor  and  reputation  in  the  service,  —  cause 
me  to  lament  the  hour   that  gave  me  a  commission, 
and  would  induce  me,  at  any  other  time  than  this  of 
imminent  danger,  to  resign,  without  one  hesitating  mo 
ment,  a  command   from  which  I  never  expect  to  reap 
either  honor  or  benefit;   but,  on   the   contrary,  have 
almost   an   absolute  certainty  of  incurring   displeasure 
below,  while  the  murder  of  helpless   families  may  be 
laid  to  my  account  here !     The  supplicating  tears  of 
the   women,  and   moving  petitions   of  the   men,  melt 
me  into  such  deadly  sorrow,  that  I  solemnly  declare, 
know  my  own  mind,  I  could  offer  myself  a  willing 
sacrifice  to  the  butchering  enemy,  provided  that  would 
contribute  to  the  people's  ease." 


J3T.24.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  81 

These  agonizing  sensations  were  heightened  by  a  cir 
cumstance  here  alluded  to,  the  more  painful  because  he 
conceived  it  to  be  the  offspring  of  injustice  and  ingrat 
itude,  and  a  reflection  upon  his  honor  and  fidelity  as 
an  officer.  Rumors  were  circulated  to  the  disparage 
ment  of  the  army,  charging  the  officers  with  gross 
irregularities  and  neglect  of  duty,  and  indirectly  throw 
ing  the  blame  upon  the  commander.  A  malicious 
person  filled  a  gazette  with  tales  of  this  sort,  which 
seemed  for  the  moment  to  receive  public  countenance. 
Conscious  of  having  acted  with  the  utmost  vigilance, 
knowing  the  falsehood  and  wickedness  of  these  slan 
ders,  and  indignant  at  so  base  a  manoeuvre  to  stain 
his  character,  it  was  his  first  impulse  to  retire  from  a 
station,  in  which  patriotism,  the  purest  intentions,  hard 
ships,  and  sacrifices,  were  rewarded  only  with  calumny 
and  reproach. 

This  intimation  was  viewed  by  his  friends  in  the 
House  of  Burgesses  and  the  Council  with  much  con 
cern,  as  their  letters  testified.  Mingling  approbation 
with  remonstrance,  and  praise  with  advice,  they  made 
such  representations,  as  it  was  not  easy  for  him  to 
disregard.  "  You  cannot  but  know,"  said  Landon  Car 
ter,  "  that  nothing  but  want  of  power  in  your  country  * 
has  prevented  it  from  adding  every  honor  and  reward 
that  perfect  merit  could  have  entitled  itself  to.  How 
are  we  grieved  to  hear  Colonel  George  Washington 
hinting  to  his  country,  that  he  is  willing  to  retire ! 
Give  me  leave,  as  your  intimate  friend,  to  persuade 
you  to  forget,  that  any  thing  has  been  said  to  your 
dishonor ;  and  recollect,  that  it  could  not  have  come 
from  any  man  that  knew  you.  And,  as  it  may  have 
been  the  artifice  of  one  in  no  esteem  among  your 

*  Meaning  by  country  the   popular  branch  of  the  legislature,  or  the 
people  of  Virginia  generally. 
VOL.    I.  11 


82  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1756. 

countrymen,  to  raise  in  you  such  unjust  suspicions 
would  induce  you  to  desert  the  cause    that  his  own 
preferment  might  meet  with  no  obstacle,  I  am  confident 
you   will   endeavour  to  give  us  the   good  effects,  not 
only  of  duty,  but  of  great  cheerfulness  and  satis  action 
in  such  a  service.     No,  Sir,  rather  let  Braddock  s  bed 
be  your  aim,  than  any  thing  that  might  discolor  those 
laurels,  which  I  promise  myself  are  kept  in  store  for 
you"      Another    friend  wrote;    "From   my   constant 
attendance  in  the  House,  I  can  with  great  truth  say, 
I   never  heard   your  conduct  questioned.     Whenever 
you  are  mentioned,  it  is  with  the   greatest    respect. 
Your  orders  and  instructions  appear  in  a  light  worthy 
of  the  most  experienced  officer.     I   can   assure   you, 
that  a  very  great  majority  of  the  House  prefer  you  to 
any  other  person." 

Colonel  Fairfax,  his  early  patron,  and  a  member  of 
the  governor's  Council,  wrote  in  terms  still  more  sooth 
ing.     "Your  endeavours   in   the  service   and   defence 
of  your  country  must  redound  to  your  honor ;   there 
fore   do  not  let  any  unavoidable  interruptions  sicken 
your  mind   in   the  attempts  you   may   pursue.     Your 
good  health  and  fortune  are  the  toast  of  every  table. 
Among  the  Romans,  such  a  general  acclamation  and 
public  regard,  shown  to  any  of  their  chieftains,  were 
always  esteemed  a  high  honor,  and  gratefully  accepted." 
The  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  expressed  sim 
ilar  sentiments,  in  language  equally  flattering  and  kind. 
*  Our  hopes,  dear  George,  are  all  fixed   on   you   for 
bringing   our  affairs   to   a  happy   issue.     Consider   of 
what  fatal  consequences  to  your  country  your  resigning 
the  command  at  this  time   may  be ;   more   especially 
as  there  is  no  doubt  most  of  the  officers  would  follow 
your  example.    I  hope  you  will  allow  your  ruling  pas 
sion,  the  love  of  your  country,  to  stifle  your  resent- 


.ET.24.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  83 

ment,  at  least  till  the  arrival  of  Lord  Loudoun,  or  the 
meeting  of  the  Assembly,  when  you  may  be  sure  of 
having  justice  done.  Who  those  of  your  pretended 
friends  are,  who  give  credit  to  the  malicious  reflections 
in  that  scandalous  libel,  I  assure  you  I  am  ignorant, 
and  do  declare,  that  I  never  heard  any  man  of  honor 
or  reputation  speak  the  least  disrespectfully  of  you,  or 
censure  your  conduct,  and  there  is  no  well-wisher  to 
his  country,  that  would  not  be  greatly  concerned  to 
hear  of  your  resigning." 

The  same  solicitude  was  manifested  by  many  per 
sons  in  different  parts  of  the  province.  A  voice  so 
loud  and  so  unanimous  he  could  not  refuse  to  obey. 
By  degrees  the  plot  was  unravelled.  The  governor, 
being  a  Scotchman,  was  surrounded  by  a  knot  of  his 
Caledonian  friends,  who  wished  to  profit  by  this  alli 
ance,  and  obtain  for  themselves  a  larger  share  of  con 
sideration,  than  they  could  command  in  the  present 
order  of  things.  The  discontented,  and  such  as  thought 
their  merits  undervalued,  naturally  fell  into  this  faction 
To  create  dissatisfaction  in  the  army,  and  cause  the 
officers  to  resign  from  disgust,  would  not  only  distract 
the  councils  of  the  ruling  party,  but  make  room  for 
new  promotions.  Colonel  Innes,  the  governor's  favor 
ite,  would  ascend  to  the  chief  command,  and  the  sub 
ordinate  places  would  be  reserved  for  his  adherents. 
Hence  false  rumors  were  set  afloat,  and  the  pen  of  de 
traction  was  busy  to  disseminate  them.  The  artifice 
was  easily  seen  through,  and  its  aims  were  defeated, 
by  the  leaders  on  the  patriotic  side,  who  looked  to 
Colonel  Washington  as  a  pillar  of  support  to  their  cause. 

The  campaign,  being  a  defensive  one,  presented  no 
opportunities  for  acquiring  glory ;  but  the  demands  on 
the  resources  and  address  of  the  commander  were  not 
the  less  pressing.  The  scene  varied  little  from  that 


84  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1756. 

of  the  preceding  year,  except  that  the  difficulties  were 
more  numerous  and  complicated.  There  were  the  same 
unceasing  incursions  of  the  savages,  but  more  sangui 
nary  and  terrifying,  the  same  tardiness  in  the  enlist 
ments,  the  same  troubles  with  the  militia,  the  same 
neglect  in  supplying  the  wants  of  the  army ;  and  on 
every  side  were  heard  murmurs  of  discontent  from  the 
soldiers,  and  cries  of  distress  from  the  inhabitants. 

And  what  increased  these  vexations  was,  that  the 
governor,  tenacious  of  his  authority,  intrusted  as  little 
power  as  possible  to  the  head  of  the  army.     Totally 
unskilled  in  military  affairs,  and  residing  two  hundred 
miles  from  the  scene  of  action,  he  yet  undertook  to 
regulate   the    principal    operations,   sending    expresses 
back  and  forth,  and  issuing   vague  and   contradictory 
orders,   seldom   adapted    to    circumstances,   frequently 
impracticable.     This  absurd  interference  was  borne  with 
becoming  patience  and  fortitude  by  the  commander- 
in-chief;   but  not  without  keen   remonstrance   to   the 
Speaker  of  the   Assembly   and   other  friends,  against 
being  made  responsible  for  military  events,  while  the 
power  to   control  them   was   withheld,  or   so   heavily 
clogged  as  to  paralyze  its  action.     The  patriotic  party 
in   the  legislature   sympathized   with   him,  and  would 
gladly  have  procured   redress,  had   not  the  governor 
possessed  prerogatives,  which  they  could  not  encroach 
upon,  and  which  he   seemed   ambitious   to   exercise ; 
the  more  so,  perhaps,  as  the  leaders  of  the  majority, 
learning  his  foible  in  this  respect,  had  thwarted  many  of 
his  schemes,  and  especially  had  assumed  to  themselves 
the    appropriation    of   the    public    moneys,   which    by 
ancient  usage  had  been  under  the  direction  of  the  gov 
ernor  and  Council. 

The  summer  and  autumn  were  passed  in  skirmishes 
with  the  Indians,  repairing  the  old  forts,  and  building 


jEr.24.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  85 

new  ones.  By  the  advice  of  Colonel  Washington  a 
large  fort  was  begun  at  Winchester,  as  a  depository 
for  the  military  stores,  and  a  rallying-point  for  the  set 
tlers  and  troops,  should  they  be  driven  from  the  fron 
tiers.  It  was  called  Fort  Loudoun,  in  honor  of  the 
Earl  of  Loudoun,  who  had  now  succeeded  General 
Shirley  in  the  American  command. 

Another  enterprise  of  greater  magnitude  was  like 
wise  set  on  foot  by  order  of  the  Assembly  ;  which  was 
a  line  of  forts  extending  through  the  ranges  of  the 
Allegany  Mountains  from  the  Potomac  River  to  the 
borders  of  North  Carolina,  a  distance  of  more  than 
three  hundred  miles,  thus  forming  a  barrier  to  the 
whole  frontier.  The  scheme  was  not  liked  by  the 
governor.  Colonel  Washington  disapproved  it.  He 
objected,  that  the  forts  would  be  too  far  asunder  to 
support  each  other,  that  the  Indians  might  pass  be 
tween  them  unmolested,  that  they  would  be  expen 
sive,  and  cause  the  troops  to  be  so  much  dispersed 
as  to  prevent  their  being  brought  together  on  an  emer 
gency,  thus  tempting  the  enemy  to  come  out  in  large 
parties  and  attack  the  weaker  points.  He  believed, 
that  three  or  four  strong  garrisons  would  constitute  a 
better  defence.  In  conformity  with  his  instructions, 
however,  he  drew  up  a  plan  embracing  a  chain  of 
twenty-three  forts,  and  fixing  their  several  positions. 
He  sent  out  parties  to  execute  the  works,  and  visited 
them  himself  from  time  to  time.  On  one  occasion  he 
made  a  tour  throughout  the  whole  line  to  the  southern 
limits  of  Virginia,  exposed  to  imminent  danger  from 
the  savages,  who  hovered  around  the  small  forts,  and 
lay  in  wait  to  intercept  and  murder  all  who  came  in 
their  way. 

In  the  midst  of  these  toils,  another  source  of  vexa 
tion  occurred  in  the  affair  of  Fort  Cumberland.  As 

VOL.  I.  H 


86  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1756 

this  was  now  an  outpost  accessible  to  the  enemy, 
easily  assailed  from  the  hills  surrounding  it,  and  con 
taining  a  large  quantity  of  stores,  which  required  a 
guard  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  who  might  sud 
denly  be  cut  off,  Colonel  Washington  advised  the  re 
moval  of  the  stores  to  a  safer  position.  The  post  was, 
moreover,  in  Maryland,  and  ought  to  be  supported,  if 
kept  up  at  all,  at  the  expense  of  that  colony.  For 
some  reason  not  explained,  the  governor  had  set  his 
heart  on  retaining  Fort  Cumberland.  He  said  it  was 
a  King's  fort,  and  he  wrote  to  Lord  Loudoun  in  such 
terms,  as  to  draw  from  him,  not  only  a  peremptory 
order  to  keep  the  fort,  but  an  implied  censure  on  the 
designs  and  conduct  of  Colonel  Washington  in  regard 
to  it.  So  far  did  the  governor  suffer  his  warmth  and 
obstinacy  to  carry  him,  that  he  ordered  Fort  Cumber 
land  to  be  strengthened  by  calling  in  the  smaller  gar 
risons,  and  even  drawing  away  the  troops  from  Win 
chester,  thus  deranging  the  plan  of  operations,  which 
the  Assembly  had  authorized,  and  which  the  whole 
army  had  been  employed  during  the  season  to  effect. 
It  is  no  wonder,  that  the  commander's  patience 
and  equanimity  began  to  forsake  him.  In  a  letter  to 
the  Speaker,  he  said ;  "  The  late  order  reverses,  con 
fuses,  and  incommodes  every  thing;  to  say  nothing 
of  the  extraordinary  expense  of  carriage,  disappoint 
ments,  losses,  and  alterations,  which  must  fall  heavy 
on  the  country.  Whence  it  arises,  or  why,  I  am  truly 
ignorant;  but  my  strongest  representations  of  matters 
relative  to  the  peace  of  the  frontiers  are  disregarded, 
as  idle  and  frivolous;  my  propositions  and  measures, 
as  partial  and  selfish ;  and  all  my  sincerest  endeavours 
for  the  service  of  my  country  are  perverted  to  the 
worst  purposes.  My  orders  are  dark,  doubtful,  and 
uncertain;  to-day  approved,  to-morrow  condemned. 


/ET.24.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  87 

Left  to  act  and  proceed  at  hazard,  accountable  for  the 
consequences,  and  blamed  without  the  benefit  of  de 
fence,  if  you  can  think  my  situation  capable  of  ex 
citing  the  smallest  degree  of  envy,  or  affording  the 
least  satisfaction,  the  truth  is  yet  hidden  from  you,  and 
you  entertain  notions  very  different  from  the  reality  of 
the  case.  However,  I  am  determined  to  bear  up  under 
all  these  embarrassments  some  time  longer,  in  hope  of 
a  better  regulation  on  the  arrival  of  Lord  Loudoun,  to 
whom  I  look  for  the  future  fate  of  Virginia."  The 
Speaker  replied ;  "  I  am  truly  concerned  at  the  un 
easiness  you  are  under  in  your  present  situation,  and 
the  more  so,  as  I  am  sensible  you  have  too  much  rea 
son  for  it.  The  present  unhappy  state  of  our  coun 
try  must  fill  the  mind  of  every  well-wisher  to  it  \uth 
dismal  and  gloomy  apprehensions ;  and  without  some 
speedy  alteration  in  our  counsels,  which  may  God 
send,  the  fate  of  it  must  soon  be  determined." 

The  year  was  now  drawing  to  a  close.  As  the  Earl 
of  Loudoun  was  expected  soon  in  Virginia,  Colonel 
Washington  resolved  to  await  his  arrival,  and  lay  before 
him  a  general  exposition  of  the  state  of  affairs,  and  if 
possible  to  have  the  Virginia  troops  put  upon  the  reg 
ular  establishment  under  the  direction  of  his  Lordship, 
as  the  only  mode  by  which  the  command  of  them 
could  be  useful  to  his  country,  or  honorable  to  himself. 
In  anticipation  of  this  event  he  drew  up  an  able  and 
luminous  statement,  which  he  transmitted  to  Lord 
Loudoun,  then  with  the  armies  at  the  north. 

The  paper  begins  with  a  modest  apology  for  intrud 
ing  upon  his  Lordship's  notice,  which  is  followed  by 
a  brief  sketch  of  the  history  of  the  war  in  Virginia, 
and  of  the  part  acted  in  it  by  the  author.  With  the 
discrimination  of  an  acute  observer  and  an  experienced 
officer,  he  traced  a  narrative  of  events,  exposed  the 


88  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1757 

errors  that  had  been  committed  and  their  consequences, 
both  in  the  civil  and  military  departments,  explained 
their  causes,  and  suggested  remedies  for  the  future. 
The  communication  was  favorably  received,  and  ac 
knowledged  in  a  complimentary  reply. 

Lord  Loudoun  did  not  execute  his  first  purpose  of 
going  to  Virginia,  but  summoned  a  meeting  of  several 
governors  and  principal  officers  at  Philadelphia,  to  con 
sult  on  a  comprehensive  plan  for  the  next  campaign. 
Colonel  Washington  attended  the  meeting,  where  he 
met  with  a  flattering  reception  from  the  commander- 
in-chief,  who  solicited   and   duly  valued  his   counsels. 
The  result,  however,  was  only  a  partial  fulfilment  of 
his  hopes.     In  the  grand  scheme  of  operations  it  was 
decided,  that  the  main  efforts  should  be  made  on  the 
Lakes  and  Canada  borders,  where  the  enemy's  forces 
were    embodied,   and   that    the   middle   and   southern 
colonies  should  continue  in  a  defensive  posture.     He 
had  the  satisfaction  to  find,  nevertheless,  that  his  ad 
vice    was    followed  in   regard   to  local    arrangements. 
The  Virginia  troops  were  withdrawn  from  Fort  Cum 
berland,  which   was  left   to   the   charge  of  Maryland. 
Colonel  Stanwix  was  stationed  in  the  interior  of  Penn 
sylvania,  with  five  companies  from  the  Royal  American 
Regiments  ;  and,  although  the  Virginia  commander  was 
unsuccessful  in  his  endeavours  to  be  placed  upon  the 
British  establishment,  yet,  in  conformity  with  his  wishes, 
he  was  to  act  in  concert  with  that  officer,  and  be  in 
some  sort  under  his  orders.     He   strenuously  recom 
mended  an  expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne,  believ 
ing  it  might  be  effected  with  a  certainty  of  success, 
since  the  French  must  necessarily  leave  that  garrison 
m  a  weak  condition,  in  order  to  concentrate  their  force 
at  the  north  to  meet  the  formidable  preparations  making 
against  them  in  that  quarter.     The  wisdom  of  this  ad- 


£ST.85.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  89 

vice  was  afterwards  manifest  to  all;  and,  had  it  been 
seasonably  heeded,  it  would  have  saved  the  expense 
of  another  campaign,  besides  preventing  the  ravages 
and  murders  committed  in  the  mean  time  on  the  bor 
der  settlers.  In  these  views,  if  not  in  others,  he  had 
the  hearty  concurrence  of  Governor  Dinwiddie. 

From  the  conference  at  Philadelphia  he  returned  to 
his  usual  station  at  Winchester.  The  remainder  of 
the  season  was  passed  in  a  routine  of  duties  so  nearly 
resembling  those  of  the  two  preceding  years,  as  to 
afford  little  novelty  or  interest  for  a  separate  recital. 
Emboldened  by  successes,  the  Indians  continued  their 
hostilities,  attacking  the  outposts,  and  killing  the  de 
fenceless  inhabitants.  In  short,  the  service  had  noth 
ing  in  it  to  reward  generous  sacrifices,  or  gratify  a 
noble  ambition.  As  a  school  of  experience  it  ultimately 
proved  advantageous  to  him.  It  was  his  good  fortune, 
likewise,  to  gain  honor  and  reputation  even  in  so  bar 
ren  a  field,  by  retaining  the  confidence  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  and  fulfilling  the  expectations  of  his  friends 
in  the  legislature,  who  had  pressed  upon  him  the  com 
mand,  and  urged  his  holding  it. 

But  the  fatigue  of  body  and  mind,  which  he  suf 
fered  from  the  severity  of  his  labors,  gradually  under 
mined  his  strength,  and  his  physician  insisted  on  his 
retiring  from  the  army.  He  went  to  Mount  Vernon, 
where  his  disease  settled  into  a  fever,  and  reduced 
him  so  low,  that  he  was  confined  four  months,  till  the 
1st  of  March,  1758,  before  he  was  able  to  resume  his 
command. 

VOL.1.  12  H" 


90  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON  [1758. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Governor  Dinwiddie  sails  for  England. -An  Expedition  against  Fort 
Duque8ne  planned  by  the  British  Ministry,  to  be  under  the  Command 
of  General  Forbes.  — The  Virginia  Army  augmented,  and  united  with 
the  Regular  Troops  in  this  Enterprise.  —  Colonel  Washington  marches 
to  Fort  Cumberland.  — Acts  in  Concert  with  Colonel  Bouquet.— 
Joins  the  main  Army  at  Raystown  under  General  Forbes.  —  Forms 
a  Plan  of  March  suited  to  the  Mountains  and  Woods.  —  Commands 
the  advanced  Division  of  the  Army.  —  Capture  of  Fort  Duquesne.  — 
He  returns  to  Virginia,  resigns  his  Commission,  and  retires  to  pri 
vate  Life. 

GOVERNOR  DINWIDDIE  sailed  for  England  in  the 
month  of  January.  His  departure  was  not  regretted. 
However  amiable  in  his  social  relations,  however  zeal 
ous  in  the  discharge  of  his  public  trusts,  he  failed  to 
win  the  hearts,  or  command  the  respect,  of  the  people. 
Least  of  all  was  he  qualified  to  transact  military  affairs. 
His  whole  course  of  conduct  was  marked  with  a  con 
fusion,  uncertainty,  and  waywardness,  which  .  caused 
infinite  perplexity  to  the  commander  of  the  Virginia 
troops.  Every  one  regarded  the  change  as  salutary 
to  the  interests  of  the  colony.  His  place  was  filled 
for  a  short  time  by  John  Blair,  President  of  the  Coun 
cil,  till  the  arrival  of  Francis  Fauquier,  the  next  gov 
ernor.  The  Earl  of  Loudoun  had  been  commissioned 
as  successor  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  but  his  military 
occupations  at  the  north  prevented  his  entering  upon 
the  duties  of  the  office. 

A  brighter  prospect  now  opened  to  Colonel  Wash 
ington.  As  soon  as  his  health  was  restored,  he  went 
back  to  the  army ;  and  from  that  time  met  with  a  hearty 
cooperation  in  all  his  measures.  He  was  happy  to 
find,  also,  that  his  early  and  constant  wishes  were  at 
last  to  be  realized  by  a  combined  expedition  to  the 


^Ei'.26.J  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  91 

Ohio.  New  energy  had  been  recently  infused  in  the 
British  councils  by  the  accession  of  Mr.  Pitt  to  the 
ministry.  That  statesman,  always  guided  by  an  en 
larged  policy,  always  friendly  to  the  colonies,  and  un 
derstanding  their  condition  and  importance  much  better 
than  his  predecessors,  resolved  on  a  vigorous  prosecu 
tion  of  the  war  in  America.  One  of  his  first  acts  was 
a  plan  for  the  campaign  of  1758,  in  which  offensive 
operations  were  to  be  pursued  throughout  the  frontiers. 
General  Forbes  was  appointed  to  take  command  of  an 
expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne.  To  prepare  the 
way,  Mr.  Pitt,  knowing  the  temper  of  the  people,  and 
profiting  by  the  mistakes  heretofore  committed,  wrote 
a  circular  letter  to  the  colonies  most  nearly  concerned, 
and  requested  their  united  aid  on  such  terms,  as  were 
acceded  to  with  alacrity,  and  carried  into  effect  with 
promptitude  and  spirit.  He  proposed  that  all  the  co 
lonial  troops  should  be  supplied  with  arms,  ammunition, 
tents,  and  provisions,  at  the  King's  charge ;  leaving  to 
the  colonies  no  other  expense,  than  that  of  levying, 
clothing,  and  paying  the  men.  It  was  moreover  stip 
ulated,  that  the  provincial  officers,  when  joined  with 
the  King's  troops,  should  hold  rank  according  to  their 
commissions.  Had  this  wise  and  equitable  policy  been 
put  in  practice  three  years  before,  it  would  have  given 
a  very  different  aspect  to  the  war  in  America,  by  di 
minishing  the  heavy  burdens  of  the  people,  promoting 
harmony  and  good  feeling,  producing  contentment 
among  the  troops,  and  drawing  out  the  resources  and 
strength  of  the  country  in  a  more  effectual  manner. 

The  Virginia  Assembly  met,  and  immediately  com 
plied  with  the  requisitions  of  the  minister,  augment 
ing  their  army  to  two  thousand  men,  offering  a  bounty 
for  enlistments,  and  placing  the  whole  under  the  gen 
eral  direction  of  the  commander  of  his  Majesty's  forces, 


92  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1758. 

for  the  express  purpose  of  marching  against  Fort  Du- 
quesne.  They  were  divided  into  two  regiments.  The 
first  was  under  Colonel  Washington,  who  was  like 
wise  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  Virginia  troops  as 
before.  At  the  head  of  the  second  regiment  was  Colonel 
Byrd.  As  General  Forbes  was  detained  at  Philadel 
phia  several  weeks,  Colonel  Bouquet  was  stationed  in 
the  central  parts  of  Pennsylvania  with  the  advanced 
division  of  regular  troops,  to  which  the  provincials  join 
ed  themselves  as  fast  as  they  were  ready.  To  fix  on 
a  uniform  plan  of  action,  and  make  the  necessary  ar 
rangements,  Colonel  Washington  had  an  interview  at 
Conococheague  with  that  officer,  and  with  Sir  John 
St.  Clair,  quartermaster-general  of  the  combined  army. 
He  also  visited  Williamsburg,  to  advise  with  the  pres 
ident  and  Council  respecting  many  essential  points ; 
for  he  was  not  only  obliged  to  perform  his  military 
duties,  but  to  suggest  to  the  civil  authorities  the  proper 
modes  of  proceeding  in  relation  to  the  army,  and  press 
upon  them  continually  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and 
the  fulfilment  of  the  pledges  contained  in  the  recent 
acts  of  the  Assembly.  The  arrival  of  Governor  Fau- 
quier  had  a  favorable  influence ;  as  he  warmly  espoused 
the  interests  of  the  colony,  and  showed  a  friendly  re 
gard  for  the  commander  of  its  troops,  as  well  as  a  just 
deference  to  his  opinions. 

For  some  time  Colonel  Washington  was  actively 
employed  at  Winchester  in  collecting  and  training  the 
newly  enlisted  men,  calling  in  the  parties  from  the 
small  forts  and  supplying  their  places  with  drafted 
militia,  engaging  wagons  and  horses,  and  putting  all 
tilings  in  readiness  to  march.  There  was  much  delay, 
and  the  soldiers  began  to  be  disorderly  from  inaction, 
and  the  inhabitants  of  the  vicinity  to  murmur  at  the 
pressure  laid  upon  them  for  provisions  and  other  sup- 


/Ex.26.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  93 

plies.  A  party  of  Cherokee  Indians,  who  had  been 
tempted  to  join  the  expedition,  with  the  prospect  of 
rich  presents  from  the  King's  stores,  came  forward  so 
early,  that  they  grew  weary,  discontented,  and  trouble 
some,  and  finally  most  of  them  went  off  in  a  fit  of 
ill  humor. 

It  was  a  day  of  joy  to  him,  therefore,  when  he  re 
ceived  orders  to  march  the  Virginia  regiments  from 
Winchester  to  Fort  Cumberland.  This  was  effected 
by  detachments,  which  at  the  same  time  covered  the 
convoys  of  wagons  and  pack-horses.  The  whole  ar 
rived  at  Fort  Cumberland  early  in  July,  except  a  small 
guard  left  at  Fort  Loudoun  to  protect  and  prosecute 
the  works  at  that  place.  Lieutenant- Colonel  Stephen 
had  proceeded  by  another  route  through  a  part  of 
Pennsylvania,  with  six  companies  of  the  first  regiment, 
and  joined  Colonel  Bouquet  at  Raystown,  thirty  miles 
from  Fort  Cumberland,  and  the  head- quarters  of  the 
combined  army.  Both  regiments,  including  officers 
and  privates,  amounted  to  about  eighteen  hundred  men. 
The  illness  of  General  Forbes  detained  him  long  on 
the  way  from  Philadelphia.  During  this  time  Colonel 
Washington  continued  at  Fort  Cumberland,  and  his 
troops  were  employed,  some  as  scouting  parties,  and 
others  in  opening  a  new  road  to  Raystown  and  re 
pairing  the  old  one  towards  the  Great  Meadows. 

He  resorted  to  an  expedient,  which  proved  highly 
beneficial  to  the  service.  "My  men  are  bare  of  regi 
mental  clothing,"  said  he  in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Bou 
quet,  "  and  I  have  no  prospect  of  a  supply.  So  far 
from  regretting  this  want  during  the  present  campaign, 
if  I  were  left  to  pursue  my  own  inclinations,  I  would 
not  only  order  the  men  to  adopt  the  Indian  dress,  but 
cause  the  officers  to  do  it  also,  and  be  the  first  to  set 
the  example  myself.  Nothing  but  the  uncertainty  of 


94  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1758. 

obtaining  the  general  approbation  causes  me  to  hesi 
tate  a  moment  to  leave  my  regimentals  at  this  place, 
and  proceed  as  light  as  any  Indian  in  the  woods.  It 
is  an  unbecoming  dress,  I  own;  but  convenience, 
rather  than  show,  I  think,  should  be  consulted."  He 
equipped  in  the  Indian  dress  two  companies,  which 
had  been  ordered  to  advance  to  the  main  body ;  and 
it  was  so  much  approved  by  Colonel  Bouquet,  that 
he  encouraged  the  army  to  adopt  it.  "The  dress," 
he  replied,  "takes  very  well  here.  We  see  nothing 
but  shirts  and  blankets.  It  should  be  our  pattern  in 
this  expedition."  Its  lightness  and  convenience  were 
suited  to  the  heat  of  summer,  and  it  saved  expense 
and  trouble. 

He  had  been  but  a  few  days  at  Fort  Cumberland, 
when  he  learnt  with  great  surprise,  that  General  Forbes 
was  hesitating  as  to  the  route  he  should  pursue  in 
crossing  the  mountains  to  Fort  Duquesne.  The  road, 
over  which  General  Braddock  marched,  was  the  only 
one  that  had  been  cut  through  the  wilderness  for 
the  passage  of  wagons  and  artillery ;  and  as  its  con 
struction  had  cost  immense  toil,  it  seemed  incredible 
that  any  other  route  should  be  attempted,  or  even 
thought  of,  so  late  in  the  season.  His  sentiments 
being  asked,  he  expressed  them  in  the  most  unre 
served  manner,  and  with  a  cogency  of  argument,  that 
could  have  been  set  aside  only  by  a  determination 
on  the  part  of  the  general,  arising  from  motives  for 
eign  to  the  absolute  merits  of  the  case.  Colonel  Bou 
quet,  who  participated  in  the  general's  views,  desired 

a  consultation  with  Washington  on  the  subject.  "Noth- 
•  „  . .  i  *) 

ig,  said  he,  "can  exceed  your  generous  dispositions 
for  the  service.  I  see,  with  the  utmost  satisfaction, 
that  you  are  above  the  influences  of  prejudice,  and 
ready  to  go  heartily  where  reason  and  judgment  shall 


^ET.2G.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  95 

direct.  I  wish  sincerely  that  we  may  all  entertain 
one  and  the  same  opinion ;  therefore  I  desire  to  have 
an  interview  with  you  at  the  houses  built  half  way 
between  our  camps."  This  proposal  was  acceded  to, 
and  the  matter  was  deliberately  discussed. 

It  was  represented  by  Colonel  Washington,  that  a 
great  deal  of  pains  had  been  taken  formerly  by  the 
Ohio  Company,  with  the  aid  of  traders  and  Indians, 
to  ascertain  the  most  practicable  route  to  the  western 
country ;  that  the  one  from  Will's  Creek  was  selected 
as  far  preferable  to  any  other ;  that  a  road  had  accord 
ingly  been  made,  over  which  General  Braddock's  army 
had  passed ;  and  that  this  road  required  but  slight 
repairs  to  put  it  in  good  condition.  Even  if  another 
route  could  be  found,  he  thought  the  experiment  a 
hazardous  one  at  so  advanced  a  stage  in  the  season, 
as  it  would  retard  the  operations,  and,  he  feared,  inev 
itably  defeat  the  objects  of  the  campaign,  and  defer 
the  capture  of  Fort  Duquesne  to  another  year.  Such 
a  result  would  dishearten  the  colonies,  which  had  made 
extraordinary  efforts  to  raise  men  and  money  for  the 
present  enterprise,  with  the  full  expectation  of  its  suc 
cess  ;  it  would  moreover  embolden  the  southern  In 
dians,  already  disaffected,  who  would  seize  the  oppor 
tunity  to  commit  new  hostilities,  thereby  distressing  the 
inhabitants,  strengthening  the  enemy,  and  adding  to 
the  difficulty  of  a  future  conquest.  But,  admitting  it 
possible,  that  a  new  road  could  be  made  from  Rays- 
town  through  Pennsylvania,  yet  no  advantage  could 
be  derived  from  it,  that  did  not  actually  exist  in  an 
equal  or  greater  degree  in  Braddock's  Road.  Forage 
for  the  horses  was  abundant  in  the  meadows  bordering 
the  latter ;  the  streams  were  fordable,  and  the  defiles 
easy  to  be  passed. 

These  reasons,  so  obvious  and  forcible,  did  not  change 


96  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1758, 

the  purpose  of  the  general,  who,  it  was  believed,  had 
been  influenced  by  the  Pennsylvanians  to  construct 
a  new  road,  which  would  be  a  lasting  benefit  to  that 
province,  by  opening  a  more  direct  channel  of  inter 
course  with  the  West.  Colonel  Bouquet,  of  course, 
adhered  to  the  views  of  his  general. 

There  was  another  project,  which  Colonel  Wash 
ington  disapproved,  and  which  his  advice  prevailed  to 
counteract.  The  general  proposed  to  march  the  army 
in  two  divisions,  one  by  Braddock's  Road,  the  other 
directly  from  Raystown,  making  the  road  as  it  advanced. 
To  this  scheme  he  strenuously  objected.  Dividing 
the  army  would  weaken  it,  and  the  routes  were  so 
far  apart,  without  any  means  of  communication  be 
tween  the  two,  that  one  division  could  not  succour 
the  other  in  case  of  an  attack ;  and  it  was  certain  the 
enemy  would  take  advantage  of  such  an  oversight. 
Again,  if  the  division  marching  first  should  escort  the 
convoy  and  be  driven  back,  there  would  be  a  perilous 
risk  of  losing  the  stores  and  artillery,  and  of  bringing 
total  ruin  upon  the  expedition.  In  short,  every  mis 
chief,  that  could  befall  a  divided  army,  acting  against 
the  concentrated  force  of  an  enemy,  was  to  be  appre 
hended.  The  project  was  laid  aside. 

His  opinion  was  likewise  desired,  as  to  the  best 
mode  of  advancing  by  deposits.  He  made  an  esti 
mate,  on  the  supposition  of  marching  by  Braddock's 
Road,  in  which  it  was  shown,  that  the  whole  army 
might  be  at  Fort  Duquesne  in  thirty-four  days,  and 
then  on  hand  a  supply  of  provisions  for  eighty- 
>even  days.  Perceiving  Colonel  Bouquet's  bias  in 
Favor  of  the  general's  ideas,  he  could  scarcely  hope 
suggestions  would  be  received.  So  strong  were 
his  fears  for  the  fate  of  the  expedition,  that  he  wrote 
m  moving  terms  to  Maior  Halket,  his  former  associate 


^T.  26.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  97 

in  Brad  dock's  army,  and  now  one  of  General  Forbes's 
family. 

"I  am  just  returned,"  said  he,  "from  a  conference 
with  Colonel  Bouquet.  I  find  him  fixed,  I  think  I 
may  say  unalterably  fixed,  to  lead  you  a  new  way  to 
the  Ohio,  through  a  road,  every  inch  of  which  is  to  be 
cut  at  this  advanced  season,  when  we  have  scarce  time 
left  to  tread  the  beaten  track,  universally  confessed  to 
be  the  best  passage  through  the  mountains. 

"  If  Colonel  Bouquet  succeeds  in  this  point  with 
the  general,  all  is  lost,  —  all  is  lost  indeed,  —  our  en 
terprise  will  be  ruined,  and  we  shall  be  stopped  at  the 
Laurel  Hill  this  winter ;  but  not  to  gather  laurels,  ex 
cept  of  the  kind  that  covers  the  mountains.  The 
southern  Indians  will  turn  against  us,  and  these  col 
onies  will  be  desolated  by  such  an  accession  to  the 
enemy's  strength.  These  must  be  the  consequences 
of  a  miscarriage ;  and  a  miscarriage  is  the  almost  ne 
cessary  consequence  of  an  attempt  to  march  the  army 
by  this  new  route.  I  have  given  my  reasons  at  large 
to  Colonel  Bouquet.  He  desired  that  I  would  do  so, 
that  he  might  forward  them  to  the  general.  Should 
this  happen,  you  will  be  able  to  judge  of  their  weight. 

"I  am  uninfluenced  by  prejudice,  having  no  hopes 
or  fears  but  for  the  general  good.  Of  this  you  may 
be  assured,  and  that  my  sincere  sentiments  are  spoken 
on  this  occasion." 

These  representations  were  vain.  Colonel  Bouquet 
was  ordered  to  send  forward  parties  to  work  upon 
the  new  road.  Six  weeks  had  been  expended  in  this 
arduous  labor,  when  General  Forbes  reached  the  camp 
at  Raystown,  about  the  middle  of  September.  Forty- 
five  miles  only  had  been  gained  by  the  advanced  party, 
then  constructing  a  fort  at  Loyal  Hanna,  the  main 
army  still  being  at  Raystown,  and  the  larger  part  of 

VOL.  I.  13  I 


98  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1758. 

the  Virginia  troops  at  Fort  Cumberland.  At  that  mo 
ment  the  whole  army  might  have  been  before  the  walls 
of  Fort  Duquesne,  if  they  had  marched  as  advised  by 
Washington.  An  easy  victory  would  have  ensued ;  for 
it  was  ascertained,  that  the  French  at  that  time,  in 
cluding  Indians,  numbered  not  more  than  eight  hun 
dred  men.  Under  General  Forbes,  six  thousand  were 
in  the  field. 

In  reporting  these  facts  to  the  Speaker  of  the  Vir 
ginia  Assembly,  Colonel  Washington  said ;  "  See,  there 
fore,  how  our  time  has  been  misspent.  Behold  how 
the  golden  opportunity  has  been  lost,  perhaps  never 
more  to  be  regained!  How  is  it  to  be  accounted  for? 
Can  General  Forbes  have  orders  for  this?  Impossible. 
Will,  then,  our  injured  country  pass  by  such  abuses  ? 
I  hope  not.  Rather  let  a  full  representation  of  the 
matter  go  to  his  Majesty.  Let  him  know  how  grossly 
his  glory  and  interest,  and  the  public  money,  are  pros 
tituted."  About  this  time  occurred  the  ill-concerted 
and  unfortunate  adventure  under  Major  Grant,  who 
was  suffered  to  push  forward  to  the  very  doors  of  the 
enemy  a  light  detachment,  which  was  attacked,  cut  up, 
and  routed,  and  he  and  his  principal  officers  were 
taken  prisoners. 

These  proceedings,  and  the  counsels  by  which  Gen- 
•eral  Forbes  seemed  to  be  guided,  were  so  unsatisfac 
tory  to  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses,  and  gave  so 
discouraging  a  presage  of  the  future,  that  they  resolved 
to  recall  their  troops,  and  place  them  on  their  own 
frontier.  But  when  it  was  known,  from  subsequent 
intelligence,  that  the  expedition  was  in  progress,  and 
foreseen  that  its  failure  might  be  ascribed  to  the  with 
drawing  of  the  Virginia  regiments,  and  perhaps  be 
actually  caused  by  such  a  measure,  they  revoked  their 
resolves,  and  extended  the  term  of  service  to  the  end 
of  the  year. 


M-r  26.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  99 

General  Forbes  had  no  sooner  taken  the  command 
in  person  at  Raystown,  than  he  called  to  head-quarters 
Colonel  Washington,  who  was  followed  by  those  com 
panies  of  his  regiments,  which  had  been  posted  at 
Fort.  Cumberland.  Notwithstanding  the  strenuous  op 
position  he  had  manifested  to  the  plans  of  operation, 
as  an  act  of  duty,  while  they  were  in  suspense,  he  sup 
pressed  his  feelings  and  subdued  his  reluctance,  from 
the  same  motive,  the  moment  they  were  decided  upon, 
and  he  then  engaged  heartily  in  promoting  their  exe 
cution.  If  he  was  mortified  at  the  little  attention  hith 
erto  paid  to  his  advice,  he  was  compensated  by  the 
deference  now  shown  to  his  opinions  and  judgment. 
He  attended  the  councils  of  war,  and  was  consulted 
upon  every  important  measure  by  the  general,  at  whose 
request  he  drew  up  a  line  of  march  and  order  of  battle, 
by  which  the  army  could  advance  with  facility  and 
safety  through  the  woods.  The  fate  of  Braddock,  and 
its  causes,  were  too  deeply  impressed  on  General 
Forbes's  mind  to  be  forgotten  or  disregarded.  Unac 
customed  to  this  mode  of  warfare,  more  wise  and  less 
confident  than  his  predecessor,  he  was  glad  to  seek 
the  aid  of  one,  whose  knowledge  and  experience  would 
be  available,  where  valor  might  waste  its  efforts  in  vain, 
and  discipline  and  strength  be  ensnared  by  the  arti 
fices  of  a  crafty  foe. 

Several  weeks  previously,  when  the  first  detachments 
began  to  march,  Colonel  Washington  requested  to  be 
put  in  the  advance.  Alluding  to  the  troops,  which 
were  to  compose  the  first  party,  he  wrote  to  Colonel 
Bouquet ;  "  I  pray  your  interest,  most  sincerely,  with 
the  general,  to  get  myself  and  my  regiment  included 
in  the  number.  If  any  argument  is  needed  to  obtain 
this  favor,  I  hope  without  vanity  I  may  be  allowed  to 
say,  that,  from  long  intimacy  with  these  woods,  and 


100  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1758. 

frequent  scouting  in  them,  my  men  are  at  least  as  well 
aSted  with  all  the  passes  and  difficulties,  as  any 
Zps  that  will  be  employed."  The  request  was  now 
complied  with.  He  received  General  Forbes  s  orders 
to  march  with  his  regiment;  and  at  Loyal  Hanna 
he  was  placed  at  the  head  of  a  division,  or  brigade, 
amounting  to  one  thousand  men,  who  were  to  move 
in  front  of  the  main  army,  and  to  act  as  pioneers  in 
clearing  the  road,  keeping  out  scouts  and  patrolling 
guards  to  prevent  a  surprise,  and  throwing  up  m- 
trenchments  at  proper  stations  as  a  security  to 
deposits  of  provisions.  While  in  this  command,  he 
had  the  temporary  rank  of  brigadier. 

The  month  of  November  had  set  in,  before  General 
Forbes,  with  the  artillery  and  main  body  of  the  army, 
arrived  at  Loyal  Hanna.     The  road  was  extremely  bad, 
and    difficulties  without  number   interposed   at   every 
step  to  cause   delays,  discouragement,  and   suffering. 
The  season  of  frost  had  come,  and  the  summits  of  the 
hills  were  whitened  with  snow.     It  was  no  wonder  that 
the  spirits  of  the  soldiers  should  flag,  scantily  clothed 
and   fed,   as   they  were,   and   encountering    hardships 
from  want,  exposure,  and  incessant  labor.     More  than 
fifty   miles,   through   pathless    and   rugged    wilds,    still 
intervened  between  the  army  and  Fort  Duquesne.     A 
council  of  war  was  held,  and  it  was  decided  to  be  un- 
advisable,  if  not  impracticable,  to  prosecute  the  cam 
paign  any  further  till  the  next  season,  and  that  a  winter 
encampment  among  the  mountains,  or  a  retreat  to  the 
frontier  settlements,  was  the  only  alternative  that  re 
mained.     Thus  far  all  the  anticipations  of  Washington 
had  been  realized. 

A  mere  accident,  however,  which  happened  just  at 
this  crisis,  turned  the  scale  of  fortune,  and  brought 
hope  out  of  despair.  Three  prisoners  were  taken,  who 


a!T.26.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  101 

gave  such  a  report  of  the  weak  state  of  the  garrison 
at  Fort  Duquesne,  that  the  council  reversed  their  de 
cision,  and  resolved  to  hazard  an  effort,  which  held 
out  a  possibility  of  success,  and  in  any  event  could  be 
scarcely  more  ruinous  than  the  alternative  first  pro 
posed.  Henceforward  the  march  was  pursued  without 
tents  or  heavy  baggage,  and  with  only  a  light  train  of 
artillery.  The  troops,  animated  by  the  example  of  the 
officers,  performed  their  tasks  with  renovated  ardor  and 
alacrity.  Washington  resumed  his  command  in  front, 
attending  personally  to  the  cutting  of  the  road,  estab 
lishing  deposits  of  provisions,  and  preparing  the  way 
for  the  main  army. 

No  material  event  occurred  till  the  25th  of  Novem 
ber,  when  General  Forbes  took  possession  of  Fort  Du 
quesne,  or  rather  the  place  where  it  had  stood.  The 
enemy,  reduced  in  number  to  about  five  hundred  men, 
and  deserted  by  the  Indians,  had  abandoned  the  fort 
the  day  before,  set  fire  to  it,  and  gone  down  the  Ohio 
in  boats.  Thus  ended  an  expedition,  in  which  more 
than  six  thousand  men  had  been  employed  for  five 
months.  Rejoiced  that  their  toils  were  over,  the  troops 
forgot  their  sufferings ;  and  the  people  of  the  middle 
provinces,  who  had  murmured  loudly  at  the  dilatory 
manner  in  which  the  campaign  had  been  carried  on, 
were  contented  with  the  issue  in  this  consummation 
of  their  wishes.  The  continued  illness  of  General 
Forbes  had  perhaps  operated  unfavorably.  He  was 
esteemed  a  worthy  and  brave  man,  possessing  eminent 
military  talents.  Worn  down  with  infirmities,  which  had 
been  increased  by  the  fatigues  of  the  campaign,  he 
died  a  few  weeks  afterwards  at  Philadelphia. 

The  lateness  of  the  season  rendered  it  impossible, 
that  the  French  should  attempt  to  recover  the  ground 
they  had  lost  before  the  next  year.  It  was  necessary, 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1758. 

however,  that  a  small  garrison  should  be  left  there,  as 
well  to  retain  possession  of  the  post,  as  to  keep  the 
Indians  in  check  and  win  their  alliance.     Two  hundred 
of  the  Virginia  troops  were  detached  for  this  service, 
by  the  express  order  of  the  general,  but  against   the 
remonstrances  of  their  commander,  who  thought  they 
had  performed  their  full  share  of  duty.     General  Forbes 
said  he  had  no  authority  to  leave  any  of  the  King's 
forces  for  that  purpose,  and  the  place  was  then  under 
stood  to  be  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Virginia.     This 
latter  circumstance  was  probably  the  reason,  why  the 
task  of  defence  was  not  assigned  to  the  Pennsylvani- 
ans.     The  French   name  of  the  fort  was  changed  to 
Fort  Pitt,  in  honor  of  the  minister  by  whose  counsels 
the  expedition  for  capturing  it  had  been  undertaken. 
On  his  return,  Colonel  Washington  stopped  a  short 
time  at  Loyal  Hanna,  where  he  wrote  a  circular  letter 
lo  the  frontier  inhabitants,  requesting  them  to  take  out 
provisions  to  the   men   at  the  fort,  who  would  be   in 
great  distress  if  not  immediately  supplied,  and  prom 
ising  a  liberal  compensation  for  every  thing  that  should 
thus  be   furnished.     He   then   proceeded   by  way   of 
Mount  Vernon  to  Williamsburg.     The  remainder  of  his 
troops  marched  to  Winchester,  where  they  went  into 
winter-quarters. 

For  some  months  it  had  been  his  determination,  if 
this  campaign  should  prove  successful,  to  retire  from  his 
command  at  its  close.  By  gaining  possession  of  the 
Ohio,  the  great  object  of  the  war  in  the  middle  colo 
nies  was  accomplished;  and,  as  he  had  abandoned 
the  idea  of  making  any  further  attempts  to  be  united 
to  the  British  establishment,  there  was  no  prospect  of 
rising  higher  in  the  military  line ;  so  that  neither  his 
duty  as  a  citizen,  nor  his  ambition  as  a  soldier,  oper 
ated  any  longer  to  retain  him  in  the  service.  The 


£}T.26.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  103 

one  had  been  faithfully  discharged;  the  other  had 
yielded  to  the  force  of  circumstances,  and  to  the  visions 
of  the  tranquil  enjoyments  of  private  life,  which  now 
opened  upon  his  mind.  After  settling  all  his  public 
accounts,  therefore,  he  resigned  his  commission  the 
last  week  in  December,  having  been  actively  and  al 
most  uninterruptedly  engaged  in  the  service  of  his 
country  more  than  five  years. 

On  this  occasion  he  received  from  the  officers,  who 
had  served  under  him,  a  testimony  of  their  attachment, 
which  must  have  been  as  grateful  to  his  feelings,  as 
it  was  honorable  to  his  character.  They  sent  him  an 
address,  written  in  camp,  expressive  of  the  satisfaction 
they  had  derived  from  his  conduct  as  commander,  the 
sincerity  of  his  friendship,  and  his  affable  demeanor ; 
and  of  the  high  opinion  they  entertained  of  his  mili 
tary  talents,  patriotism,  and  private  virtues. 

"  Nor  was  this  opinion  confined  to  the  officers  of  his 
regiment.  It  was  common  in  Virginia ;  and  had  been 
adopted  by  the  British  officers  with  whom  he  served. 
The  duties  he  performed,  though  not  splendid,  were 
arduous ;  and  were  executed  with  zeal  and  with  judg 
ment.  The  exact  discipline  he  established  in  his  regi 
ment,  when  the  temper  of  Virginia  was  extremely 
hostile  to  discipline,  does  credit  to  his  military  char 
acter;  and  the  gallantry  the  troops  displayed,  when 
ever  called  into  action,  manifests  the  spirit  infused  into 
them  by  their  commander.  The  difficulties  of  his 
situation,  while  unable  to  cover  the  frontier  from  the 
French  and  Indians,  who  were  spreading  death  and 
desolation  in  every  quarter,  were  incalculably  great ; 
and  no  better  evidence  of  his  exertions,  under  these 
distressing  circumstances,  can  be  given,  than  the  un- 
diminished  confidence  still  placed  in  him  by  those,  whom 
he  was  unable  to  protect.  The  efforts  to  which  he 


104  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1758. 

incessantly  stimulated  his  country  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  possession  of  the  Ohio ;  the  system  for  the 
conduct  of  the  war,  which  he  continually  recommend 
ed ;  the  vigorous  and  active  measures  always  urged 
upon  those  by  whom  he  was  commanded;  manifest 
an  ardent  and  enterprising  mind,  tempered  by  judg 
ment,  and  quickly  improved  by  experience." 

The  events  of  this  war  had  a  more  important  influ 
ence  on  the  life  and  character  of  Washington,  than 
might  at  first  be  supposed.  They  proved  to  him 
and  to  the  world  his  mental  resources,  courage,  for 
titude,  and  power  over  the  will  and  actions  of  others. 
They  were  in  fact  a  school  of  practical  knowledge 
and  discipline,  qualifying  him  for  the  great  work  in 
which  he  was  to  be  engaged  at  a  future  day.  The 
duties  of  his  station  at  the  head  of  the  Virginia  troops, 
and  the  difficulties  he  had  to  contend  with  during  an 
active  warfare  of  five  years,  bore  a  strong  resemblance 
to  those,  that  devolved  on  him  as  commander-in-chief 
of  the  American  armies  in  the  revolution.  They  dif 
fered  in  magnitude,  and  in  the  ends  to  be  attained ;  but 
it  will  be  seen,  as  we  proceed,  that  they  were  analo 
gous  in  many  striking  particulars,  and  that  the  former 
were  an  essential  preparation  for  the  latter. 

*  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  2d.  ed.,  Vol.  I.  p.  27. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  105 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Washington's  Marriage.  —  For  many  Years  a  Member  of  the  Virginia 
House  of  Burgesses.  —  His  Pursuits  and  Habits  as  a  Planter.  —  A 
Vestryman  in  the  Church,  and  active  in  Parish  Affairs.  —  His  Opinion 
of  the  Stamp  Act.  —  Takes  an  early  and  decided  Stand  against  the 
Course  pursued  by  the  British  Government  towards  the  Colonies. — 
Joins  heartily  in  all  the  Measures  of  Opposition.  —  His  Services  in 
procuring  the  Lands  promised  to  the  Officers  and  Soldiers  in  the  French 
War.  —  Performs  a  Tour  to  the  Ohio  and  Kenhawa  Rivers  for  the  Pur 
pose  of  selecting  those  Lands.  —  Takes  an  active  Part  at  different 
Times  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Virginia  Legislature  in  defending 
the  Rights  of  the  Colonies.  —  His  Opinions  on  this  Subject.  —  Chosen 
to  command  several  Independent  Companies  of  Militia.  —  A  Delegate 
to  the  first  and  second  Virginia  Conventions.  —  A  Member  of  the  Con 
tinental  Congress. 

IN  the  course  of  the  preceding  year,  Colonel  Wash 
ington  had  paid  his  addresses  successfully  to  Mrs.  Mar 
tha  Custis,  to  whom  he  was  married  on  the  6th  of  Jan 
uary,  1759.  This  lady  was  three  months  younger  than 
himself,  widow  of  John  Parke  Custis,  and  distinguished 
alike  for  her  beauty,  accomplishments,  and  wealth.  She 
was  the  daughter  of  John  Dandridge.  At  the  time 
of  her  second  marriage  she  had  two  children,  a  son 
and  daughter,  the  former  six  years  old,  the  latter  four. 
Mr.  Custis  had  left  large  landed  estates  in  New  Kent 
County,  and  forty-five  thousand  pounds  sterling  in 
money.  One  third  part  of  this  property  she  held  in 
her  own  right,  the  other  two  thirds  being  equally  di 
vided  between  her  children. 

By  this  marriage,  an  accession  of  more  than  one 
hundred  thousand  dollars  was  made  to  Colonel  Wash 
ington's  fortune,  which  was  already  considerable  in  the 
estate  at  Mount  Vernon,  and  other  lands  which  he 
had  selected  during  his  surveying  expeditions  and 

VOL.  I.  14 


106  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1759- 

obtained  at  different  times.  To  the  management  of 
his  extensive  private  affairs  his  thoughts  were  now 
turned.  He  also  took  upon  himself  the  guardianship 
of  Mrs.  Washington's  two  children,  and  the  care  of 
their  property,  which  trust  he  discharged  with  all  the 
faithfulness  and  assiduity  of  a  father,  till  the  son  became 
of  age,  and  till  the  daughter  died  in  her  nineteenth 
year.  This  union  was  in  every  respect  felicitous.  It 
continued  forty  years.  To  her  intimate  acquaintances 
and  to  the  nation,  the  character  of  Mrs.  Washington 
was  ever  a  theme  of  praise.  Affable  and  courteous, 
exemplary  in  her  deportment,  remarkable  for  her  deeds 
of  charity  and  piety,  unostentatious  and  without  vani 
ty,  she  adorned  by  her  domestic  virtues  the  sphere 
of  private  life,  and  filled  with  dignity  every  station  in 
which  she  was  placed.* 

While  engaged  in  the  last  campaign,  Colonel  Wash 
ington  had  been  elected  a  representative  to  the  House 
of  Burgesses,  in  Virginia,  from  Frederic  County.  Hav 
ing  determined  to  quit  the  military  line,  and  being  yet 
inclined  to  serve  his  country  in  a  civil  capacity,  this 
choice  of  the  people  was  peculiarly  gratifying  to  him. 
As  this  was  the  first  time  he  had  been  proposed  for 
the  popular  suffrages,  his  friends  urged  him  to  leave 
the  army  for  a  few  days,  and  repair  to  Winchester, 
where  the  election  was  to  be  held.  But,  regarding  his 
duties  in  the  field  as  outweighing  every  other  con 
sideration,  he  remained  at  his  post,  and  the  election 
was  carried  without  his  personal  solicitation  or  influ 
ence.  There  were  four  candidates,  and  he  was  chosen 
by  a  large  majority  over  all  his  competitors.  The 
success  was  beyond  his  most  sanguine  anticipations. 
One  of  his  friends  wrote  to  him  immediately  after 

*  A  Memoir  of  this  lady,  written  by  her  grandson,  G.  W.  P.  Custis,  is 
contained  in  the  first  volume  of  the  American  Portrait  Gallery. 


Mr  27.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  107 

the  polls  were  closed ;  "  The  punctual  discharge  of 
every  trust,  your  humane  and  equitable  treatment  of 
each  individual,  and  your  ardent  zeal  for  the  common 
cause,  have  gained  your  point  with  credit ;  as  your 
friends  could,  with  the  greatest  warmth  and  truth, 
urge  the  worth  of  those  noble  endowments  and  prin 
ciples,  as  well  as  your  superior  interest  both  here  and 
in  the  House."  Considering  the  command,  which  he 
had  been  obliged  to  exercise  in  Frederic  County  for 
near  five  years,  and  the  restraints,  which  the  exigency 
of  circumstances  required  him  occasionally  to  put  upon 
the  inhabitants,  this  result  was  deemed  a  triumphant 
proof  of  his  abilities,  address,  and  power  to  win  the 
affections  and  confidence  of  the  people. 

He  did  not  establish  himself  at  Mount  Vernon,  till 
three  months  after  his  marriage,  but  continued  at  Wil 
liam  sburg,  or  in  the  vicinity  of  that  place,  probably 
arranging  the  affairs  of  Mrs.  Washington's  estate.  At 
the  same  time  there  was  a  session  of  the  House  ot 
Burgesses,  which  he  attended.  It  was  during  this 
session,  that  an  incident  occurred,  which  has  been 
graphically  described  by  Mr.  Wirt.  "  By  a  vote  of 
the  House,  the  Speaker,  Mr.  Robinson,  was  directed 
to  return  their  thanks  to  Colonel  Washington,  on  be 
half  of  the  colony,  for  the  distinguished  military  ser 
vices  which  he  had  rendered  to  his  country.  As  soon 
as  Colonel  Washington  took  his  seat,  Mr.  Robinson, 
in  obedience  to  this  order,  and  following  the  impulse 
of  his  own  generous  and  grateful  heart,  discharged  the 
duty  with  great  dignity,  but  with  such  warmth  of  col 
oring  and  strength  of  expression,  as  entirely  confounded 
the  young  hero.  He  rose  to  express  his  acknowledg 
ments  for  the  honor ;  but  such  was  his  trepidation  and 
confusion,  that  he  could  not  give  distinct  utterance  to 
a  single  syllable.  He  blushed,  stammered,  and  trem- 


108  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.         [1759-1764. 

bled  for  a  second;  when  the  Speaker  relieved  him 
by  a  stroke  of  address,  that  would  have  done  honor 
to  Louis  the  Fourteenth  in  his  proudest  and  happiest 
moment.  'Sit  down,  Mr.  Washington,'  said  he  with 
a  conciliating  smile ;  '  your  modesty  equals  your  val 
or;  and  that  surpasses  the  power  of  any  language 
that  I  possess."3 

From  this  time  till  the  beginning  of  the  revolution, 
a  period  of  fifteen  years,  Washington  was  constantly 
a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  being  returned 
by  a  large  majority  of  votes  at  every  election.  For 
seven  years  he  represented,  jointly  with  another  del 
egate,  the  County  of  Frederic,  and  afterwards  the 
County  of  Fairfax,  in  which  he  resided.  There  were 
commonly  two  sessions  in  a  year,  and  sometimes  three. 
It  appears,  from  a  record  left  in  his  handwriting,  that 
he  gave  his  attendance  punctually,  and  from  the  be 
ginning  to  the  end  of  almost  every  session.  It  was 
a  maxim  with  him  through  life,  to  execute  punctually 
and  thoroughly  every  charge  which  he  undertook. 

His  influence  in  public  bodies  was  produced  more 
by  the  soundness  of  his  judgment,  his  quick  percep 
tions,  and  his  directness  and  undeviating  sincerity,  than 
by  eloquence  or  art  in  recommending  his  opinions. 
He  seldom  spoke,  never  harangued,  and  it  is  not  known 
that  he  ever  made  a  set  speech,  or  entered  into  a 
stormy  debate.  But  his  attention  was  at  all  times 
awake.  He  studied  profoundly  the  prominent  topics 
of  discussion,  and,  whenever  occasion  required,  was 
prepared  to  deliver  his  sentiments  clearly,  and  to  act 
with  decision  and  firmness.  His  practice  may  be  in- 
from  the  counsel  he  gave  to  a  nephew,  who 
had  just  taken  his  seat  for  the  first  time  in  the  As 
sembly. 

*  Life  of  Patrick  Henry,  3d  edition,  p.  45. 


.ET.27-32.]        LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  109 

"The  only  advice  I  will  offer,"  said  he,  "if  you 
have  a  mind  to  command  the  attention  of  the  House, 
is  to  speak  seldom  but  on  important  subjects,  except 
such  as  particularly  relate  to  your  constituents ;  and, 
in  the  former  case,  make  yourself  perfectly  master  of 
the  subject.  Never  exceed  a  decent  warmth,  and 
submit  your  sentiments  with  diffidence.  A  dictatorial 
style,  though  it  may  carry  conviction,  is  always  accom 
panied  with  disgust." 

After  suitable  preparations  had  been  made,  he  re 
tired  with  Mrs.  Washington  to  the  charming  retreat 
at  Mount  Vernon,  resolved  to  devote  his  remaining 
years  to  the  pursuit  of  agriculture,  with  no  higher 
aims  than  to  increase  his  fortune,  cultivate  the  social 
virtues,  fulfil  his  duties  as  a  citizen,  and  sustain  in  its 
elevated  dignity  and  worth  the  character  of  a  country 
gentleman.  For  this  sphere  he  was  extremely  well 
fitted,  both  by  his  tastes  and  his  habits  of  business. 
In  all  the  scenes  of  his  public  career,  even  when  his 
renown  was  the  highest,  and  he  was  the  most  actively 
engaged  in  great  affairs,  there  was  no  subject  upon 
which  his  mind  dwelt  with  so  lively  an  interest  and 
pleasure  as  that  of  agriculture.  Nor  was  there  ever 
a  moment,  when  his  thoughts  would  not  recur  to  his 
tranquil  home  at  Mount  Vernon,  as  the  seat  of  his 
purest  happiness,  or  when  he  would  not  have  return 
ed  to  it  with  unfeigned  delight. 

The  occupation  of  a  Virginia  planter  before  the  Rev 
olution  afforded  little  variety  of  incidents.  Few  modes 
of  existence  could  be  more  monotonous.  The  staple 
product,  particularly  in  the  lower  counties,  was  tobacco, 
to  the  culture  of  which  Washington  chiefly  directed 
his  care.  This  he  exported  to  London  for  a  market, 
making  the  shipments  in  his  own  name,  and  putting 
the  tobacco  on  board  vessels,  which  came  up  the 

VOL.    I.  J 


110  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.         [1759-1764. 

Potomac  River  to  his  mansion  at  Mount  Vernon,  or  to 
such  other  points  as  were  most  convenient.  He  had 
also  correspondents  in  Bristol  and  Liverpool,  to  whom 
he  sometimes  consigned  tobacco. 

In  those  days,  it  was  the  practice  of  the  Virginia 
planters  to  import  directly  from  London  all  the  articles 
of  common  use.  Twice  a  year  Washington  forwarded 
lists  of  such  articles  to  his  agent,  comprising  not  only 
the  necessaries  and  conveniences  for  household  pur 
poses,  ploughs,  hoes,  spades,  scythes,  and  other  im 
plements  of  agriculture,  saddles,  bridles,  and  harness 
for  his  horses,  but  likewise  every  article  of  wearing 
apparel  for  himself  and  the  different  members  of  his 
family,  specifying  the  names  of  each,  and  the  ages  of 
Mrs.  Washington's  two  children,  as  well  as  the  size, 
description,  and  quality  of  the  several  articles.*  He 
required  his  agent  to  send  him,  in  addition  to  a  gen 
eral  bill  of  the  whole,  the  original  vouchers  of  the 
shopkeepers  and  mechanics,  from  whom  purchases 
had  been  made.  So  particular  was  he  in  these  con 
cerns,  that  for  many  years  he  recorded  with  his  own 
hand,  in  books  prepared  for  the  purpose,  all  the  long 
lists  of  orders,  and  copies  of  the  multifarious  receipts 
from  the  different  merchants  and  tradesmen,  who  had 
supplied  the  goods.  In  this  way  he  kept  a  perfect 
oversight  of  the  business,  ascertained  the  prices,  could 
detect  any  imposition,  mismanagement,  or  careless 
ness,  and  tell  when  any  advantage  was  taken  of 
him  even  in  the  smallest  matter,  of  which,  when  dis 
covered,  he  did  not  fail  to  remind  his  correspondents 

•  From  an  order,  which  he  sent  to  a  tailor  in  London,  we  learn  the 
*  person.  He  describes  himself  as  "six  feet  high  and  pro- 

rtioimbly  made ;  if  any  thing  rather  slender  for  a  person  of  that 
wight;"  and  adds  that  his  limbs  were  long.  At  this  time  he  was 
thirty-  *  Oid.  In  exact  measure)  hig  height  wag  six  feet?  threQ 


jET.27-32.J        LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  Ill 

the  next  time  he  wrote.  During  the  whole  of  this 
period,  in  short,  his  industry  was  equal  to  his  enter 
prise  in  business.  His  day-books,  legers,  and  letter- 
books  were  all  kept  by  himself;  nor  does  it  appear, 
that  he  was  in  the  habit,  on  any  occasion,  of  resorting 
to  the  aid  of  a  clerk  or  secretary.  He  usually  drew 
up  his  contracts,  deeds,  and  other  papers,  requiring 
legal  knowledge  and  accuracy.  It  was  a  rule  with 
him,  in  private  as  well  as  public  transactions,  not  to 
rely  on  others  for  what  he  could  do  himself. 

Although  his  pursuits  were  those  of  a  retired  farm 
er,  yet  he  was  by  no  means  secluded  from  social 
intercourse  with  persons  of  intelligence  and  refinement. 
During  the  periods  of  his  attending  the  House  of  Bur 
gesses  at  Williamsburg,  he  met  on  terms  of  intimacy 
the  eminent  men  of  Virginia,  who,  in  imitation  of  the 
governors  (sometimes  noblemen,  and  always  from  the 
higher  ranks  of  English  society),  lived  in  a  style  of 
magnificence,  which  has  long  since  passed  awray,  and 
given  place  to  the  republican  simplicity  of  modern 
times.  He  was  a  frequent  visiter  at  Annapolis,  the 
seat  of  government  in  Maryland,  renowned  as  the  re 
sort  of  the  polite,  wealthy,  and  fashionable.  At  Mount 
Vernon  he  returned  the  civilities  he  had  received,  and 
practised,  on  a  large  and  generous  scale,  the  hospi 
tality  for  which  the  southern  planters  have  ever  been 
distinguished.  When  he  was  at  home,  a  day  seldom 
passed  without  the  company  of  friends  or  strangers  at 
his  house.  In  his  diaries  the  names  of  these  visiters 
are  often  mentioned,  and  we  find  among  them  the 
governors  of  Virginia  and  Maryland,  and  nearly  all  the 
celebrated  men  of  the  southern  and  middle  colonies, 
who  were  afterwards  conspicuous  in  the  history  of  the 
country. 

One  of  his  nearest  neighbours  was  George  Mason, 


112  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.         [1759-1764. 

of  Gunston  Hall,  a  man  possessing  remarkable  intel 
lectual  powers,  deeply  conversant  with  political  science, 
and  thoroughly  versed  in  the  topics  of  dispute  then 
existing  between  England  and  America.  Lord  Fair 
fax  was  also  a  constant  guest  at  Mount  Vernon,  who, 
although  eccentric  in  his  habits,  possessed  a  cultivated 
mind,  social  qualities,  and  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the 
world.  To  these  may  be  added  a  large  circle  of  rela 
tives  and  acquaintances,  who  sought  his  society,  and 
to  whom  his  house  was  always  open. 

Washington  had  a  relish  for  amusements.  In  his 
earlier  years,  as  we  have  seen,  he  was  fond  of  athletic 
sports,  and  the  feats  of  agility  and  strength.  When 
he  was  at  Williamsburg  or  Annapolis,  he  commonly 
attended  the  theatrical  exhibitions,  such  as  were  pre 
sented  on  the  American  boards  at  that  day.  But  his 
chief  diversion  was  the  chase.  At  the  proper  season, 
it  was  not  unusual  for  him  to  go  out  two  or  three  times 
in  a  week  with  horses,  dogs,  and  horns,  in  pursuit  of 
foxes,  accompanied  by  a  small  party  of  gentlemen,  either 
his  neighbours,  or  such  visiters  as  happened  to  be  at 
Mount  Vernon.  If  we  may  judge  by  his  own  account, 
however,  he  could  seldom  boast  of  brilliant  success 
in  these  excursions.  He  was  not  disheartened  by  dis 
appointment,  and  when  the  foxes  eluded  his  pursuit, 
he  consoled  himself  with  the  reflection,  that  the  main 
end  in  view,  excitement  and  recreation,  had  been 
gained. 

Another  favorite  exercise  was  fowling.     His  youth 
ful  rambles  in  the  woods,  on  his  surveying  expeditions, 
had  made  him  familiar  with  the  use  of*  his  gun.     Game 
f  various  kinds  abounded  on  his  plantations,  particu 
larly  the  species  of  wild  duck,  which  at  certain  seasons 
m  great  numbers  to  the  waters  of  the  Chesa 
peake,  and  is  so  much  esteemed  for  its  superior  qual- 


jET.27-32.]        LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  113 

ity.     He  was  expert  in  the  art  of  duck-shooting,  and 
often  practised  it. 

Connected  with  this  subject,  an  anecdote  is  related 
of  him,  illustrative  of  his  resolution  and  courage.  A 
person  of  lawless  habits  and  reckless  character  had 
frequently  entered  upon  the  grounds  near  Mount  Ver- 
non,  and  shot  ducks  and  other  game.  More  than 
once  he  had  been  warned  to  desist,  and  not  to  return. 
It  was  his  custom  to  cross  the  Potomac  in  a  canoe, 
and  ascend  the  creeks  to  some  obscure  place,  where 
he  could  be  concealed  from  observation.  One  day, 
hearing  the  discharge  of  a  musket,  Washington  mount 
ed  his  horse,  and  rode  in  the  direction  of  the  sound. 
The  intruder  discovered  his  approach,  and  had  just 
time  to  gain  the  canoe  and  push  it  from  the  shore, 
when  Washington  emerged  from  the  bushes  at  the 
distance  of  a  few  yards.  The  man  raised  his  gun, 
cocked  it,  pointed  it  at  him,  and  took  deliberate  aim ; 
but,  without  a  moment's  hesitation,  he  rode  into  the 
water,  seized  the  prow  of  the  canoe,  drew  it  to  land, 
disarmed  his  antagonist,  and  inflicted  on  him  a  chas 
tisement,  which  he  never  again  chose  to  run  the  haz 
ard  of  encountering. 

But  neither  his  private  occupations,  nor  his  im 
portant  duties  as  one  of  the  legislators  of  the  province, 
prevented  Washington  from  taking  an  active  part  in 
many  concerns  of  less  moment,  wherein  he  could  be 
useful  to  his  friends  or  the  community.  He  assumed 
trusts  at  the  solicitation  of  others,  which  sometimes 
involved  much  labor  and  responsibility,  and  in  which 
he  had  no  personal  interest ;  and  cheerfully  rendered 
his  services  as  an  arbitrator  in  settling  disputes.  Such 
was  the  confidence  in  his  candor  and  judgment,  and 
such  his  known  desire  to  promote  peace  and  concord, 
that  he  was  often  called  upon  to  perform  offices  of 

VOL.  I.  15  J  * 


114  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1765. 

this  kind ;  and  it  was  rare  that  his  decision  was  un 
satisfactory ;  for,  however  the  parties  might  differ  in 
opinion,  they  were  persuaded  that  their  cause  could 
not  be  submitted  to  a  more  impartial  or  competent 

judge. 

His  usefulness  extended  to  every  object  within  the 
sphere  of  his  influence.     In  the  affairs  of  Truro  Par 
ish,  to  which  Mount  Vernon  belonged,  he  took  a  lively 
concern  and  exercised  a  salutary  control.     He  was  a 
vestryman  of  that  parish.     On  one  occasion  he  gained 
a  triumph  of  some  moment,  which   Mr.  Massey,  the 
clergyman,  who  lived   to   an  advanced   age,  used    to 
mention  as  an  instance  of  his  address.     The  old  church 
was  falling  to  ruin,  and  it  was  resolved  that  another 
should  be  built.     Several  meetings  were  held,  and  a 
warm    dispute    arose   respecting   its   location,   the    old 
one  being  remote  from  the  centre,  and  inconveniently 
situated  for  many  of  the  parishioners.     A  meeting  for 
settling   the  question   was   finally   held.     George  Ma 
son,  who  led   the  party   that  adhered  to  the  ancient 
site,  made  an  eloquent  harangue,  in  which  he  appealed 
with  great  effect  to  the  sensibilities  of  the  people,  con 
juring  them  not  to   desert  the   spot   consecrated   by 
the  bones  of  their  ancestors  and   the   most  hallowed 
associations.     Mr.  Massey  said  every  one  present  seem 
ed  moved  by  this  discourse,  and,  for  the  moment,  he 
thought  there  would  not  be  a  dissenting  voice.     Wash 
ington  then  rose,  and  drew  from  his  pocket  a  roll  of 
paper,  containing  an  exact  survey  of  Truro  Parish,  on 
which  was  marked  the  site  of  the  old  church,  the  pro 
posed  site  of  the  new  one,  and  the  place  where  each 
parishioner  resided.     He  spread   this   map   before  the 
audience,  explained  it  in  a  few  words,  and  then  added, 
that  it  was  for  them  to  determine,  whether  they  would 
be  carried  away  by  an  impulse  of  feeling,  or  act  upon 


^Er.33.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  115 

the  obvious  principles  of  reason  and  justice.  The 
argument,  thus  confirmed  by  ocular  demonstration, 
was  conclusive,  and  the  church  was  erected  on  the 
new  site. 

At  the  close  of  the  French  war,  he  had  an  arduous 
service  to  perform,  as  one  of  the  commissioners  for 
settling  the  military  accounts  of  the  colony,  which  were 
complicated,  and  of  large  extent.  His  intimate  knowl 
edge  of  the  subject,  and  the  sympathy  he  felt  for 
his  companions  in  arms,  and  all  who  had  aided  the 
cause  of  their  country,  were  motives  for  throwing  this 
task  chiefly  upon  him,  and  he  executed  it  faithfully. 

British  writers  have  asserted,  and  perhaps  believed, 
that  Washington's  sentiments  did  not  harmonize  with 
those  of  the  leaders,  who  resisted  the  aggressions  of 
the  mother  country  at  the  beginning  of  the  great  strug 
gle  for  independence,  and  that  he  was  brought  tardily 
into  the  measures  of  opposition.  This  opinion  prob 
ably  arose  from  the  circumstance  of  his  name  not 
being  mentioned  among  the  conspicuous  actors,  and 
was  strengthened  by  the  spurious  letters  ascribed  to 
him  in  the  first  part  of  the  war,  of  which  more  will 
be  said  hereafter.  These  letters  were  first  published 
in  England,  and  so  artfully  written,  that  they  might 
easily  mislead  those,  who  were  willing  to  be  deceiv 
ed  on  the  side  of  their  prejudices  and  wishes.  It  is 
nevertheless  true,  that  no  man  in  America  took  a  more 
early,  open,  and  decided  part  in  asserting  and  de 
fending  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  opposing  the 
pretensions  set  up  by  the  British  government.  In  the 
Virginia  legislature  he  went  heart  and  hand  with  Hen 
ry,  Randolph,  Lee,  Wythe,  and  the  other  prominent 
leaders  of  the  time.  His  opinions  and  his  principles 
were  consistent  throughout.  That  he  looked  for  a 
conciliation,  till  the  convening  of  the  first  Congress,  and 


116  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1767. 

perhaps  till  the  petition  of  that  Congress  had  been  re 
jected  by  the  King,  there  is  no  doubt;  and  so  did 
Franklin,  Jay,  Jefferson,  John  Adams,  and  probably  all 
the  other  master-spirits,  who  gave  the  tone  to  public 
sentiment  and  action. 

His  disapprobation  of  the  Stamp  Act  was  expressed 
in  unqualified  terms.  He  spoke  of  it,  in  a  letter  writ 
ten  at  the  time,  as  an  "unconstitutional  method  of 
taxation,"  and  "  a  direful  attack  on  the  liberties  of  the 
colonists."  And  subsequently  he  said,  "  The  repeal  of 
the  Stamp  Act,  to  whatever  cause  owing,  ought  much 
to  be  rejoiced  at ;  for,  had  the  Parliament  of  Great  Brit 
ain  resolved  upon  enforcing  it,  the  consequences,  I 
conceive,  would  have  been  more  direful  than  is  gen 
erally  apprehended,  both  to  the  mother  country  and 
her  colonies.  All,  therefore,  who  were  instrumental  in 
procuring  the  repeal,  are  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  every 
British  subject,  and  have  mine  cordially."  He  was 
present  in  the  Virginia  legislature,  when  Patrick  Hen 
ry  offered  his  celebrated  resolutions  on  this  subject. 
I  have  found  no  record  of  his  vote ;  but  it  may  be  pre 
sumed,  from  his  well  known  sentiments,  and  from  his 
frankness  in  avowing  them,  that  he  stood  in  the  ranks 
of  the  patriotic  party,  to  which  he  ever  afterwards 
rendered  his  most  zealous  support. 

Although  the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed,  yet  the 
abettors  of  that  act,  so  odious  to  the  colonies,  were 
not  influenced  in  yielding  the  point  by  any  regard  to 
the  absolute  merits  of  the  question,  but  by  motives  of 
expediency  for  the  moment,  being  resolved  to  seize  the 
t  opportunity  to  renew  the  measure,  and  prosecute 
their  scheme  for  raising  a  revenue  in  America  by  taxing 

3  people  without  their  consent.  They  asserted  the 
unlimited  control  of  Parliament  over  every  part  of  the 
British  dominions;  and  the  doctrine,  hitherto  consid- 


-fir.  35.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  117 

ered  as  one  of  the  vital  elements  of  the  British  con 
stitution,  and  the  main  pillar  of  British  freedom,  that 
no  subject  of  the  realm  could  be  taxed  except  by 
himself  or  his  representatives,  was  virtually  declared 
inapplicable  to  the  colonies.  It  was  no  wonder  that 
a  people,  habituated  to  self-government  and  nurtured 
in  the  atmosphere  of  liberty  from  the  very  origin  of 
their  political  existence,  should  revolt  at  such  an  as 
sumption,  and  be  roused  to  a  defence  of  their  rights. 

The  act  of  Parliament  imposing  duties  on  tea, 
paper,  glass,  and  painters'  colors,  imported  into  the 
colonies,  was  in  reality  a  repetition  of  the  Stamp  Act  in 
another  form.  It  was  thus  understood  by  the  people, 
and  produced  universal  indignation  and  alarm.  Spirited 
resolves  were  immediately  adopted  in  Massachusetts 
and  other  colonies,  expressing  a  determination  not  to 
submit  to  this  act.  Articles  of  agreement  were  at  the 
same  time  entered  into,  called  Associations,  by  which 
those  who  subscribed  them  were  bound  not  to  pur 
chase  or  use  the  manufactures  of  England,  and  othei 
goods  imported  from  that  country,  except  in  cases 
of  the  most  urgent  necessity.  It  was  thought  this 
measure,  if  effectually  pursued,  would  cramp  the  Brit 
ish  commerce,  and  distress  the  manufacturers  and 
merchants  to  such  an  extent,  as  to  open  the  eyes  of 
the  government  to  the  impolicy,  if  not  to  the  iniquity, 
of  the  course  they  had  begun. 

The  spirit  of  discontent  and  opposition  diffused  it 
self  rapidly  in  all  the  provinces.  In  the  month  of 
April,  1769,  just  before  the  assembling  of  the  Virginia 
legislature,  Colonel  Washington  received  sundry  papers, 
containing  the  resolves  and  proceedings  of  the  merchants 
of  Philadelphia.  These  papers  he  communicated  to 
his  neighbour  and  friend,  George  Mason,  accompanied 
by  a  letter,  in  which  he  declared  his  own  opinions  in 


118  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1769. 

a  tone  of  energy  and  decision,  that  could  leave  no  room 
to  doubt,  as  to  his  sense  of  the  matter,  and  the  ground 
he  was  prepared  to  take. 

"At  a  time,"  said  he,  "when  our  lordly  masters  in 
Great  Britain  will  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less  than 
the  deprivation  of  American  freedom,  it  seems  highly 
necessary  that  something  should  be  done  to  avert  the 
stroke,  and  maintain  the  liberty,  which  we  have  derived 
from  our  ancestors.  But  the  manner  of  doing  it,  to 
answer  the  purpose  effectually,  is  the  point  in  question. 

"  That  no  man  should  scruple,  or  hesitate  a  moment, 
to  use  arms  in  defence  of  so  valuable  a  blessing,  is 
clearly  my  opinion.  Yet  arms,  I  would  beg  leave  to 
add,  should  be  the  last  resource,  the  dernier  resort. 
We  have  already,  it  is  said,  proved  the  inefficacy  of 
addresses  to  the  throne,  and  remonstrances  to  Parlia 
ment.  How  far,  then,  their  attention  to  our  rights  and 
privileges  is  to  be  awakened  or  alarmed,  by  starving 
their  trade  and  manufactures,  remains  to  be  tried. 

"  The  northern  colonies,  it  appears,  are  endeavouring 
to  adopt  this  scheme.  In  my  opinion  it  is  a  good  one, 
and  must  be  attended  with  salutary  effects,  provided 
it  can  be  carried  pretty  generally  into  execution." 

These  sentiments  were  cordially  reciprocated  by  Mr. 
Mason,  who  agreed  that  steps  ought  immediately  to 
be  taken  to  bring  about  a  concert  of  action  between 
Virginia  and  the  northern  colonies.  This  gentleman, 
who  afterwards  drafted  the  first  constitution  of  Virginia, 
and  was  a  skilful  writer,  drew  up  a  series  of  articles  in 
the  form  of  an  Association.  The  Burgesses  met  in 
May,  and,  as  Mr.  Mason  was  not  then  one  of  their 
number,  Washington  took  charge  of  the  paper,  with 
the  view  of  laying  it  before  the  Assembly.  As  soon 

the  Burgesses  had  come  together,  and  gone  through 
with  the  forms  of  opening  the  session,  they  proceeded 


.ET.37.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  H9 

to  consider  the  late  doings  of  Parliament,  and  passed 
several  bold  and  pointed  resolves,  denying  the  authority 
of  Parliament  to  impose  taxes  and  enact  laws  hostile 
to  the  ancient  liberties  of  the  colonists.  The  governor, 
Lord  Botetourt,  deservedly  popular  for  his  amiable 
manners  and  the  real  interest  he  felt  in  the  welfare  of 
the  people,  and  at  heart  opposed  to  the  ministerial 
pretensions,  could  not,  in  justice  to  his  sovereign  and 
the  trust  reposed  in  him,  silently  witness  these  symp 
toms  of  disaffection  and  disobedience.  He  went  the 
next  day  to  the  Capitol,  summoned  the  Burgesses  to 
meet  him  in  the  council-chamber,  and  there  dissolved 
the  Assembly.  Not  intimidated  by  this  exercise  of 
the  prerogative,  although  a  virtual  reprimand,  they  forth 
with  repaired  in  a  body  to  a  private  house,  and  unani 
mously  adopted  the  non-importation  agreement,  which 
had  been  prepared  by  George  Mason,  and  presented 
by  Washington.  Every  member  subscribed  his  name 
to  it,  and  it  was  then  printed  and  dispersed  in  the 
country  for  the  signatures  of  the  people. 

Washington  was  scrupulous  in  observing  this  agree 
ment;  and,  when  he  sent  his  customary  annual  orders 
to  London  for  goods  to  be  used  in  his  family,  he 
strictly  enjoined  his  correspondents  to  forward  none 
of  the  enumerated  articles,  unless  the  offensive  acts 
of  Parliament  should  in  the  mean  time  be  repealed. 

In  the  midst  of  his  public  engagements,  another 
affair,  extremely  vexatious  in  its  details,  employed  much 
of  his  attention.  The  claims  of  the  officers  and  sol 
diers  to  lands,  granted  by  Governor  Dinwiddie  as  a 
reward  for  their  services  at  the  beginning  of  the  French 
war,  met  with  innumerable  obstacles  for  a  long  time, 
first  from  the  ministry  in  England,  and  next  from  the 
authorities  in  Virginia.  By  his  unwearied  exertions, 
however,  and  by  these  alone,  and  mostly  at  his  own 


120  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [3770. 

expense,  the  matter  was  at  last  adjusted.  Nor  did 
he  remit  his  efforts  till  every  officer  and  private  soldier 
had  received  his  due  proportion.  Where  deaths  had 
occurred,  the  heirs  were  sought  out,  and  their  claims 
verified  and  allowed.  Even  Vanbraam,  who  was  be 
lieved  to  have  deceived  him  at  the  capitulation  of  the 
Great  Meadows,  and  who  went  as  a  hostage  to  Can 
ada,  thence  to  England,  and  never  returned  to  Amer 
ica,  was  not  forgotten  in  the  distribution.  His  share 
was  reserved,  and  he  was  informed  that  it  was  at  his 
disposal. 

While  this  business  was  in  progress,  Washington 
resolved  to  visit  the  western  lands  in  person,  and  se 
lect  for  the  surveys  such  tracts  as  would  have  an  in 
trinsic  value,  both  in  regard  to  their  location  and  qual 
ity.  This  was  the  more  important,  as  it  was  necessary 
to  take  the  land  in  large  tracts,  and  then  divide  it 
according  to  a  prescribed  ratio. 

In  the  autumn  of  1770,  accompanied  by  his  friend, 
Dr.  Craik,  who  had  been  his  companion  in  arms  at 
the  battles  of  the  Great  Meadows  and  of  the  Monon- 
gahela,  he  performed  a  tour  of  nine  weeks  for  this 
purpose.  Proceeding  to  Pittsburg  on  horseback,  he 
there  embarked  in  a  canoe,  and  descended  the  Ohio 
River  to  the  Great  Kenhawa,  a  distance  of  two  hundred 
and  sixty-five  miles. 

At  that  time  there  were  no  inhabitants  on  the  Ohio 
below  Pittsburg,  except  the  natives  of  the  forest.  A 
few  traders  had  wandered  into  those  regions,  and  land 
speculators  had  sent  out  emissaries  to  explore  the 
country,  but  no  permanent  settlements  had  been 
formed.  He  was  attended  down  the  river  by  Wil 
liam  Crawford,  a  person  accustomed  to  the  woods,  and 
a  part  of  the  way  by  Colonel  Croghan,  distinguished 
tor  his  knowledge  of  Indian  affairs.  The  voyage  was 


jE*.38.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  121 

fatiguing  and  somewhat  hazardous,  as  they  were  ex 
posed  without  shelter  to  the  inclemencies  of  the  weath 
er,  and  no  one  of  the  party  was  experienced  in  the 
navigation  of  the  stream.  At  night  they  landed  and 
encamped.  Occasionally  they  walked  through  the 
woods,  leaving  the  canoe  in  charge  of  the  oarsmen. 
They  were  thus  enabled  to  inspect  the  lands,  and  form 
a  judgment  of  the  soil.  Washington  was  also  gratified 
to  meet  several  of  his  former  Indian  friends,  who,  hear 
ing  of  his  journey,  came  to  see  him  at  different  places. 
Among  others,  he  recognised  a  chief,  who  had  gone 
with  him  to  the  fort  on  French  Creek,  sixteen  years 
before.  They  all  greeted  him  with  much  ceremonious 
respect,  making  speeches  according  to  their  manner, 
welcoming  him  to  their  country,  exhibiting  their  usual 
tokens  of  friendship  and  hospitality,  and  expressing  a 
desire  to  maintain  a  pacific  intercourse  with  their  white 
neighbours  of  Virginia. 

After  arriving  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kenhawa, 
he  ascended  that  river  about  fourteen  miles,  and  ex 
amined  the  lands  in  the  vicinity.  He  had  an  oppor 
tunity,  likewise,  to  practise  his  favorite  amusement  of 
hunting.  Buffaloes,  deer,  turkeys,  ducks,  and  other 
wild  game,  were  found  in  great  abundance.  Pleased 
with  the  situation,  aspect,  and  resources  of  the  coun 
try,  he  selected  various  tracts  of  land,  which  were 
ultimately  surveyed  and  appropriated  to  fulfil  the 
pledges  to  the  army.  Having  accomplished  his  ob 
ject,  he  returned  up  the  Ohio,  and  thence  to  Mount 
Vernon. 

Some  months  afterwards  he  assented  to  a  proposal 
from  Lord  Dunmore,  governor  of  Virginia,  to  join  him 
in  an  excursion  to  the  western  country,  and  the  prep 
arations  were  partly  made ;  but  family  afflictions  oc 
curring  at  the  time,  in  the  death  of  Mrs.  Washington's 

VOL.  I.  16  K 


122  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1771. 

only  daughter,  prevented  him  from  executing  the  de 
sign. 

The  crisis  was  now  approaching,  which  was  to  call 
Washington  from  his  retreat,  and  to  engage  him  in 
the  widest  sphere  of  public  action.  The  complaints, 
remonstrances,  and  lofty  spirit  of  the  colonists  had 
wrought  no  other  impression  on  the  British  ministry, 
than  to  confirm  them  in  their  delusions,  and  stimulate 
them  to  new  acts  of  encroachment  and  severity,  mis 
taking  the  calls  of  justice  for  the  clamor  of  factious 
discontent,  and  eager  to  complete  by  the  arm  of  power 
the  work,  which  they  had  begun  with  rashness  and 
pursued  with  obstinacy.  Although  apparently  shrouded 
in  the  shades  of  Mount  Vernon,  Washington  was  a 
close  observer  of  every  movement,  and  perfectly  master 
of  the  history  and  principles  of  the  controversy.  As 
sociating,  as  he  did,  with  the  eminent  men  of  his  day, 
and  exercising  without  intermission  the  civil  functions 
of  a  legislator,  every  topic  had  been  brought  under  his 
notice  and  minutely  examined.  We  have  seen  the 
part  he  had  already  acted;  and,  such  were  his  caution, 
the  rectitude  of  his  motives,  his  power  of  discrimination, 
and  his  unerring  judgment,  that  he  was  never  known 
to  desert  a  cause  he  had  once  embraced,  or  change 
an  opinion,  which,  from  a  full  knowledge  of  facts,  he 
had  deliberately  formed. 

The  dissolution  of  the  Assembly  by  Lord  Botetourt 
had  no  other  effect,  than  to  elicit  a  signal  proof  of  the 
sentiments  of  the  people,  and  their  acquiescence  in 
the  acts  of  their  representatives.  At  the  new  election 
every  member  was  returned,  who  had  sat  in  the  former 
Assembly.  In  the  mean  time,  Lord  Botetourt  died, 
and  the  Earl  of  Dunmore  succeeded  him  as  governor 

Virginia.  The  temper  shown  by  the  Burgesses,  at 
their  f,rst  meeting  after  he  took  possession  of  the 


^Ex.41.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


123 


government,  was  not  such  as  to  make  him  desirous 
of  their  aid,  as  long  as  he  could  dispense  with  it,  and 
he  prorogued  them  by  proclamations  from  time  to  time 
till  the  4th  of  March,  1773.  This  Assembly  is  mem 
orable  for  having  brought  forward  the  resolves,  insti 
tuting  a  committee  of  correspondence,  and  recommend 
ing  the  same  to  the  legislatures  of  the  other  colonies, 
thereby  establishing  channels  of  intelligence  and  a 
bond  of  union,  which  proved  of  the  utmost  importance 
to  the  general  cause.  Washington  was  present,  and 
gave  his  hearty  support  to  these  resolves. 

The  next  session,  which  took  place  in  May,  1774, 
was  productive  of  still  more  decisive  measures.  Soon 
after  the  members  had  come  together,  news  reached 
Williamsburg  of  the  act  of  Parliament  for  shutting  up 
the  port  of  Boston,  and  inflicting  other  disabilities  on 
the  inhabitants  of  that  town,  which  was  to  take  effect 
on  the  1st  of  June.  The  sympathy  and  patriotic  feel 
ings  of  the  Burgesses  were  strongly  excited ;  and  they 
forthwith  passed  an  order,  deprecating  this  ministerial 
procedure,  as  a  hostile  invasion,  and  setting  apart  the 
1st  of  June  to  be  observed  "as  a  day  of  fasting,  hu 
miliation,  and  prayer,  to  implore  the  Divine  interposition 
for  averting  the  heavy  calamity,  which  threatened  de 
struction  to  their  civil  rights  and  the  evils  of  civil  war, 
and  to  give  them  one  heart  and  one  mind  firmly  to 
oppose,  by  all  just  and  proper  means,  every  injury  to 
American  rights."  The  governor  was  alarmed  at  these 
symptoms,  and  dissolved  the  house  the  next  morning. 
Not  to  be  diverted  from  their  purpose,  however,  the 
delegates  repaired  immediately  to  the  Raleigh  Tavern, 
eighty-nine  in  number,  organized  themselves  into  a 
committee,  and  drew  up  and  signed  an  Association,  in 
which,  after  expressing  in  strong  language  their  dis 
satisfaction  with  the  late  doings  of  the  British  Parlia- 


124  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

ment,  and  their  opinion  that  the  vital  interests  of  all 
the  colonies  were  equally  concerned,  they  advised  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  to  communicate  with 
the  Committees  of  the  other  colonies,  on  the  expe 
diency  of  appointing  deputies  to  meet  in  a  general 
congress.  Although  the  idea  of  a  congress  was  in  the 
minds  of  many  persons  throughout  the  continent,  and 
had  been  proposed  in  town  meetings  at  Boston  and 
New  York,  yet  this  was  the  first  public  assembly  by 
which  it  was  formally  recommended.  As  the  governor 
had  dissolved  the  legislature,  and  no  other  business 
seemed  necessary  to  be  done,  many  of  the  delegates 
returned  to  their  homes.  Such  as  stayed  behind,  at 
tended  the  religious  services  on  the  day  appointed  for 
the  fast.  Washington  writes  in  his  Diary,  that  he 
"went  to  church,  and  fasted  all  day." 

While  they  were  waiting  to  perform  this  duty,  let 
ters  were  received  from  Boston,  giving  an  account  of 
a  town  meeting  in  that  place,  and  a  resolution  to  call 
on  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  generally  to  enter 
into  an  agreement,  that  they  would  hold  no  further 
commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain,  either  by 
imports  or  exports.  Twenty-five  of  the  late  delegates 
were  still  in  Williamsburg,  among  whom  was  Wash 
ington  ;  and,  on  the  29th  of  May,  they  met  to  consider 
the  subject.  On  one  essential  point  they  differed  in 
opinion ;  and,  as  their  number  was  small,  they  thought 
it  not  proper  to  determine  upon  any  public  act,  which 
should  go  abroad  as  the  presumed  sense  of  the  colony. 
They  did  no  more,  therefore,  than  state  the  matter 
clearly  in  a  circular  letter,  and  recommend  a  meeting 
of  deputies  at  Williamsburg  on  the  1st  of  August,  for 
the  purpose  of  a  more  full  and  deliberate  discussion. 
The  circular  was  printed,  and  distributed  in  the  sev 
eral  counties. 


Jfr.42.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  125 

The  members,  who  dissented  from  the  proposition 
m  its  comprehensive  form,  were  not  satisfied  as  to 
the  prohibition  of  exports.  All  agreed,  that  the  non 
importation  compact  should  be  strictly  adhered  to, 
and  even  enlarged,  so  as  to  include  every  article  not 
absolutely  necessary  for  common  use,  and  which  could 
be  obtained  only  from  Great  Britain.  Exports  stood 
on  a  different  footing.  Large  debts  were  due  to  mer 
chants  in  England,  which  could  be  paid  in  no  other 
way  than  by  exporting  produce  from  the  colonies.  To 
withhold  this  produce  was  in  effect  a  refusal  to  pay  a 
just  debt.  Washington  was  strenuous  on  this  head, 
and  insisted,  that,  whatever  might  be  done  prospec- 
tively,  honor  and  justice  required  a  faithful  discharge 
of  all  obligations  previously  contracted.  The  reply 
was,  that  the  colonists,  after  all,  were  the  greatest  suf 
ferers,  that  the  English  merchants  could  not  expect  an 
exemption  from  the  calamities  brought  upon  the  nation 
by  the  weakness  or  wickedness  of  their  rulers,  and 
that  the  debts  would  in  the  end  be  paid.  He  was 
not  convinced  by  this  reasoning.  At  any  rate,  he  was 
not  willing  to  make  it  the  basis  of  action,  till  other  less 
objectionable  methods  should  be  found  unavailing. 

In  conformity  to  the  advice  of  the  circular  letter, 
meetings  were  held  in  the  several  counties,  resolutions 
were  adopted,  and  delegates  appointed  to  meet  in 
convention  at  Williamsburg  on  the  1st  of  August.  In 
Fairfax  County,  Washington  presided  as  chairman  of 
the  meetings,  and  was  one  of  a  committee  to  prepare 
a  series  of  resolves  expressive  of  the  sense  of  the 
people.  The  resolves  themselves,  twenty -four  in  all, 
were  drafted  by  George  Mason;  and  they  constitute 
one  of  the  ablest  and  most  luminous  expositions  of 
the  points  at  issue  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
colonies,  which  are  to  be  found  among  the  public 


K* 


126  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

documents  of  that  period.  Embracing  the  great  prin 
ciples  and  facts,  clothed  in  a  nervous  and  appropriate 
style,  they  are  equally  marked  with  dignity,  firmness, 
intelligence,  and  wisdom.  They  are  moreover  of  spe 
cial  interest  as  containing  the  opinions  of  Washington 
at  a  critical  time,  when  he  was  soon  to  be  raised 
by  his  countrymen  to  a  station  of  the  highest  trust  and 
responsibility. 

One  of  his  friends,  Mr.  Bryan  Fairfax,  who  attend 
ed  the  first  meeting,  but  who  could  not  accede  to  all 
the  resolves,  explained  his  objections  and  difficulties 
in  writing.  The  following  extracts  from  Washington's 
letters  in  reply  exhibit  his  views,  and  the  spirit  by  which 
he  was  animated. 

"  That  I  differ  very  widely  from  you,"  said  he,  "  in 
respect  to  the  mode  of  obtaining  a  repeal  of  the  acts 
so  much  and  so  justly  complained  of,  I  shall  not  hesi 
tate  to  acknowledge ;  and  that  this  difference  in  opin 
ion  probably  proceeds  from  the  different  constructions 
we  put  upon  the  conduct  and  intention  of  the  ministry, 
may  also  be  true ;  but,  as  I  see  nothing,  on  the  one 
hand,  to  induce  a  belief,  that  the  Parliament  would 
embrace  a  favorable  opportunity  of  repealing  acts,  which 
they  go  on  with  great  rapidity  to  pass,  in  order  to 
enforce  their  tyrannical  system ;  and,  on  the  other,  I 
observe,  or  think  I  observe,  that  government  is  purr 
suing  a  regular  plan  at  the  expense  of  law  and  justice 
to  overthrow  our  constitutional  rights  and  liberties,  how 
can  I  expect  any  redress  from  a  measure,  which  has 
been  ineffectually  tried  already?  For,  Sir,  what  is  it 
we  are  contending  against?  Is  it  against  paying  the 
duty  of  three  pence  per  pound  on  tea  because  bur- 
thensome  ?  No,  it  is  the  right  only,  that  we  have  all 
along  disputed ;  and  to  this  end  we  have  already  pe 
titioned  his  Majesty  in  as  humble  and  dutiful  a  manner, 


.ET.42.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  127 

as  subjects  could  do.  Nay,  more,  we  applied  to  the 
House  of  Lords  and  House  of  Commons  in  their  differ 
ent  legislative  capacities,  setting  forth,  that,  as  English 
men,  we  could  not  be  deprived  of  this  essential  and  val 
uable  part  of  our  constitution.  If,  then,  as  the  fact  really 
is,  it  is  against  the  right  of  taxation  that  we  now  do,  and, 
as  I  before  said,  all  along  have  contended,  why  should 
they  suppose  an  exertion  of  this  power  would  be  less 
obnoxious  now  than  formerly  ?  And  what  reason  have 
we  to  believe,  that  they  would  make  a  second  attempt, 
whilst  the  same  sentiments  fill  the  breast  of  every 
American,  if  they  did  not  intend  to  enforce  it  if  pos 
sible  ? 

"In  short,  what  further  proofs  are  wanting  to  sat 
isfy  any  one  of  the  designs  of  the  ministry,  than  their 
own  acts,  which  are  uniform  and  plainly  tending  to 
the  same  point,  nay,  if  I  mistake  not,  avowedly  to  fix 
the  right  of  taxation  ?  What  hope  have  we,  then,  from 
petitioning,  when  they  tell  us,  that  now  or  never  is 
the  time  to  fix  the  matter  1  Shall  we,  after  this,  whine 
and  cry  for  relief,  when  we  have  already  tried  it  in 
vain?  Or  shall  we  supinely  sit  and  see  one  province 
after  another  fall  a  sacrifice  to  despotism? 

"If  I  were  in  any  doubt,  as  to  the  right  which  the 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain  had  to  tax  us  without  our 
consent,  I  should  most  heartily  coincide  with  you  in 
opinion,  that  to  petition,  and  petition  only,  is  the  proper 
method  to  apply  for  relief;  because  we  should  then 
be  asking  a  favor,  and  not  claiming  a  right,  which,  by 
the  law  of  nature  and  by  our  constitution,  we  are,  in 
my  opinion,  indubitably  entitled  to.  I  should  even 
think  it  criminal  to  go  further  than  this,  under  such  an 
idea;  but  I  have  none  such.  I  think  the  Parliament 
of  Great  Britain  have  no  more  right  to  put  their  hands 
into  my  pocket,  without  my  consent,  than  I  have  to 


128  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

put  my  hands  into  yours;  and,  this  being  already 
urged  to  them  in  a  firm,  but  decent  manner,  by  all 
the  colonies,  what  reason  is  there  to  expect  any  thing 
from  their  justice  ? 

"As  to  the  resolution  for  addressing  the  throne,  I 
own  to  you,  Sir,  I  think  the  whole  might  as  well  have 
been  expunged.  I  expect  nothing  from  the  measure, 
nor  should  my  voice  have  sanctioned  it,  if  the  non 
importation  scheme  was  intended  to  be  retarded  by  it ; 
for  I  am  convinced,  as  much  as  I  am  of  my  existence, 
that  there  is  no  relief  for  us  but  in  their  distress ;  and 
I  think,  at  least  I  hope,  that  there  is  public  virtue  enough 
left  among  us  to  deny  ourselves  every  thing  but  the 
bare  necessaries  of  life  to  accomplish  this  end.  This 
we  have  a  right  to  do,  and  no  power  upon  earth  can 
compel  us  to  do  otherwise,  till  it  has  first  reduced  us 
to  the  most  abject  state  of  slavery.  The  stopping 
of  our  exports  would,  no  doubt,  be  a  shorter  method 
than  the  other  to  effect  this  purpose ;  but,  if  we  owe 
money  to  Great  Britain,  nothing  but  the  last  necessity 
can  justify  the  non-payment  of  it;  and,  therefore,  I 
have  great  doubts  upon  this  head,  and  wish  to  see  the 
other  method  first  tried,  which  is  legal  and  will  facilitate 
these  payments. 

"Satisfied,  then,  that  the  acts  of  the  British  Par 
liament  are  no  longer  governed  by  the  principles  of 
justice,  that  they  are  trampling  upon  the  valuable  rights 
of  Americans,  confirmed  to  them  by  charter  and  by 
the  constitution  they  themselves  boast  of,  and  convinced 
beyond  the  smallest  doubt,  that  these  measures  are 
the  result  of  deliberation,  and  attempted  to  be  carried 
into  execution  by  the  hand  of  power,  is  it  a  time  to 
trifle,  or  risk  our  cause  upon  petitions,  which  with  dif 
ficulty  obtain  access,  and  afterwards  are  thrown  by 
with  the  utmost  contempt?  Or  should  we,  because 


JET.  42.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  129 

heretofore  unsuspicious  of  design,  and  then  unwilling 
to  enter  into  disputes  with  the  mother  country,  go  on 
to  bear  more,  and  forbear  to  enumerate  our  just  causes 
of  complaint?  For  my  own  part,  I  shall  not  under 
take  to  say  where  the  line  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  colonies  should  be  drawn;  but  I  am  clearly  of 
opinion,  that  one  ought  to  be  drawn,  and  our  rights 
clearly  ascertained.  I  could  wish,  I  own,  that  the  dis 
pute  had  been  left  to  posterity  to  determine;  but  the 
crisis  is  arrived  when  we  must  assert  our  rights,  or 
submit  to  every  imposition,  that  can  be  heaped  upon 
us,  till  custom  and  use  shall  make  us  tame  and  abject 
slaves." 

The  Convention  met  at  Williamsburg  on  the  day 
proposed.  Washington  was  a  member  from  Fairfax 
County.  One  of  the  principal  acts  of  this  Convention 
was  to  adopt  a  new  Association,  more  extensive  in  its- 
prohibitions  than  the  former,  and  fixing  on  certain  times 
when  all  further  intercourse  with  British  merchants, 
both  by  imports  and  exports,  was  to  be  suspended, 
unless  the  offensive  acts  of  Parliament  should  previ 
ously  be  repealed.  In  its  general  features,  this  As 
sociation  was  nearly  the  same  as  the  Fairfax  County 
resolves.  After  sitting  six  days,  appointing  Peyton 
Randolph,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George  Washington, 
Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Bland,  Benjamin  Harrison,  and 
Edmund  Pendleton  delegates  to  the  general  Congress, 
and  furnishing  them  with  instructions,  the  Convention 
dissolved. 

The  day  appointed  throughout  the  colonies  for  the 
meeting  of  the  first  Congress,  at  Philadelphia,  was  the 
5th  of  September.  Two  of  Washington's  associates, 
Mr.  Henry  and  Mr.  Pendleton,  stopped  on  their  way 
at  Mount  Vernon,  whence  they  all  pursued  their  jour 
ney  together,  and  were  present  at  the  opening  of  the 

VOL.    I.  17 


130  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

Congress.  The  proceedings  of  this  assembly  need 
not  here  be  recounted.  As  the  debates  were  never 
made  public,  the  part  performed  by  each  individual 
cannot  now  be  known.  It  has  only  been  ascertained, 
that  Dickinson  drafted  the  petition  to  the  King  and 
the  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Quebec,  Jay  the 
address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  Lee  the 
memorial  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  British  colonies ;  state 
papers  of  great  historical  value,  which  extorted  a  eu 
logy  from  Chatham,  and  which  will  ever  be  regarded 
as  among  the  ablest  specimens  of  practical  talent  and 
political  wisdom. 

While  attending  the  Congress,  Washington  received 
a  letter  from  his  friend,   Captain   Mackenzie,  of  the 
British  army,  then  stationed  at  Boston,  in  which  the 
writer  spoke  of  the  rebellious  conduct  of  the  Bosto- 
nians,  the  trouble  they  had  given  General  Gage,  their 
military   preparations,   and   their    secret    aim   at   inde 
pendence.      In   his   answer,   after  regretting    that    his 
friend  should  be  engaged  in  such  a  service,  he  added ; 
"  I  do  not  mean  by  this  to  insinuate,  that  an  officer 
is  not  to  discharge  his  duty,  even  when  chance,  not 
choice,  has   placed   him   in   a   disagreeable    situation ; 
but  I   conceive,  when  you  condemn   the   conduct  of 
the   Massachusetts    people,   you    reason    from    effects, 
not  causes ;   otherwise  you   would  not   wonder  at   a 
people,  who  are  every  day  receiving  fresh  proofs  of  a 
systematic  assertion  of  arbitrary  power,  deeply  planned 
to  overturn  the  laws  and  constitution  of  their  country, 
and  to  violate  the  most  essential  and  valuable  rights  of 
mankind,  being  irritated,  and  with  difficulty  restrained 
from  acts  of  the  greatest  violence  and  intemperance. 

'Although  you  are  taught  to  believe,  that  the  peo 
ple  of  Massachusetts  are  rebellious,  setting  up  for  in 
dependency,  and  what  not,  give  me  leave,  my  good 


jEr.42.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  131 

friend,  to  tell  you,  that  you  are  abused,  grossly  abused. 
This  I  advance  with  a  degree  of  confidence  and  bold 
ness,  which  may  claim  your  belief,  having  better  oppor 
tunities  of  knowing  the  real  sentiments  of  the  people 
you  are  among,  from  the  leaders  of  them,  in  oppo 
sition  to  the  present  measures  of  the  administration, 
than  you  have  from  those  whose  business  it  is,  not 
to  disclose  truths,  but  to  misrepresent  facts  in  order  to 
justify  as  much  as  possible  to  the  world  their  own 
conduct.  Give  me  leave  to  add,  and  I  think  I  can 
announce  it  as  a  fact,  that  it  is  not  the  wish  or  interest 
of  that  government,  or  any  other  upon  this  continent, 
separately  or  collectively,  to  set  up  for  independence ; 
but  this  you  may  at  the  same  time  rely  on,  that  none 
of  them  will  ever  submit  to  the  loss  of  those  valuable 
rights  and  privileges,  which  are  essential  to  the  happi 
ness  of  every  free  state,  and  without  which,  life,  lib 
erty,  and  property  are  rendered  totally  insecure. 

"  These,  Sir,  being  certain  consequences,  which 
must  naturally  result  from  the  late  acts  of  Parliament 
relative  to  America  in  general,  and  the  government  of 
Massachusetts  Bay  in  particular,  is  it  to  be  wondered 
at,  I  repeat,  that  men,  who  wish  to  avert  the  impend 
ing  blow,  should  attempt  to  oppose  it  in  its  progress, 
or  prepare  for  their  defence,  if  it  cannot  be  averted? 
Surely  I  may  be  allowed  to  answer  in  the  negative ; 
and  again  give  me  leave  to  add  as  my  opinion,  that 
more  blood  will  be  spilled  on  this  occasion,  if  the  min 
istry  are  determined  to  push  matters  to  extremity,  than 
history  has  ever  yet  furnished  instances  of  in  the  annals 
of  North  America,  and  such  a  vital  wound  will  be 
given  to  the  peace  of  this  great  country,  as  time  itself 
cannot  cure,  or  eradicate  the  remembrance  of." 

What  is  here  said,  in  regard  to  independence,  is 
confirmed  by  the  address  of  the  first  Congress  to  the 


132  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

people  of  Great  Britain.  "You  have  been  told,  that 
we  are  seditious,  impatient  of  government,  and  desirous 
of  independency.  Be  assured,  that  these  are  not  facts, 
but  calumnies."  That  such  were  at  this  time  the  sen 
timents  of  the  leaders  in  America,  there  can  be  no 
reasonable  doubt ;  being  accordant  with  all  their  pub 
lic  acts  and  private  declarations.  Considering  the 
temper  of  the  British  ministry,  and  the  length  to  which 
their  blindness  and  obstinacy  had  already  carried  them, 
a  resort  to  arms  was  probably  anticipated.  But  it 
was  certainly  the  opinion  of  Washington,  and,  it  is 
believed,  of  all  his  principal  coadjutors,  in  the  ear 
lier  stages  of  the  contest,  that  a  course  of  measures  so 
obviously  impolitic  and  unjust,  and  so  hostile  to  the  inter 
ests  of  England  herself,  would  not  be  persevered  in,  and 
that  a  reconciliation  would  ultimately  be  effected  on 
such  terms  as  the  colonists  would  accept ;  that  is,  by 
desisting  from  oppressive  claims,  and  restoring  things 
to  their  original  position.  It  was  his  opinion,  never 
theless,  that  the  colonists  were  bound,  in  duty  to  them 
selves  and  posterity,  to  vindicate  and  maintain  their 
ancient  liberties,  their  rights  as  men  and  British  sub 
jects,  and  that  they  ought  to  be  prepared,  with  all 
their  resources  and  strength,  to  meet  the  issue  to  which 
stern  necessity  might  impel  them.  On  this  ground  he 
stood  firm,  never  wavering  for  a  moment,  looking  stead 
ily  at  the  object  in  view,  and  regarding  the  struggles 
and  hazards  in  attaining  it  as  dust  in  the  balance. 

Mr.  Wirt  relates  an  anecdote  of  him,  which  shows 
in  what  estimation  he  was  held  by  the  members  of 
the  first  Congress.  Soon  after  Patrick  Henry  returned 
home,  being  asked  "whom  he  thought  the  greatest 
man  in  Congress,"  he  replied,  "If  you  speak  of  elo 
quence,  Mr.  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina  is  by  far  the 
greatest  orator ;  but,  if  you  speak  of  solid  information 


^ET.42.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  133 

and  sound  judgment,  Colonel  Washington  is  unques 
tionably  the  greatest  man  on  that  floor."  *  This  opin 
ion  was  verified  by  every  act  of  his  life.  His  knowl 
edge,  on  the  subjects  to  which  he  gave  his  attention, 
was  most  thorough  and  exact;  and  all  the  world  has 
agreed,  that  no  other  man  has  given  such  proofs  of 
the  soundness  of  his  judgment. 

The  business  of  the  Congress  being  over,  Washington 
went  back  to  the  occupations  of  his  farm.  Little  leisure 
was  left  him,  however,  for  these  favorite  pursuits.  It 
had  long  been  a  custom  in  Virginia  to  form  independ 
ent  companies  for  military  discipline.  These  compa 
nies  chose  their  own  officers,  adopted  uniforms,  and 
provided  themselves  with  colors,  arms,  and  drums, 
being  governed  by  the  general  regulations  of  the  mi 
litia  laws.  Companies  of  this  description  had  recently 
been  encouraged  by  Governor  Dunmore,  who  had  an 
Indian  war  upon  his  hands,  and  was  fitting  out  a  for 
midable  expedition  to  the  West. 

Their  martial  spirit  was  quickened,  when  it  was 
perceived  that  their  services  might  be  wanted  in  a 
cause  of  vastly  greater  moment.  As  the  first  military 
character  in  the  province,  Colonel  Washington  was 
much  consulted  by  the  officers,  and  his  counsels  were 
implicitly  followed.  He  had  hardly  returned  from  the 
Congress,  when  he  was  solicited  by  the  independent 
company  of  Prince  William  County  to  take  command 
of  them  as  field-officer.  Other  companies  tendered  him 
the  same  honor;  and  it  seemed  to  be  the  unanimous 
expectation  of  the  people,  that,  in  the  event  of  a  war, 
he  would  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Virginia  forces. 
He  yielded  to  the  solicitations  of  the  companies,  re 
viewed  them  at  the  different  points  of  rendezvous, 

*  Life  of  Patrick  Henry,  3d  edition,  p.  113. 
VOL.  I.  L 


134  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

animated  them  by  his  example;  and  his  advice  and 
instructions  were  received  by  them  as  orders,  which 
they  were  bound  to  obey. 

The  second  Virginia  Convention  met  at  Richmond 
on  the  20th  of  March,  1775.  Washington  attended 
as  a  delegate.  The  proceedings  of  the  general  Con 
gress  were  first  taken  up,  examined,  discussed,  and 
approved.  Patrick  Henry  then  introduced  resolutions 
to  establish  a  more  efficient  system  of  embodying, 
arming,  and  disciplining  the  militia.  This  proposition 
was  startling  to  some  of  the  members,  who  thought 
so  bold  a  step  premature,  till  the  result  of  the  last 
petition  to  the  King  should  be  more  fully  known.  It 
was  carried  by  a  majority,  however,  who,  like  Wash 
ington,  after  the  experiments  already  tried,  had  no 
faith  in  the  success  of  petitions.  A  committee,  of  which 
Washington  was  a  member,  was  accordingly  selected 
to  report  a  plan.  Deference  would  naturally  be  paid 
to  his  superior  knowledge  and  experience  in  military 
affairs,  and  it  may  be  presumed  that  the  scheme  was 
chiefly  modelled  by  him.  In  defending  the  above  res 
olutions,  Patrick  Henry  made  the  celebrated  speech, 
in  which  he  said ;  "  We  must  fight !  I  repeat  it,  Sir, 
we  must  fight!  An  appeal  to  arms  and  the  God  of 
Hosts  is  all  that  is  left  us ! " 

The  Convention  next  took  notice  of  the  internal 
state  of  the  province.  To  remedy  the  wants,  which 
the  people  would  suffer  from  the  cessation  of  imports, 
it  was  proposed  to  devise  a  plan  for  the  encourage 
ment  of  arts  and  manufactures.  Washington  was  like 
wise  on  the  committee  for  digesting  and  preparing 
this  plan.  Various  articles  were  enumerated,  most 
essential  for  use,  which  it  was  believed  might  be 
manufactured  in  the  colony,  and  methods  were  indi 
cated  for  accomplishing  so  desirable  an  end.  The 


^Ex.43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  135 

people  were  advised  to  form  themselves  into  socie 
ties  and  committees  for  mutual  intelligence  and  aid, 
to  offer  premiums,  and  to  promote  the  culture  of  wool, 
cotton,  flax,  and  hemp.  The  members  of  the  Con 
vention  agreed,  that  they  would  use  home  manufac 
tures  in  preference  to  any  others,  and  recommended 
this  patriotic  practice  to  their  constituents. 

The  former  delegates  were  rechosen  to  represent 
Virginia  in  the  next  Continental  Congress.  On  the 
day  this  choice  was  made,  Washington  wrote  to  his 
brother,  approving  his  zeal  in  training  an  independent 
company,  and  adding ;  "  I  shall  very  cheerfully  accept 
the  honor  of  commanding  it,  if  occasion  require  it  to 
be  drawn  out,  as  it  is  my  full  intention  to  devote  my 
life  and  fortune  in  the  cause  we  are  engaged  in,  if 
needful."  The  time  of  need  soon  arrived. 


136  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1775. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Meeting  of  the  second  Congress.  —  Washington  chosen  Commander-in- 
chief  "of  the  Continental  Army.  —  Repairs  to  Cambridge,  and  takes 
the  Command.  —  State  of  the  Army.  — His  Intercourse  with  Con 
gress.  —  Numerous  Affairs  devolve  on  him.  —  Correspondence  with 
General  Gage.  — The  Expedition  to  Quebec.  —  Councils  of  War 
respecting  an  Assault  on  Boston.  —  Organization  of  a  new  Conti 
nental  Army.  —  Difficulties  of  procuring  Recruits.  —  Militia  called 
out.  —  Maritime  Affairs.  —  Armed  Vessels.  —  General  Howe  takes 
Command  of  the  British  Army.  —  Condition  of  the  American  Army 
at  the  End  of  the  Year.  —  Washington's  Arrangement  of  his  private 
Affairs. 

WHEN  the  second  Congress  assembled,  on  the  10th 
of  May,  1775,  the  relations  between  the  colonies  and 
Great  Britain  had  assumed  an  aspect  no  longer  doubt 
ful.  The  petition  of  the  former  Congress,  though 
received  by  the  King,  had  been  treated  with  silent 
neglect,  and  had  produced  no  change  of  measures  or 
purpose.  The  tone  of  the  ministry  and  proceedings 
of  Parliament  indicated  a  fixed  determination  to  per 
severe  in  their  oppressive  demands,  and  to  achieve  by 
force  what  they  could  not  effect  by  the  menaces  of 
power,  or  the  terror  of  the  civil  arm.  Hostilities  had 
in  fact  commenced.  The  tragical  day  at  Lexington 
and  Concord  had  occurred.  The  inexcusable  rash 
ness  of  General  Gage,  in  sending  troops  into  the  coun 
try  on  an  errand  of  plunder  and  bloodshed,  had  roused 
the  indignation  of  the  inhabitants;  and  the  yeomanry 
of  New  England  were  flying  to  their  arms  and  rallying 
around  the  standard  of  American  liberty.  An  army, 
respectable  for  numbers,  strong  in  spirit  and  the  jus 
tice  of  their  cause,  had  collected  in  the  vicinity  of 
Boston,  prepared  for  combat,  and  resolved  to  resist 
any  further  encroachments  of  the  now  declared  ene 
mies  to  their  country. 


jEr.43]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  137 

Such  was  the  crisis,  which  presented  itself  to  the 
Congress  when  they  met,  and  which  called  for  the 
exercise  of  all  their  wisdom  and  firmness.  Notwith 
standing  the  hope,  perhaps  belief,  entertained  by  many, 
that  a  reconciliation  would  still  take  place  on  honorable 
and  satisfactory  terms,  yet  all  perceived  the  necessity 
of  prompt  and  decided  action.  To  shrink  at  this  mo 
ment,  to  temporize  and  delay,  would  be  a  confession 
of  weakness,  an  evidence  of  irresolution,  which  might 
prove  of  incalculable  injury,  both  by  damping  the  ardor 
of  the  Americans,  and  by  strengthening  the  confidence 
of  their  foes.  Whatever  difference  of  opinion  there 
might  be  on  other  points,  every  member  felt,  that  the 
hour  of  preparation  was  come,  and  that  an  organized 
system  must  be  instituted,  which  would  draw  out  and 
concentrate  the  military  resources  of  the  country. 

While  Congress  were  deliberating  on  this  subject, 
Washington  wrote  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  England,  in 
which,  after  speaking  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  he 
says  ;  "  This  may  serve  to  convince  Lord  Sandwich, 
and  others  of  the  same  sentiment,  that  Americans  will 
fight  for  their  liberties  and  property,  however  pusillani 
mous  in  his  Lordship's  eyes  they  may  appear  in  other 
respects.  Unhappy  it  is,  though,  to  reflect,  that  a 
brother's  sword  has  been  sheathed  in  a  brother's  breast, 
and  that  the  once  happy  and  peaceful  plains  of  Amer 
ica  are  either  to  be  drenched  in  blood,  or  inhabited 
by  slaves.  Sad  alternative !  But  can  a  virtuous  man 
hesitate  in  his  choice  1 " 

Congress  first  proceeded  to  consider  the  state  of 
the  country,  and  to  provide  for  defence.  Committees 
were  appointed  to  prepare  reports,  and  it  is  a  proof 
of  the  estimation  in  which  the  practical  talents  and 
experience  of  Washington  were  held,  that  he  was 
chairman  of  all  these  committees;  first,  for  recom- 

VOL.  I.  18  L  * 


138  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

mending  what  posts  should  be  occupied  in  the  prov 
ince  of  New  York ;  secondly,  for  devising  ways  and 
means  of  procuring  ammunition  and  military  stores; 
thirdly,  for  making  an  estimate  of  money  necessary 
to  be  raised ;  fourthly,  for  preparing  rules  and  regu 
lations  for  the  government  of  the  army.  By  voting 
unanimously,  that  "these  colonies  be  immediately  put 
into  a  state  of  defence,"  Congress  virtually  assumed  a 
control  over  the  military  operations  of  the  whole,  and 
the  basis  of  their  plans  was  laid  accordingly.  From 
that  time  the  forces  under  the  direction  of  Congress 
were  called  the  Continental  Army.  They  also  resolved 
to  raise  ten  companies  of  riflemen  in  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  and  Virginia,  which  were  to  march  and  join 
the  army  near  Boston  as  soon  as  possible,  and  to  be 
paid  by  the  continent. 

These  preliminary  arrangements  being  finished,  the 
next  thing   was   to   appoint  a  commander-in-chief  of 
the  American  armies.     This  was  a  task  of  more  del 
icacy  and   difficulty  than  might  at  first  be  supposed. 
Many  considerations  were  to  be  weighed,  besides  the 
personal  qualifications  of  any  individual  for  that   high 
station,  either  as  to  character,  abilities,  or  military  skill. 
In  the  first  place,  it  was  essential  that  he  should  be 
acceptable  to  all  the  colonies,  and  particularly  to  such, 
as,  from  their  position  or  extent,  would  be  compelled 
to   take    the    largest    share    in    the    war.      Otherwise 
local  jealousies  and  discontents  might  spring  up,  which 
would  defeat  the  best  laid  schemes,  and  possibly  ruin 
the  cause.     Next,  there  were  officers  in  the  country, 
older  in  years    than    Colonel   Washington,   who    had 
acquired  a  reputation  in  the  last  war,  and  whose  ser 
vices    would   be   necessary.     To   pass   over   such,   as 
should   be  thought  by  themselves  or  their  friends   to 
have  higher  claims,  on  the  score  of  former  rank  and 


JEr.4a]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  139 

standing,  a  point  in  which  military  men  are  always  so 
sensitive,  might  be  a  hazardous  experiment.  Besides, 
the  troops  already  in  the  field  were  wholly  from  the 
New  England  provinces,  and  it  was  uncertain  how 
far  they  would  be  reconciled  to  a  commander  from 
the  south,  with  whom  no  one  among  them  had  a  per 
sonal  acquaintance,  and  who  could  not  be  supposed 
to  understand  their  habits,  feelings,  and  prepossessions. 
General  Ward,  who  had  hitherto  been  at  the  head 
of  the  army  by  the  appointment  of  Massachusetts, 
and  whose  command  was  cheerfully  acquiesced  in 
by  the  other  New  England  colonies,  was  an  officer 
of  experience  and  ability,  and  it  was  questionable  in 
what  light  an  attempt  to  supersede  him  might  be 
viewed. 

These  difficulties  were  deeply  felt  by  the  members 
of  Congress,  and  examined  in  all  their  bearings.  Nor 
had  they  come  together  without  previously  pondering 
the  subject,  and  ascertaining,  as  far  as  they  could,  the 
views  of  men  of  influence  in  different  places.  From 
the  first  Congress  they  had  gone  home  with  most 
favorable  impressions  of  the  character  and  talents  of 
Colonel  Washington.  All  the  world  acknowledged  his 
military  accomplishments,  intellectual  resources,  cour 
age,  coolness,  and  control  over  the  minds  of  others. 
Five  years'  experience,  in  a  responsible  and  arduous 
service,  had  afforded  ample  proofs  of  these  qualities. 
It  was  fortunate,  also,  that  political  motives  conspired 
to  fix  the  choice  on  him  in  preference  to  any  othei 
person.  Virginia  was  powerful  in  wealth  and  num 
bers,  and  doubly  so  in  its  men  of  brilliant  parts,  who 
had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  continent  with  a  spirit 
and  resolution,  which  had  nowhere  else  been  sur 
passed.  To  take  the  commander  of  the  American 
armies  from  that  province  was  a  dictate  of  policy. 


140  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

which  the  wise  and  prudent  would  not  overlook,  and 
none  but  the  narrow-minded  could  disapprove. 

It  should  be  said,  to  the  credit  of  the  New  Eng 
land  delegates,  that  they  were  among  the  foremost 
to  propose,  and  the  most  zealous  to  promote,  the 
appointment  of  Colonel  Washington.  As  the  contest 
had  begun  in  Massachusetts,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
had  been  the  chief  sufferers,  and  as  the  existing  army 
was  mostly  raised  there,  it  could  not  have  been  thought 
an  extravagant  assumption,  had  that  colony  aspired 
to  the  honor  of  furnishing  a  commander-in-chief.  But, 
happily  for  America,  the  patriots  of  that  day  rose  far 
above  the  sordid  aims  of  selfishness  and  party  rival- 
ships. 

While  the  discussions  were  going  on  in  Congress 
respecting  military  preparations,  Mr.  John  Adams,  one 
of  the  delegates  from  Massachusetts,  moved  that  the 
army,  then  besieging  the  British  troops  in  Boston, 
should  be  adopted  by  Congress  as  a  Continental  army ; 
and,  in  the  course  of  his  observations  enforcing  this 
motion,  he  said  it  was  his  intention  to  propose  for 
the  office  of  commander-in-chief  a  gentleman  from 
Virginia,  who  was  at  that  time  a  member  of  their 
own  body.  His  remarks  were  so  pointed,  that  all 
present  perceived  them  to  apply  to  Colonel  Wash 
ington,  who,  upon  hearing  this  reference  to  himself, 
retired  from  his  seat  and  withdrew.  When  the  day 
for  the  appointment  arrived,  the  nomination  was  made 
by  Mr.  Thomas  Johnson,  of  Maryland.  The  choice 
was  by  ballot,  and,  on  inspecting  the  votes,  it  was 
bund  that  Colonel  Washington  was  unanimously  elect- 
As  soon  as  the  result  was  ascertained,  the  House 

tramed     On  the  convening  of  Congress   the  next 

lornmg,  the  president  communicated  to  him  officially 

the  notice  of  his  appointment,  and  he  rose  in  his  place 


^ET.43.J  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


141 


and  signified  his  acceptance  in  a  brief  and  appropriate 
reply. 

After  expressing  his  thanks  for  the  signal  honor 
done  him  by  Congress,  and  his  concern,  "from  the 
consciousness  that  his  abilities  and  military  experience 
might  not  be  equal  to  the  extensive  and  important 
trust,"  he  added ;  "  Lest  some  unlucky  event  should 
happen,  unfavorable  to  my  reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be 
remembered  by  every  gentleman  in  the  room,  that  I 
this  day  declare  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  I  do  not 
think  myself  equal  to  the  command  I  am  honored 
with."  Before  the  election  it  had  been  voted,  that 
five  hundred  dollars  a  month  should  be  allowed  for 
the  pay  and  expenses  of  the  general.  On  this  point 
he  said ;  "  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  Congress,  that, 
as  no  pecuniary  consideration  could  have  tempted  me 
to  accept  this  arduous  employment,  at  the  expense  of 
my  domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I  do  not  wish  to 
make  any  profit  from  it.  I  will  keep  an  exact  account 
of  my  expenses.  Those,  I  doubt  not,  they  will  dis 
charge  ;  and  that  is  all  I  desire." 

In  a  letter  to  his  wife  on  this  occasion,  his  senti 
ments  are  uttered  with  the  same  frankness,  the  same 
self-distrust,  and  under  circumstances  which  prove  them 
to  have  flowed  from  his  heart. 

"  You  may  believe  me,"  said  he,  "  when  I  assure 
you,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that,  so  far  from  seek 
ing  this  appointment,  I  have  used  every  endeavour  in 
my  power  to  avoid  it,  not  only  from  my  unwillingness 
to  part  with  you  and  the  family,  but  from  a  conscious 
ness  of  its  being  a  trust  too  great  for  my  capacity,  and 
that  I  should  enjoy  more  real  happiness  in  one  month 
with  you  at  home,  than  I  have  the  most  distant  pros 
pect  of  finding  abroad,  if  my  stay  were  to  be  seven 
times  seven  years.  But,  as  it  has  been  a  kind  of  des- 


H2  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

tiny,  that  has  thrown  me  upon  this  service,  I  shall  hope 
that  my  undertaking  it  is  designed  to  answer  some 
good  purpose.  You  might,  and  I  suppose  did  per 
ceive,  from  the  tenor  of  my  letters,  that  I  was  appre 
hensive  I  could  not  avoid  this  appointment,  as  I  did  not 
pretend  to  intimate  when  I  should  return.  That  was 
the  case.  It  was  utterly  out  of  my  power  to  refuse 
this  appointment,  without  exposing  my  character  to 
such  censures,  as  would  have  reflected  dishonor  upon 
myself,  and  given  pain  to  my  friends.  This,  I  am  sure, 
could  not,  and  ought  not,  to  be  pleasing  to  you,  and 
must  have  lessened  me  considerably  in  my  own  es 
teem.  I  shall  rely,  therefore,  confidently  on  that  Prov 
idence,  which  has  heretofore  preserved  and  been  boun 
tiful  to  me." 

The  appointment  was  made  on  the  15th  of  June. 
Four  days  afterwards  he  received  his  commission  from 
the  president  of  Congress,  in  which  he  was  declared 
to  be  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  then  raised, 
or  that  should  be  raised,  in  the  united  colonies,  or  that 
should  voluntarily  offer  their  service  for  the  defence 
of  American  Liberty.  The  members  of  Congress 
pledged  themselves  by  a  unanimous  resolve,  to  main 
tain,  assist,  and  adhere  to  him,  with  their  lives  and 
fortunes,  in  the  same  cause.  Four  major-generals  and 
eight  brigadiers  were  likewise  appointed  for  the  Con 
tinental  army.  To  the  former  rank  were  chosen  Ar- 
temas  Ward,  Charles  Lee,  Philip  Schuyler,  and  Israel 
Putnam;  to  the  latter,  Seth  Pomroy,  Richard  Mont 
gomery,  David  Wooster,  William  Heath,  Joseph  Spen 
cer,  John  Thomas,  John  Sullivan,  and  Nathanael  Greene. 
To  these  was  added  Horatio  Gates,  as  adjutant-general, 
with  the  rank  of  brigadier. 

The  situation  of  affairs  required  the  commander's 
presence  as  soon  as  possible  at  Cambridge,  where  the 


j£T.43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  143 

army  was  stationed.  Every  necessary  arrangement 
with  Congress  was  in  a  short  time  completed,  and 
he  left  Philadelphia  on  the  21st  of  June,  accompanied 
by  General  Lee  and  General  Schuyler,  and  escorted 
by  a  volunteer  troop  of  light-horse  from  the  city,  which 
continued  with  him  to  New  York.  He  had  reviewed  in 
Philadelphia,  at  the  request  of  the  officers,  several  militia 
companies  of  infantry,  rangers,  riflemen,  and  light-horse. 
Wherever  he  appeared  the  people  manifested  great 
enthusiasm,  and  eagerness  to  show  him  all  the  respect 
to  which  his  new  rank  entitled  him.  The  Provincial 
Congress  of  New  York  was  then  sitting;  and,  when 
it  was  known  that  General  Washington  was  on  the 
road,  a  committee  from  that  body  was  deputed  to 
meet  him  at  Newark,  and  attend  him  across  Hudson's 
River.  On  his  arrival,  addresses  of  congratulation 
and  civility  passed  between  him  and  the  New  York 
Congress. 

The  particulars  of  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  reach 
ed  him  there,  and  increased  his  anxiety  to  hasten  for 
ward  to  the  army.  General  Schuyler  was  to  remain 
in  New  York,  as  commander  of  the  military  operations 
in  that  quarter.  This  was  a  delicate  position,  as  the 
British  Governor  Tryon  was  then  in  the  city,  a  ship 
of  war  in  the  harbour  keeping  the  inhabitants  in  awe, 
and  throughout  the  province  were  many  powerful  and 
avowed  friends  of  the  royal  cause.  But  great  con 
fidence  was  placed  in  the  fidelity,  discretion,  and  firm 
ness  of  General  Schuyler.  After  giving  him  instruc 
tions  suitable  to  the  exigences  of  the  case,  General 
Washington  again  pursued  his  journey,  escorted  by 
volunteer  military  companies.  In  this  manner  he  trav 
elled  to  Springfield,  where  he  was  met  by  a  committee 
from  the  Massachusetts  Provincial  Congress,  who  were 
instructed  to  provide  escorts,  and  to  attend  him  in 


144  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

person,  through  the  remainder  of  the  route.  He  ar 
rived  in  Cambridge  on  the  2d  of  July,  and  took  com 
mand  of  the  army  the  next  day. 

The  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts,  then 
sitting  at  Watertown  near  Cambridge,  received  him 
with  great  cordiality,  and  presented  to  him  an  address, 
proffering  every  aid  in  their  power  to  make  his  com 
mand  agreeable,  and  to  strengthen  his  efforts  in  the 
common  cause.  The  testimonies  of  respect  and  sat 
isfaction,  as  well  from  individuals  as  public  bodies, 
which  he  had  everywhere  received,  were  of  the  most 
flattering  kind,  and  demonstrated  that  the  people  were 
not  less  unanimous  in  approving  the  choice  of  Con 
gress,  than  the  members  of  that  assembly  had  been 
in  making  it.  The  army  greeted  him  with  equal 
warmth,  and  hitherto  every  indication  tended  to  inspire 
a  just  confidence  in  himself,  and  the  best  hopes  for 
the  future. 

His  first  care  was  to  ascertain  the  numbers,  posi 
tion,  and  arrangements  of  the  troops,  to  inspect  the 
posts  they  occupied,  and  to  gain  a  knowledge  of  the 
strength  and  plans  of  the  enemy.  The  British  gen 
eral  was  himself  stationed  in  Boston,  with  the  light- 
horse  and  a  few  other  troops ;  the  bulk  of  his  army 
lay  on  Bunker's  Hill,  busy  in  throwing  up  intrench- 
ments ;  and  the  remainder  were  on  the  neck  of  land 
between  Boston  and  Roxbury,  which  had  been  strong 
ly  fortified.  The  Americans  were  so  posted  as  to 
form  a  complete  line  of  siege  around  Boston  and 
Charlestown,  extending  nearly  twelve  miles  from 
Mystic  River  to  Dorchester.  Intrenchments  and  re- 
had  been  begun  at  different  points  in  this 
line,  and  these  works  were  still  in  progress.  The 
regiments  from  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  and 
part  of  those  from  Connecticut,  occupied  Winter  Hill 


jET.43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  145 

and  Prospect  Hill ;  several  of  the  Massachusetts  regi 
ments  were  at  Cambridge ;  and  others  from  Connecticut 
and  Massachusetts  covered  the  high  grounds  in  Rox- 
bury. 

Having  acquainted  himself  with  this  state  of  affairs, 
General  Washington  convened  a  council  of  war.  It  was 
the  opinion  of  the  council,  that,  according  to  the  best  in 
formation  that  could  be  obtained,  the  enemy's  available 
force  in  Boston  amounted  to  eleven  thousand  five  hun 
dred  men,  including  the  regular  troops,  Tories,  and  such 
sailors  as  might  be  spared  from  the  fleet.  It  was  also 
advised,  without  a  dissenting  voice,  that  the  posts 
now  occupied  should  be  held  and  defended,  and  that 
twenty-two  thousand  men  were  necessary  to  give  proper 
security  to  so  long  an  extent  of  lines.  A  place  of  ren 
dezvous,  in  case  the  army  should  be  attacked  and 
routed,  was  likewise  agreed  upon. 

The  difficulty  was  perceived  of  sustaining  posts  so 
widely  separated,  almost  under  the  guns  of  the  enemy, 
and  exposed  at  many  points  to  sudden  assaults;  and 
the  question  of  removing  farther  into  the  country  to  a 
stronger  position  was  discussed.  But  this  was  thought 
to  be  neither  politic  in  itself,  nor  without  hazard  in  the 
execution.  It  would  discourage  the  men,  elate  the 
enemy,  and  have  an  ill  effect  upon  the  minds  of  the 
people.  This  consideration,  added  to  the  uncertainty  of 
finding  a  better  place  at  which  to  make  a  stand,  and  to 
the  great  labor  and  charge  already  bestowed  on  the 
works  for  defence,  was  regarded  as  conclusive  against  a 
change. 

The  American  army,  including  the  sick  and  absent, 
amounted  to  about  seventeen  thousand  men  ;  but  the 
number  present,  fit  for  duty,  was  only  fourteen  thousand 
five  hundred.  This  was  so  far  short  of  the  number 
wanted,  that  the  council  recommended  an  immediate 

VOL.  I.  19  M 


146  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

application  to  the  New  England  governments  to  make 
up  the  deficiency  by  new  recruits. 

It  will  easily  be  supposed,  that  an  army,  collected  as 
this  had  been  on  the  spur  of  the  moment  from  dif 
ferent  provinces  and  under  different  regulations,  would 
be  defective  in  many  essential  parts.  There  were  few 
tents  and  stores,  no  supply  of  clothing,  no  military  chest, 
no  general  organization.  The  regiments  acted  under 
their  respective  commanders,  who  were  united  only  by 
mutual  consent,  bound  together  by  no  military  law,  and, 
except  those  from  Massachusetts,  yielding  obedience  to 
General  Ward  rather  from  courtesy  and  the  necessity 
of  the  case,  than  from  any  recognition  of  his  superior 
authority.  The  troops  of  each  province  were  regulated 
by  their  own  militia  laws.  These  were  various  and 
discordant ;  and  hence  no  general  system  could  prevail. 
Discipline  was  lax  ;  disorders  frequent. 

But  the  most  alarming  want  was  that  of  ammunition, 
respecting  which  the  officers  themselves  seem  to  have 
been  deceived,  till  General  Washington  discovered,  to 
his  great  astonishment,  that  there  was  not  powder 
enough  in  the  whole  camp  for  nine  cartridges  to  a  man. 

Out  of  these  materials,  and  in  the  midst  of  these  em 
barrassments,  it  was  General  Washington's  first  task  to 
form,  commission,  and  systematize  an  army.  Another 
circumstance  caused  great  perplexity  from  the  begin 
ning.  The  appointment  of  general  officers  by  Congress 
had  given  much  dissatisfaction.  The  pretensions  to 
rank,  on  the  score  of  former  services,  had  not  been  well 
adjusted.  The  subordinate  officers  and  private  soldiers 
mingled  their  sympathies  and  complaints,  and  threaten 
ed  to  leave  the  army  unless  these  grievances  should  be 
redressed.  Symptoms  of  discontent  appeared  in  every 
quarter,  and  threatened  to  destroy  the  little  that  re 
mained  of  method  and  discipline.  The  ferment  was 


j£T.43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  147 

gradually  allayed  by  the  prudence  of  Washington,  who 
referred  the  matter  to  Congress,  and  proceeded  steadily 
to  mature  his  plans. 

He  arranged  the  army  into  six  brigades,  of  six  regi 
ments  each,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  troops  from  the 
same  colony  should  be  brought  together,  as  far  as  prac 
ticable,  and  act  under  a  commander  from  that  colony. 
Of  the  whole  he  made  three  grand  divisions,  each  con 
sisting  of  two  brigades,  or  twelve  regiments.  The 
division  forming  the  left  wing  was  stationed  at  Winter 
Hill,  and  commanded  by  Major- General  Lee;  the  centre 
division  was  at  Cambridge,  under  Major-General  Put 
nam;  and  the  right  wing  at  Roxbury,  under  Major- 
General  Ward.  The  head-quarters  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief  were  with  the  centre  at  Cambridge. 

Thus  was  planted  the  original  germ  of  the  Continen 
tal  army,  to  foster  the  growth  and  strength  of  which 
required  the  utmost  care  and  address.  All  the  officers 
were  commissioned  anew  by  Congress,  although  no 
changes  of  rank  were  attempted,  and  no  appointments 
made,  except  of  the  major  and  brigadier  generals.  By 
degrees  the  system  worked  itself  into  a  tolerable  meth 
od  ;  but,  after  all,  it  was  full  of  imperfections,  which  no 
art  or  skill  could  remedy.  The  soldiers  had  been  enlist 
ed  by  their  respective  governments  for  a  definite  time 
and  object,  and  they  looked  upon  this  contract  as  one 
which  they  were  bound  to  fulfil,  but  not  such  as  could 
put  them  under  any  other  power.  Each  individual 
regarded  himself  as  a  party  concerned,  and  claimed  his 
rights  as  a  citizen. 

Hence,  when  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  Conti 
nental  army.,  which  had  been  prescribed  by  Congress, 
were  presented  to  them,  many  would  not  accede,  be 
cause  they  did  not  enlist  on  such  terms,  and  they  were 
apprehensive  some  new  obligations  might  devolve  on 


148  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

them  by  giving  their  assent.  Having  left  their  homes 
to  fight  for  liberty,  they  chose  to  assert  it  first  in  their 
own°  behalf.  However  repugnant  this  temper  was  to 
the  existence  of  an  army,  the  commander  yielded  to 
his  good  sense,  and  resorted  to  no  other  force  than 
that  of  argument  and  facts,  judiciously  set  forth  from 
time  to  time  in  the  general  orders;  tenacious  of  his 
authority  no  farther  than  the  public  good  exacted,  and 
forbearing  to  oppose  prejudices,  which  could  not  be 
softened  by  persuasion  nor  subdued  by  severity.  He 
left  it  optional  with  the  men  to  subscribe  the  articles  or 
not,  making  it  a  necessary  condition  only  with  the  new 
recruits,  who  enlisted  into  the  Continental  ranks. 

In  addition  to  the  management  and  direction  of  the 
armies  in  the  field,  which  is  all  that  is  usually  expected 
from  a  commander-in-chief,  a  most  responsible  service 
of  a  different  kind  was  thrown  upon  General  Washing 
ton.  Congress,  as  the  civil  head  of  the  confederacy, 
was  as  yet  feeble  in  its  powers,  imperfectly  organized, 
distrustful  of  its  control  over  the  public  will,  and  wholly 
unversed  in  military  concerns.  Nor  did  unanimity  reign 
among  its  members.  On  the  great  point  of  resistance, 
till  wrongs  should  be  redressed,  there  was  but  one 
voice.  As  to  the  means  of  attaining  this  end,  a  wide 
difference  prevailed.  Some  were  timid,  fixing  their 
hopes  upon  a  speedy  reconciliation  ;  others  doubted  the 
ability  of  the  country  to  sustain  a  contest ;  others  were 
influeaced  by  local  interests ;  while  others  again  were 
resolute,  and  allowed  all  thoughts  of  future  consequen 
ces  to  be  swallowed  up  in  the  single  consideration  of  the 
justice  of  their  cause.  The  majority  were  of  this  last 
description.  Yet' 'even  these  men,  dauntless  in  spirit, 
and  willing  to  risk  every  thing  on  their  own  account, 
were  haunted  by  a  spectre,  which  gave  them  great 
tmeasiness.  History  had  told  them  of  the  danger  of 


^ET.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  149 

military  power,  the  ambition  of  aspiring  leaders,  and  the 
chains  that  had  been  forged  and  riveted  on  an  unsus 
picious  people  by  standing  armies.  These  lessons  made 
a  deep  impression,  and  infused  a  distrust  incompatible 
with  enlarged  schemes  or  energetic  action.  Thus  it 
was,  that  the  same  ardor  of  patriotism,  which  impelled 
them  to  encounter  every  hazard,  operated  as  a  check 
to  the  only  measures  by  which  their  object  could  be 
gained. 

These  misgivings  were  early  discovered  by  Wash 
ington.  He  respected  the  motive,  although  he  could  not 
but  lament  its  effects.  Conscious,  on  his  own  part,  of 
the  highest  purity  of  purpose,  and  harbouring  no  latent 
thought,  which  was  not  directed  to  the  best  good  of  his 
country,  if  he  felt  wounded  at  this  suspicion,  he  did 
not  suffer  it  to  appear  in  his  conduct,  nor  to  alter  his 
opinion  of  the  watchful  guardians  of  the  people's  liberty. 
Example,  he  wisely  thought,  would  be  more  regarded 
than  complaint,  more  persuasive  than  words.  If  ability 
and  courage  are  necessary  in  a  commander,  he  soon 
saw,  that,  in  his  case  at  least,  patience,  forbearance,  and 
fortitude,  were  not  less  so. 

A  regular  army  and  a  military  system  were  to  be 
created,  and  on  such  principles  as  would  insure  their 
stability  and  continuance.  This  great  work  was  to  be 
executed  mainly  by  the  Commander-in-chief.  Congress 
might  approve,  sanction,  and  aid ;  but  it  was  his  task  to 
invent,  combine,  organize,  establish,  and  sustain.  To 
this  end  he  kept  up  an  unremitted  correspondence  with 
Congress  during  the  whole  war.  His  letters  were  read 
to  the  House  in  full  session,  and  almost  every  important 
resolution  respecting  the  army  was  adopted  on  his  sug 
gestion  or  recommendation,  and  emanated  from  his 
mind.  He  was  thus  literally  the  centre  of  motion-  to  this 
immense  and  complicated  machine,  not  more  in  directing 

M* 


150  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

its  operations,  than  in  providing  for  its  existence,  and 
preserving  from  derangement  and  ruin  its  various  parts. 
His  perplexities  were  often  increased  by  the  distance  at 
which  he  was  stationed  from  Congress,  the  tardy  move 
ments  of  that  body,  and  the  long  time  it  took  to  obtain 
the  results  of  their  deliberations.  By  a  constant  watch 
fulness  and  forethought,  and  by  anticipating  the  future 
in  his  communications,  he  contrived  to  lessen  this  incon 
venience  as  far  as  it  could  be  done. 

Besides  his  unceasing  intercourse  with  Congress,  he 
was  obliged  to  correspond  with  the  heads  of  the  provin 
cial  governments,  and  afterwards  with  the  governors 
and  legislatures  of  the  States,  with  conventions,  commit 
tees,  and  civil  magistrates.  In  these  were  really  vested 
the  executive  powers  of  the  confederated  government. 
Congress  recommended,  advised,  resolved ;  they  voted 
men  and  supplies,  assigning  due  proportions  to  the 
respective  States;  here  their  authority  ceased.  The 
rest  was  left  to  the  will  of  the  people,  exercised  through 
their  representatives  in  the  State  legislatures.  These 
bodies  required  the  perpetual  promptings  of  the  Com 
mander-in-chief,  with  forcible  representations  of  the 
weakness  and  wants  of  the  army,  and  appeals  to  all  the 
motives  which  could  stimulate  patriotism  or  touch  the 
springs  of  interest.  One  advantage,  however,  attended 
these  harassing  relations,  which  might  compensate  for 
so  extraordinary  a  weight  of  care  and  responsibility. 
They  brought  him  into  more  direct  contact  with  the 
sources  of  power,  and  enabled  him  to  extend  his  influ 
ence,  and  the  fruits  of  his  wisdom,  into  channels  where 
they  were  most  needed,  and  would  produce  the  best 
effects;  thus  enlarging  the  compass  of  his  own  con 
sideration,  and  promoting  public  harmony  and  union. 

He  had  not  been  long  in  camp,  when  he  was  called 
upon  to  exercise  his  firmness  in  a  manner,  that  for  a 


.  43.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  151 


moment  threatened  disagreeable  consequences.  The 
enemy's  armed  vessels  were  hovering  on  the  coast, 
seizing  small  craft,  and  menacing  towns  on  the  sea 
board.  The  inhabitants  were  alarmed,  and  claimed 
protection.  The  legislature  of  Massachusetts  and  the 
Governor  of  Connecticut  applied  to  Washington  with  a 
formal  request,  that  he  would  detach  troops  from  the 
army  for  that  purpose.  To  refuse  this  request  was 
delicate  ;  to  grant  it,  dangerous.  In  the  former  case,  it 
would  excite  the  clamors  of  the  people  and  the  dissat 
isfaction  of  their  rulers ;  in  the  latter,  it  would  weaken 
the  army  so  much,  as  to  leave  the  camp  exposed  to  a 
successful  assault,  and  the  country  around  Boston  to 
insult  and  ravage.  The  army  itself  might  be  dispersed, 
and  the  hopes  of  the  continent  blighted  in  the  bud. 
He  did  not  hesitate.  He  declined,  and  stated  his  rea 
sons  in  language  so  judicious  and  forcible,  as  to  avoid 
giving  offence,  and  to  blunt  the  edge  of  disappoint 
ment.  This  precedent  was  followed  throughout  the 
war.  It  was  established  as  a  rule,  that  attacks  of  the 
enemy  at  isolated  points  along  the  coast  must  be 
repelled  by  the  militia  in  the  vicinity,  except  when  the 
Continental  army  was  in  a  condition  to  make  detach 
ments  without  jeoparding  the  general  cause. 

There  was  a  project  on  foot  for  an  expedition  from 
Maine  against  Nova  Scotia,  which  some  members  of  the 
Massachusetts  legislature  were  disposed  to  aid.  Wash 
ington  discouraged  it  as  inexpedient,  if  not  improper. 
He  said  the  inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia  had  committed 
no  hostilities,  and  that  such  an  enterprise  would  be  a 
measure  of  conquest  rather  than  defence,  which  he  con 
ceived  to  be  contrary  to  the  principles  upon  which  the 
colonies  had  hitherto  acted.  They  had  taken  up  arms 
to  defend  their  liberties,  and  not  to  disturb  the  quiet  of 
their  neighbours.  In  such  a  step,  also,  there  would  be 


152  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

a  risk  of  making  enemies  of  those,  who  were  willing  to 
be  friends. 

General  Gage  commanded  the  British  troops  in  Bos 
ton.  Prisoners  had  fallen  into  his  hands  on  the  eventful 
day  at  Bunker's  Hill,  and  he  had  seized  other  persons 
accused  of  disaffection  to  the  King.  These  he  had 
thrown  indiscriminately  into  prison,  no  distinction  being 
made  between  officers,  soldiers,  and  citizens.  The 
report  went  abroad,  that  they  were  treated  with  great 
severity.  Justice  to  his  country,  and  the  calls  of  hu 
manity,  made  it  incumbent  on  Washington  to  remon 
strate  against  such  conduct.  He  wrote  to  the  Brit 
ish  general.  The  occasion  awakened  recollections  of 
more  than  common  interest.  Just  twenty  years  had 
elapsed  since  he  and  Gage  fought  side  by  side  on  the 
bloody  battle-field  of  the  Monongahela.  An  intimacy 
then  subsisted  between  them,  which  was  cherished 
afterwards  by  a  friendly  correspondence.  Far  different 
was  the  relation  in  which  they  now  stood  to  each  other, 
at  the  head  of  contending  armies ;  the  one  obeying  the 
commands  of  his  sovereign,  the  other  upholding  the 
cause  of  an  oppressed  people. 

Their  letters  were  significant  of  the  change.  The 
remonstrance  of  Washington,  clothed  in  dignified  but 
pointed  language,  represented  the  impolicy  as  well  as 
cruelty  of  ill  treatment  to  prisoners,  since  it  would 
impose  upon  him  the  necessity  of  retaliating,  and  there 
would  be  no  end  to  the  horrors  of  war,  if  such  a  system 
were  pursued.  General  Gage  denied  the  charge  of 
harsh  usage,  and  took  credit  to  himself  for  his  clemency 
in  sparing  persons,  "whose  lives  by  the  law  of  the  land 
were  destined  to  the  cord."  As  to  difference  of  rank, 
he  professed  not  to  know  any,  which  was  not  derived 
from  the  Kins. 


jET.43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  153 

These  principles  set  at  nought  all  the  rules  of  hon 
orable  warfare,  and  indicated  that  the  highest  officers  in 
the  American  army,  if  captured,  would  be  treated  as 
culprits.  The  only  apparent  remedy  was  retaliation. 
The  prisoners  in  Washington's  possession  were  imme 
diately  ordered  into  the  country,  and  he  gave  directions 
that  they  should  receive  in  every  respect  the  same 
treatment,  as  was  known  to  be  practised  on  the  unfor 
tunate  sufferers  in  Boston.  Such  was  his  first  impulse ; 
but,  however  justified  by  the  laws  of  war,  he  could  not 
reconcile  to  himself  an  act,  which  should  inflict  pun 
ishment  on  innocent  men  for  the  folly  or  obduracy  of 
a  commander.  The  order  was  countermanded,  while 
the  prisoners  were  on  the  road  to  Northampton,  the 
place  of  their  destination ;  and  Colonel  Reed,  one  of  his 
aids-de-camp,  wrote  to  the  committee  of  the  town, 
directing  that  the  prisoners  should  be  at  liberty  to  go 
abroad  on  their  parole.  He  added;  "The  General 
further  requests,  that  every  other  indulgence  and  civility 
consistent  with  their  security  may  be  shown  to  them,  as 
long  as  they  demean  themselves  with  decency  and 
good  manners.  As  they  have  committed  no  hostility 
against  the  people  of  this  country,  they  have  a  just 
claim  to  mild  treatment;  and  the  General  does  not 
doubt,  that  your  conduct  towards  them  will  be  such,  as 
to  compel  their  grateful  acknowledgments,  that  Ameri 
cans  are  as  merciful  as  they  are  brave." 

fn  replying  to  General  Gage's  letter,  Washington 
said ;  "  You  affect,  Sir,  to  despise  all  rank  not  derived 
from  the  same  source  as  your  own.  I  cannot  conceive 
one  more  honorable,  than  that  which  flows  from  the 
uncorrupted  choice  of  a  brave  and  free  people,  the 
purest  source  and  original  fountain  of  all  power.  Far 
from  making  it  a  plea  for  cruelty,  a  mind  of  true  magna 
nimity  and  enlarged  ideas  would  apprehend  and  respect 

VOL.  i.  20 


154  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

it."  The  indiscretion  and  weakness  of  the  British  gen 
eral's  conduct  admit  of  no  defence ;  yet  it  should  be 
remembered,  that  he  was  taught  by  his  superiors  to  look 
upon  the  asserters  of  liberty  in  America  as  rebels,  and 
to  treat  them  as  such.  Little  can  be  said,  however, 
in  praise  of  his  political  sagacity,  knowledge  of  human 
nature,  or  enlargement  of  mind. 

The  army  was  soon  augmented  by  the  companies 
of  riflemen  from  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland, 
which  had  been  raised  in  compliance  with  a  resolution 
of  the  Continental  Congress.  The  companies  were 
filled  up  with  surprising  quickness,  and  on  their  arrival 
in  camp  the  numbers  of  several  of  them  exceeded  the 
prescribed  limit.  Within  two  months  from  the  time 
the  orders  were  sent  out,  they  had  been  enlisted  and 
equipped,  and  had  marched  from  four  to  seven  hundred 
miles  to  the  army  at  Cambridge. 

General  Washington  had  the  satisfaction  to  find,  also, 
that  the  reinforcements  of  militia,  which  he  had  request 
ed  from  the  New  England  governments  to  strengthen 
his  camp,  came  in  as  expeditiously  as  could  be  desired. 

Before  these  accessions  to  his  force,  he  had  meditated 
an  enterprise,  which  held  out  a  fair  promise  of  success. 
General  Schuyler  had  been  ordered  by  Congress  to  the 
command  of  the  northern  department  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  with  instructions  to  take  possession  of  St.  John's, 
Montreal,  and  other  parts  of  Canada,  if  it  should  be  found 
practicable  and  not  displeasing  to  the  inhabitants.  This 
step,  it  was  foreseen,  would  draw  General  Carleton  from 
Quebec,  with  all  the  troops  he  could  collect,  to  defend 
the  invaded  frontiers.  That  city  and  fortress  would 
thus  be  left  an  easy  conquest;  as  there  was  no  proba- 
)ihty  that  they  could  be  reinforced  from  England  before 
the  winter  would  set  in,  and  close  the  river  with  ice. 
If  the  mam  object  of  taking  Quebec  should  not  be 


^T.43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  155 

attained,  the  attempt  would  at  least  call  back  General 
Carleton  for  its  protection,  and  open  the  southern  borders 
of  Canada  to  the  incursions  of  the  American  troops. 
General  Schuyler  approved  the  enterprise,  and  agreed 
to  act  in  concert. 

The  plan  was  carefully  matured,  and  put  into  imme 
diate  execution.  General  Washington  detached  eleven 
hundred  men,  including  three  rifle  companies,  with 
orders  to  march  into  Canada  through  the  wilderness, 
by  way  of  the  Kennebec  and  Chaudiere  Rivers,  and 
then  to  act  as  circumstances  might  dictate.  The  com 
mand  of  the  expedition,  regarded  by  Washington  as 
"of  the  utmost  consequence  to  the  interest  and  liberties 
of  America,"  was  intrusted  to  Colonel  Arnold.  This 
officer  had  lately  returned  from  Lake  Champlain,  where 
he  had  performed  a  conspicuous  part  with  Ethan  Allen 
in  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point.  His 
reputation  for  courage,  energy,  and  military  talents 
already  stood  high. 

The  instructions  he  received  from  the  Commander-in- 
chief  were  humane,  politic,  and  peremptory.  He  was 
forbidden  on  any  pretence  to  disturb  the  quiet  or  offend 
the  prejudices  of  the  Canadians,  and  ordered  to  respect 
their  religious  observances,  to  pay  them  liberally  for 
such  articles  as  he  should  want,  and  to  punish  with 
rigor  any  improper  acts  of  the  soldiers  towards  them. 
He  was  to  seek  and  annoy  the  British  forces  in  Canada, 
but  not  to  molest  the  people,  or  do  any  thing  to  alienate 
their  good  will  from  the  American  cause. 

To  detail  the  fortunes,  sufferings,  romantic  incidents, 
and  various  results  of  this  expedition  is  not  consistent 
with  our  present  design.  It  is  enough  to  say,  that  it 
was  conceived  on  just  principles,  well  conducted,  and 
partially  successful.  It  was  weakened  on  the  route  by 
the  defection  and  return  of  a  colonel,  with  a  large 


156  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

detachment,  who  assigned  as  a  reason  the  want  of 
provisions.  In  a  little  more  than  two  months  from  the 
time  he  left  Cambridge,  Arnold  was  encamped  on  the 
Plains  of  Abraham  under  the  walls  of  Quebec,  his 
effective  strength  being  five  hundred  and  fifty  men. 
He  summoned  the  town  to  surrender,  but  his  force  was 
too  small  to  warrant  an  assault.  The  other  aim  of  the 
undertaking  was  effected.  It  caused  a  diversion  of  the 
enemy  favorable  to  the  operations  of  General  Mont 
gomery,  who,  at  the  head  of  the  American  army,  entered 
Canada  from  Lake  Champlain,  took  Montreal,  and  ulti 
mately  formed  a  junction  with  Arnold  near  Quebec. 

The  conduct  of  Arnold,  in  the  management  of  the 
expedition,  was  approved  by  the  Commander-in-chief, 
and  applauded  by  the  country.  He  had  overcome 
obstacles  of  the  most  formidable  kind,  sustained  the 
fortitude  of  his  men  when  sinking  under  incredible 
hardships  from  cold,  hunger,  and  fatigue,  and  proved  the 
confidence  in  his  resources  and  activity  not  to  have 
been  misplaced. 

The  deficiency  of  powder  in  the  camp  at  Cambridge 
continued  to  be  a  cause  of  extreme  anxiety  to  Wash 
ington.  Small  quantities  were  collected,  but  in  no  pro 
portion  to  the  demand.  What  added  to  his  concern 
was,  that  the  enemy  might  discover  his  weakness  on 
this  account,  and  march  out  to  attack  him.  In  such  an 
event,  the  whole  army  must  inevitably  be  routed  and  dis 
persed.  Secrecy  was  indispensable;  and  consequent 
ly  the  people  at  large  were  as  ignorant  of  his  condition, 
as  the  enemy  within  their  lines.  Murmurs  began  to  be 
audible  that  the  army  was  inactive,  and  that  a  supe 
riority  of  numbers  might  justify  an  attempt  against  the 
The  subject  was  referred  to  a  council  of  general 
officers,  who  unanimously  opposed  such  an  experiment. 
A  report  next  gained  credit,  that  tenderness  for  the 


jEr.43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  157 

inhabitants  of  the  town,  and  reluctance  to  burn  their 
houses  and  property,  were  motives  for  this  forbearance. 
Congress,  either  participating  this  sentiment,  or  willing 
to  hazard  the  consequences,  hinted  their  wishes  to  the 
General  by  suggesting,  that,  "if  he  thought  it  practicable 
to  defeat  the  enemy  and  gain  possession  of  the  town, 
it  would  be  advisable  to  make  the  attack  upon  the  first 
favorable  occasion,  and  before  the  arrival  of  reinforce 
ments,  which  Congress  apprehended  might  soon  be 
expected."  Another  council  was  called,  a  month  after 
the  above,  to  consider  this  suggestion,  and  again  there 
was  a  unanimous  voice  against  it.  Whatever  Wash 
ington's  own  opinion  may  have  been,  he  was  con 
strained  to  acquiesce  in  silence ;  for  it  would  have  been 
highly  imprudent  to  undertake  such  an  enterprise,  while 
all  the  officers  were  opposed  to  it,  and  his  actual  con 
dition  demanded  concealment  from  the  public. 

Occasional  cannonades  and  skirmishes  took  place  at 
the  advanced  points  on  the  lines,  but  the  enemy  showed 
no  disposition  to  leave  their  intrenchments.  In  fact, 
they  never  meditated  an  attack,  unless  reinforcements 
should  arrive.  General  Gage  wrote  to  Lord  Dartmouth, 
that  such  an  attempt,  if  successful,  would  be  fruitless, 
as  there  were  neither  horses  nor  carriages  for  trans 
portation,  and  no  other  end  could  be  answered  than  to 
drive  the  Americans  from  one  strong-hold  to  another. 

The  time  was  drawing  near  when  it  would  be  neces 
sary  to  form  a  new  army.  The  Connecticut  and 
Rhode  Island  troops  were  engaged  to  serve  only  till  the 
beginning  of  December,  and  none  beyond  the  end  of 
that  month.  The  attention  of  Congress  had  been  called 
to  the  subject,  and  a  committee  of  three  members  was 
appointed  to  repair  to  the  camp,  and  meet  delegates 
from  the  New  England  colonies,  for  the  purpose  of 
devising  the  most  effectual  means  of  continuing,  regu- 

VOL.    I.  w 


158  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

lating,  and  supporting  the  Continental  army.  Franklin, 
Lynch,  and  Harrison  were  the  committee,  and  they 
joined  the  delegates  at  Washington's  head-quarters  on 
the  18th  of  October. 

As  the  persons  constituting  this  convention  were 
unskilled  in  military  affairs,  the  plan  proposed  by  Gen 
eral  Washington,  which  had  been  discussed  and  ma 
tured  by  a  council  of  officers,  was  in  the  main  adopted. 
It  was  conceived,  that,  to  give  proper  security,  the 
American  army  ought  to  be  numerically  twice  as  large 
as  that  of  the  enemy  in  Boston.  Twenty-six  regiments, 
therefore,  were  assigned  for  the  new  organization,  be 
sides  riflemen  and  artillery,  each  regiment  being  divided 
into  eight  companies.  The  whole  number  of  men 
would  then  by  estimate  amount  to  twenty  thousand 
three  hundred  and  seventy-two.  Many  of  those  already 
on  the  ground,  whose  term  of  service  was  soon  to  ex 
pire,  it  was  hoped  would  reenlist,  and  the  deficiency 
was  to  be  supplied  by  recruits  from  the  country.  The 
delegates  supposed  that  thirty-two  thousand  men  might 
be  raised  in  the  four  New  England  colonies  for  one 
year,  the  period  fixed  by  Congress  for  all  the  enlistments. 

After  the  convention  was  dissolved,  the  committee 
from  Congress  continued  to  sit,  and  took  various  other 
subjects  into  consideration.  The  articles  of  war  under 
went  a  revision,  and  several  changes  were  introduced, 
which  experience  had  proved  to  be  necessary.  Regu 
lations  for  disposing  of  prizes  captured  at  sea,  for  the 
exchange  of  prisoners,  the  employment  of  Indians,  and 
many  local  details  relating  to  the  army,  came  under 
notice,  and  certain  definite  rules  were  agreed  upon. 
When  the  committee  returned  to  Congress,  their  pro 
ceedings  were  approved  and  confirmed. 

This  conference  was  of  great  service  to  the  Com 
mander-in-chief.  It  afforded  an  opportunity  of  ex- 


^ET.43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  159 

pressing  his  sentiments  with  more  freedom  and  fulness, 
than  he  could  do  by  written  communications.  A  sys 
tem  was  likewise  formed  for  future  operations  in  which 
he  could  confide,  as  both  Congress  and  the  eastern 
colonies  were  bound  to  support  the  measures  agreed 
upon  by  their  representatives. 

The  next  step  was  to  organize  the  army  according 
to  the  new  arrangement,  to  appoint  the  colonels  and 
inferior  officers  of  the  several  regiments,  and  issue 
recruiting  orders.  This  was  an  affair  of  great  delicacy 
and  embarrassment.  It  was  in  the  highest  degree 
important  to  retain  as  many  of  the  men  as  possible,  who 
were  now  in  the  ranks ;  and  it  was  soon  discovered,  that 
very  few  would  remain,  unless  they  could  know  before 
hand  what  officers  they  were  to  serve  under,  and  could 
have  all  their  partialities  gratified.  Local  considerations 
threw  many  obstacles  in  the  way.  Care  must  be  taken, 
that  each  colony  should  have  its  due  proportion  of 
officers,  according  to  the  number  of  men  it  was  expect 
ed  to  furnish ;  and  that  their  rank  should  be  so  adjusted 
as  to  suit  the  caprices  of  some,  and  the  extravagant 
claims  of  others.  The  task  was  formidable,  but  it  was 
at  last  accomplished,  and  the  recruiting  began. 

In  addition  to  the  concerns  of  the  army,  Washington 
was  obliged  to  bestow  much  time  and  attention  on 
maritime  affairs.  No  public  vessels  as  yet  belonged  to 
the  continent,  nor  had  Congress  made  any  provision  for  a 
naval  warfare.  While  the  British  troops  and  the  inhab 
itants  of  Boston  were  shut  up  within  the  limits  of  that 
town,  and  excluded  from  a  direct  intercourse  with  the 
country,  it  was  necessary  that  all  their  supplies  should 
come  to  them  by  water;  and  the  large  number  of  ves 
sels  employed  in  this  service  suggested  the  idea  of 
fitting  out  cruisers  in  the  ports  along  the  coast  to  cap 
ture  them.  Having  no  instructions  to  this  effect,  yet 


160  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

believing  it  compatible  with  the  general  design  of  an 
noying  and  distressing  the  enemy,  Washington  took  on 
himself  the  responsibility  of  equipping  and  sending  out 
armed  vessels.  Agents  were  employed  in  Salem,  Bev 
erly,  Marblehead,  and  Plymouth  to  procure  and  fit  them 
out,  and  they  were  manned  by  officers  and  sailors  from 
the  army.  His  instructions  to  the  captains  were  pre 
cise  and  guarded ;  and,  that  he  might  seem  to  act  under 
the  authority  of  his  commission,  he  ordered  them  to 
"take  command  of  a  detachment  of  the  army,  with 
which  they  were  to  proceed  on  board,  cruise  against 
such  vessels  as  were  found  in  the  service  of  the  enemy, 
and  seize  all  such  as  were  laden  with  soldiers,  arms, 
ammunition,  or  provisions." 

In  a  few  weeks  six  armed  schooners  were  under  sail, 
cruising  in  the  waters  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  Several 
captures  were  made,  and  particularly  a  valuable  one 
by  Captain  Manly,  consisting  of  munitions  of  war. 
But,  on  the  whole,  the  first  enterprises  were  not 
crowned  with  signal  success.  Some  of  the  officers 
proved  incompetent,  the  men  mutinied,  and  the  man 
agement  of  the  business  in  its  details  caused  infinite 
trouble.  The  system  was  improved  by  degrees,  other 
vessels  were  fitted  out,  and  Congress  provided  prize- 
courts  and  regulations,  which  resulted  at  length  in 
the  establishment  of  a  Continental  Navy.  But  General 
Washington  was  not  relieved  from  this  charge,  till  after 
the  enemy  evacuated  Boston. 

One  incident  illustrative  of  his  character  should  be 
icre  mentioned.  Two  armed  vessels  were  despatched 
to  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  with  orders  to  intercept  two 
bngantines,  which  it  had  been  understood  were  to  sail 

>m  England  to  Quebec  with  arms  and  ammunition, 
tailing  m  this  object,  the  captains  made  a  descent 
upon  the  Island  of  St.  John's,  pillaged  the  inhabitants, 


^T.43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  161 

and  brought  some  of  them  away  prisoners.  Whether 
this  act  was  consistent  or  not  with  the  customary  rules 
of  warfare,  it  was  severely  reprimanded  by  Washington, 
who  immediately  set  the  prisoners  at  liberty,  treated 
them  with  the  greatest  kindness,  restored  all  the  proper 
ty  that  had  been  taken,  and  provided  the  best  means 
in  his  power  to  send  them  back  to  their  homes. 

The  burning  of  Falmouth,  an  act  of  personal  malice 
and  cruel  wantonness  on  the  part  of  a  British  naval 
officer,  and  the  threats  of  the  enemy  that  the  same  fate 
should  fall  upon  other  seaport  towns,  produced  con 
sternation,  and  the  most  pressing  requests  to  General 
Washington  for  assistance  in  powder,  arms,  and  troops. 
Again  he  was  compelled,  by  the  necessities  of  his  own 
situation,  to  withhold  the  relief  so  strenuously  solicited. 
His  sympathies  were  keenly  affected  by  their  sufferings, 
and  his  popularity  was  jeoparded  by  the  refusal ;  yet  in 
this  case,  as  in  all  others,  a  stern  sense  of  duty  subdued 
his  private  feelings  and  fortified  his  judgment. 

When  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  reach 
ed  the  British  cabinet,  General  Gage  was  recalled,  "in 
order  to  give  his  Majesty  exact  information  of  every 
thing,  and  suggest  such  matters  as  his  knowledge  and 
experience  of  the  service  enabled  him  to  furnish."  In 
the  dearly  bought  victory  at  Bunker's  Hill  he  had  made 
a  discovery,  which  seems  to  have  been  not  less  as 
tonishing  to  himself,  than  mortifying  to  the  ministers. 
"The  trials  we  have  had,"  said  he,  in  a  letter  to  Lord 
Dartmouth,  "show  the  rebels  are  not  the  despicable 
rabble  too  many  have  supposed  them  to  be."  In  the 
opinion  of  the  ministers,  this  intelligence  showed  like 
wise,  that  General  Gage  had  been  duped  by  ill  advisers 
or  his  own  ignorance,  and  that,  either  from  obstinacy, 
want  of  address,  or  incapacity,  he  was  not  competent 

VOL.    I.  21  N  * 


162  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

to  the  station  he  occupied.     On  the  1st  of  October  he 
was  superseded  in  the  command  by  General  Howe. 

The  abilities  of  this  officer  were  perhaps  superior  to 
those  of  his  predecessor,  but  they  did  not  grow  by 
experience  in  the  public  estimation.  He  possessed  the 
advantage,  however,  of  not  having  mingled  in  the  ex 
citing  events,  in  which  General  Gage  had  acted  such 
a  part  as  to  bring  down  upon  him  the  ill  will  and 
reproaches  of  the  people.  General  Howe  was  a  brother 
of  Lord  Howe,  who  had  been  slain  at  Ticonderoga  in 
the  last  war,  and  whose  memory  was  ever  cherished 
with  warm  affection  by  the  colonists.  Hence  he  had 
nothing  to  contend  against  but  the  physical  force, 
determined  spirit,  and  political  skill  of  the  Americans. 
Prejudices  were  in  his  favor,  and  no  antipathies  existed. 
Unluckily  he  imbibed  the  idea,  that  he  was  quelling  a 
rebellion,  and  that  a  scrupulous  regard  to  the  rules  of 
honorable  warfare  was  not  exacted  in  such  a  contest. 
It  would  be  hard  to  blame  him,  perhaps,  on  this  score, 
since  he  was  only  conforming  to  the  spirit  of  his  instruc 
tions;  yet  a  little  more  discernment  in  penetrating  the 
actual  state  of  things  around  him,  a  little  more  discretion 
and  sagacity  in  adapting  his  conduct  to  circumstances, 
would  have  shown  his  character  in  a  better  light  with 
out  diminishing  the  value  of  his  services  in  the  cause 
he  was  set  to  maintain. 

The  enlistments  in  the  new  army  went  on  slowly. 
The  dissatisfaction  and  cabals  of  the  officers,  the  exact 
ing  temper  and  undisciplined  habits  of  the  men,  occa 
sioned  endless  perplexities.  General  Washington  felt 
intense  anxiety.  His  patience  and  fortitude  were  tried 
in  the  severest  manner.  A  month's  experiment  had 
obtained  only  five  thousand  recruits.  At  one  time  he 
was  flattered  with  promises,  at  another  almost  every 
gleam  of  hope  was  extinguished,  till  at  length,  when 


jF/F.43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  163 

the  term  of  service  of  the  Connecticut  troops  was  about 
to  expire,  it  was  ascertained  that  they  would  go  off  in 
a  body,  and  leave  a  fearful  blank  in  an  army  already 
deficient  in  numbers  and  weakened  by  internal  disor 
ders.  He  appealed  to  every  motive,  which  could  stimu 
late  their  patriotism,  pride,  or  sense  of  honor,  but  all  in 
vain;  and  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  that  he 
could  persuade  them  to  stay  ten  days  longer,  till  the 
militia  could  be  assembled  to  supply  their  place. 

Orders  were  issued  for  calling  in  the  militia.  By  a 
prudent  foresight  he  had  suggested  to  Congress  the 
necessity  of  being  intrusted  with  this  authority,  and  it 
was  granted  in  general  terms.  But  here  again  a  new 
trouble  arose.  The  same  spectre  of  military  domina 
tion,  which  had  from  the  first  struck  so  much  dread  into 
the  minds  of  many  persons,  and  had  limited  the  exis 
tence  of  the  present  army  to  one  year,  was  still  busy 
in  spreading  its  terrors,  and  tormenting  its  adversaries. 
If  the  Commander-in-chief  could  call  out  the  whole 
force  of  the  country  at  his  option,  where  would  be  the 
bounds  of  his  power,  where  the  checks  to  soaring  ambi 
tion,  where  the  safeguard  of  the  people's  liberties? 
Such  questions  were  asked  in  a  tone  of  triumphant  con 
fidence,  implying  that  they  could  not  be  answered. 
Happily  Congress  put  an  end  to  them  by  a  simple  ex 
pedient.  They  amended  their  resolve,  by  making  it 
incumbent  on  the  Commander-in-chief  to  gain  the  con 
sent  of  the  executive  authority  of  each  colony,  before 
he  summoned  its  militia.  In  fact  he  had  hitherto  pro 
ceeded  in  this  way,  and  probably  always  would  have 
done  so ;  but  this  form  of  the  resolve  allayed  the  fears 
of  the  alarmists,  and  was  equally  effectual.* 

*  An  incident  is  related  as  having  occurred  while  he  was  in  the  Con 
vention  for  forming  the  Constitution,  which  was  probably  suggested  by 
his  experience  during  the  war.  A  member  proposed  to  introduce  a 


164  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

When  General  Washington  complained  to  Governor 
Trumbull  of  the  extraordinary  conduct  of  the  Connec 
ticut  troops,  the  latter  replied;  "There  is  great  difficulty 
to  support  liberty,  to  exercise  government,  and  maintain 
subordination,  and  at  the  same  time  to  prevent  the 
operation  of  licentious  and  levelling  principles,  which 
many  very  easily  imbibe.  The  pulse  of  a  New  Eng 
land  man  beats  high  for  liberty;  his  engagement  in  the 
service  he  thinks  purely  voluntary ;  therefore,  when  the 
time  of  enlistment  is  out,  he  thinks  himself  not  holden 
without  further  engagement.  This  was  the  case  in  the 
last  war.  I  greatly  fear  its  operation  amongst  the  sol 
diers  of  the  other  colonies,  as  I  am  sensible  this  is  the 
genius  and  spirit  of  our  people."  Another  consideration 
had  great  weight,  perhaps  greater  than  all  the  rest.  The 
men  expected  a  bounty.  A  soldier's  pay  did  not  satisfy 
them,  as  they  could  obtain  better  wages  in  other  em 
ployments,  without  the  fatigues  and  privations  of  a 
camp.  Congress  had  declared  against  bounties,  and 
they  could  not  be  offered,  unless  the  colonies  should 
choose  to  do  it  individually  on  their  own  account. 

At  the  end  of  the  year,  when  the  old  army  was  dis 
solved,  the  whole  number  of  the  new  establishment  was 
nine  thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty.  More  than  a 
thousand  of  these  men  were  absent  on  furloughs,  which 
t  had  been  necessary  to  grant  as  a  condition  of  ree'n- 
listment.  This  result  was  peculiarly  discouraging.  "  It 
is  easier  to  conceive  than  describe,"  said  General 
Washington,  "the  situation  of  my  mind  for  some  time 
past,  and  my  feelings  under  our  present  circumstances. 

Search   the  volumes  of  history  through,  and  I  much 

clause  into  the  constitution,  limiting  a  standing  army  to  five  thousand  men. 
•gton  observed,  that  he  should  have  no  objection  to  such  a  clause, 
amended  as  to  provide,  that  no  enemy  should  presume  to 
invade  the  United  States  with  more  than  three  tJwLnd. 


JE-r.43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  165 

question  whether  a  case  similar  to  ours  is  to  be  found  ; 
namely,  to  maintain  a  post  against  the  flower  of  the 
British  troops  for  six  months  together,  without  powder, 
and  then  to  have  one  army  disbanded  and  another 
to  be  raised  within  the  same  distance  of  a  reinforced 
enemy."  His  immediate  safety,  however,  was  secured 
by  the  addition  of  five  thousand  militia,  who  soon  came 
in,  and  were  to  remain  till  the  middle  of  January. 
And  the  advanced  state  of  the  season  rendered  it  im 
probable  that  the  enemy  would  undertake  sudden  en 
terprises. 

When  General  Washington  accepted  the  appoint 
ment  of  Congress,  he  supposed  it  would  be  in  his 
power  to  visit  his  family  in  the  winter,  and  attend  for  a 
short  space  to  his  private  affairs.  This  was  found  im 
practicable,  or  at  least  inconsistent  with  the  duties  of 
his  charge ;  and  Mrs.  Washington  joined  him  at  head 
quarters  in  December,  where  she  remained  till  the 
next  spring.  This  was  her  practice  during  the  war. 
She  passed  the  winters  with  her  husband  in  camp,  and 
returned  at  the  opening  of  the  campaigns  to  Mount 
Vernon. 

His  large  estates  were  consigned  to  the  care  of  a 
superintendent,  Mr.  Lund  Washington,  in  whom  he  had 
confidence,  and  who  executed  the  trust  with  diligence 
and  fidelity.  Notwithstanding  the  multitude  of  public 
concerns,  which  at  all  times  pressed  heavily,  and  which 
he  never  neglected,  the  thoughts  of  General  Washing 
ton  constantly  reverted  to  his  farms.  In  the  midst 
of  the  most  stirring  and  eventful  scenes  of  the  war,  he 
kept  up  an  unremitted  correspondence  with  his  man 
ager,  in  which  he  entered  into  details,  gave  minute 
instructions,  and  exacted  in  return  frequent  and  full 
reports  of  the  particulars  relating  to  the  culture  of  his 


166  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

lands,  their  products,  the  condition  of  the  laborers,  and 
every  transaction  of  business. 

An  extract  from  one  of  his  letters  on  these  topics 
will  show  a  trait  of  character,  and  the  footing  on  which 
he  left  his  household  at  Mount  Vernon. 

"  Let  the  hospitality  of  the  house,  with  respect  to  the 
poor,  be  kept  up.  Let  no  one  go  hungry  away.  If  any 
of  this  kind  of  people  should  be  in  want  of  corn,  supply 
their  necessities,  provided  it  does  not  encourage  them 
in  idleness ;  and  I  have  no  objection  to  your  giving  my 
money  in  charity,  to  the  amount  of  forty  or  fifty  pounds 
a  year,  when  you  think  it  well  bestowed.  What  I 
mean  by  having  no  objection  is,  that  it  is  my  desire  that 
it  should  be  done.  You  are  to  consider,  that  neither 
myself  nor  wife  is  now  in  the  way  to  do  these  good 
offices.  In  all  other  respects,  I  recommend  it  to  you, 
and  have  no  doubt  of  your  observing  the  greatest 
economy  and  frugality ;  as  I  suppose  you  know,  that  I 
do  not  get  a  farthing  for  my  services  here,  more  than 
my  expenses.  It  becomes  necessary,  therefore,  for  me 
to  be  saving  at  home." 


jEr.43.1  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  167 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

Plans  for  an  Attack  on  Boston.  —  Condition  of  the  Army.  —  Dorchester 
Heights  fortified.  —  Evacuation  of  Boston.  —  Troops  march  to  New 
York. —  Washington  repairs  to  Congress. — His  Views  in  Regard  to 
the  State  of  the  Country.  —  Machinations  of  the  Tories,  and  Measures 
taken  to  defeat  them.  —  Declaration  of  Independence. — Arrival  of 
Lord  Howe,  with  Proposals  for  a  Reconciliation  with  the  Colonies.  — 
Mode  of  addressing  Letters  to  Washington  attempted  by  the  British 
Admiral  and  General.  —  Strength  and  Condition  of  the  two  Armies. — 
Battle  of  Long  Island. —  Remarks  on  the  Battle.  —  Impression  made 
by  it  on  the  American  Army  and  Public. 

TOWARDS  the  end  of  December  it  was  ascertained, 
that  General  Howe  was  fitting  out  a  part  of  his  fleet  in 
the  harbour  of  Boston  for  some  secret  enterprise.  Its 
destination  could  only  be  conjectured ;  but  the  season 
of  the  year  and  other  circumstances  induced  a  belief, 
that  an  operation  at  the  south  was  in  view.  Fears 
were  entertained  for  New  York,  then  in  a  defenceless 
condition,  feeble  from  the  timid  counsels  of  its  pro 
vincial  Congress,  awed  by  a  British  man-of-war,  and 
distracted  by  the  artifices  of  Governor  Tryon,  whose 
presence  and  address  had  kept  together  on  Long  Island 
a  formidable  body  of  Tories,  some  concealed,  others 
undisguised. 

No  efforts  were  to  be  spared  to  prevent  the  enemy 
from  gaining  possession  of  so  important  a  post  as  New 
York,  which,  with  Hudson's  River,  opened  a  direct 
channel  to  Canada,  through  which  an  invading  arm) 
might  pass,  to  the  great  injury  of  the  interior  country, 
if  not  to  the  discomfiture  of  the  army  in  the  northern 
department.  In  the  present  state  of  General  Wash 
ington's  forces,  he  could  not  send  a  detachment  from 
camp.  As  the  most  promising  scheme  that  offered, 


168  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

General  Lee  was  despatched,  with  instructions  from 
the  Commander-in-chief  to  raise  volunteers  in  Con 
necticut,  hasten  forward  to  New  York,  call  to  his  aid 
other  troops  from  New  Jersey,  put  the  city  in  the  best 
posture  of  defence  which  his  means  would  permit, 
disarm  the  Tories  and  other  persons  inimical  to  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  America,  and  guard  the  fortifica 
tions  on  Hudson's  River. 

The  duty  was  delicate  in  itself,  and  difficult  in  the 
execution,  requiring  energy  and  firmness,  tempered  with 
a  moderation  seldom  conspicuous  in  the  character  of 
General  Lee.  In  this  instance,  however,  he  was  judicious 
and  successful.  A  committee  from  Congress  met  him  at 
New  York,  by  whose  prudence  his  exuberant  ardor  was 
restrained,  and  who,  by  bracing  up  the  civil  authorities 
with  a  little  more  courage,  brought  about  a  cooperation 
favorable  to  vigorous  measures.  The  alarm  for  the 
safety  of  New  York  was  premature.  The  fleet  from 
Boston,  having  on  board  several  regiments  under  the 
command  of  General  Clinton,  sailed  to  North  Carolina, 
in  the  prosecution  of  a  plan  previously  formed  in  the 
British  cabinet,  at  the  recommendation  of  Governor 
Martin,  for  making  a  descent  upon  that  colony. 

Meantime  General  Washington  became  more  and 
more  impatient  to  make  an  attack  on  Boston.  He 
summoned  a  council  of  officers  on  the  16th  of  January, 
to  whom  with  strong  arguments  he  urged  the  necessity 
rf  such  an  attempt  before  the  enemy  should  be  re- 

orced,   and  requested   their  opinion.     They  agreed 

the  attack  ought  not  to   be   deferred  a  moment 

there  should  be  a  fair  hope  of  its  succeeding;  but, 

with  the  force  then   in  the  field,  they  believed  it  im- 

That  his  feelings  were  keenly  affected  by 

situation,  is  apparent  from  the  tone  of  a  letter  written 

at  the  time.     "Could  I  have  foreseen  the  difficulties," 


jE-r.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  169 

said  he,  "which  have  come  upon  us;  could  I  have 
known  that  such  backwardness  would  have  been  dis 
covered  by  the  old  soldiers  to  the  service,  all  the  generals 
upon  earth  should  not  have  convinced  me  of  the  pro 
priety  of  delaying  an  attack  upon  Boston  till  this  time." 
He  alludes  here  to  the  soldiers  of  the  first  army,  who 
had  refused  to  enlist,  and  gone  home,  in  much  greater 
numbers  than  he  had  anticipated. 

The  new  regiments  were  increasing  very  tardily. 
The  time  for  which  the  five  thousand  militia  engaged 
to  serve  had  expired,  and  a  few  only  could  be  prevailed 
upon  to  stay  longer.  Another  call  for  militia  was  in 
dispensable.  Seven  regiments  were  apportioned  to 
Massachusetts,  four  to  Connecticut,  and  two  to  New 
Hampshire.  By  the  time  these  should  come  in,  it  was 
hoped  the  ice  on  the  waters  around  Boston  would  be 
frozen  hard  enough  to  facilitate  an  assault  on  the  town. 

Just  at  this  moment  arrived  the  news  of  the  repulse 
at  Quebec,  and  the  death  of  General  Montgomery,  with 
an  urgent  request  from  General  Schuyler,  that  three 
thousand  men  should  be  immediately  sent  into  Canada, 
as  the  smallest  force  necessary  to  retrieve  the  loss,  and 
to  sustain  the  cause  in  that  colony.  Such  a  detachment 
from  Washington's  army  was  impossible,  without  ruin 
to  himself;  but,  ever  prompt  to  provide  for  exigences 
and  to  act  for  the  general  good,  he  instantly  applied 
to  the  governments  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and 
New  Hampshire  to  furnish  each  a  regiment,  which 
should  continue  in  service  one  year,  and  march  forth 
with  to  Canada.  To  relieve  these  colonies  from  an 
increased  burden,  he  allowed  the  three  regiments  to  be 
taken  from  his  last  requisition,  reserving  ten  for  the  main 
army.  The  proposal  was  well  received,  and  the  troops 
were  raised  and  marched  to  Canada  during  the  winter. 

Besides  the  want  of  powder,  which  had  at  no  time 

VOL.  i.  22  o 


170  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

been  supplied  in  any  adequate  quantity,  the  deficiency 
of  arms  threatened  serious  consequences.  There  were 
nearly  two  thousand  men  in  camp  without  firelocks. 
Every  expedient  was  tried  to  procure  them,  but  with 
little  effect.  The  New  England  governments  had  none 
to  furnish.  The  militia,  reluctant  to  part  with  their 
arms,  carried  them  away  when  they  returned  home. 
Officers  were  sent  into  the  country  with  money  to  pur 
chase  them.  A  few  were  obtained  in  this  way,  but  not 
enough  to  arm  all  the  men. 

Despondency  was  seldom  known,  perhaps  never,  to 
unsettle  the  constancy  or  Self-command  of  Washington. 
He  seemed  to  gather  new  strength  by  resisting  the 
pressure  of  difficulties  thickening  around  him.  Borne 
up  by  a  conscious  integrity,  weighing  well  every  act 
of  his  life,  convinced  of  the  justice  of  his  cause,  and 
habitually  trusting  in  the  direction  of  an  overruling 
Providence,  his  far-reaching  mind  looked  steadily  to  the 
end,  and  he  went  onward,  resolute  in  purpose,  strong 
in  hope.  The  events  of  the  last  six  months,  however, 
and  the  position  in  which  he  was  now  placed,  could  not 
but  awaken  anxious  forebodings,  and  touch  his  sensi 
bility.  He  saw  his  own  reputation  and  the  vital  inter 
ests  of  his  country  in  jeopardy.  The  means  of  rescuing 
the  one  from  unmerited  censure,  and  securing  the  other 
on  a  solid  basis,  were  feeble,  remote,  uncertain.  The 
following  is  his  language  on  the  occasion,  contained  in 
a  letter  to  a  friend. 

"I  know  the  unhappy  predicament  in  which  I  stand; 
I  know  that  much  is  expected  of  me ;  I  know,  that, 
without  men,  without  arms,  without  ammunition,  without 
any  thing  fit  for  the  accommodation  of  a  soldier,  little  is 
to  be  done ;  and,  what  is  mortifying,  I  know  that  I 
cannot  stand  justified  to  the  world  without  exposing 
my  own  weakness,  and  injuring  the  cause,  by  declaring 


Ah.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  171 

my  wants,  which  I  am  determined  not  to  do,  farther 
than  unavoidable  necessity  brings  every  man  acquainted 
with  them.  My  situation  is  so  irksome  to  me  at  times, 
that,  if  I  did  not  consult  the  public  good  more  than  my 
own  tranquillity,  I  should  long  ere  this  have  put  every 
thing  on  the  cast  of  a  die.  So  far  from  my  having  an 
army  of  twenty  thousand  men  well  armed,  I  have  been 
here  with  less  than  half  that  number,  including  sick, 
furloughed,  and  on  command,  and  those  neither  armed 
nor  clothed  as  they  should  be.  In  short,  my  situation 
has  been  such,  that  I  have  been  obliged  to  use  art  to 
conceal  it  from  my  own  officers." 

As  a  contrast  to  this  representation,  proving  the 
buoyancy  of  his  mind  and  his  determined  spirit  under 
the  heaviest  depression,  another  passage  is  here  quoted 
from  the  same  letter. 

"  With  respect  to  myself,  I  have  never  entertained 
an  idea  of  an  accommodation,  since  I  heard  of  the 
measures,  which  were  adopted  in  consequence  of  the 
Bunker's  Hill  fight.  The  King's  speech  has  confirmed 
the  sentiments  I  entertained  upon  the  news  of  that 
affair ;  and,  if  every  man  was  of  my  mind,  the  ministers 
of  Great  Britain  should  know,  in  a  few  words,  upon 
what  issue  the  cause  should  be  put.  I  would  not  be 
deceived  by  artful  declarations,  nor  specious  pretences ; 
nor  would  I  be  amused  by  unmeaning  propositions ;  but 
in  open,  undisguised,  and  manly  terms  proclaim  our 
wrongs,  and  our  resolution  to  be  redressed.  I  would 
tell  them,  that  we  had  borne  much,  that  we  had  long 
and  ardently  sought  for  reconciliation  upon  honorable 
terms,  that  it  had  been  denied  us,  that  all  our  attempts 
after  peace  had  proved  abortive,  and  had  been  grossly 
misrepresented,  that  we  had  done  every  thing  which 
could  be  expected  from  the  best  of  subjects,  that  the 
spirit  of  freedom  rises  too  high  in  us  to  submit  to  slavery. 


172  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

This  I  would  tell  them,  not  under  covert,  but  in  words 
as  clear  as  the  sun  in  its  meridian  brightness." 

By  degrees  the  affairs  of  the  army  assumed  a  more 
favorable  aspect.  Owing  to  the  mildness  of  the  winter, 
little  ice  was  formed  till  the  middle  of  February,  when 
it  was  sufficiently  strong  to  enable  the  troops  to  march 
over  it  from  Roxbury  and  Dorchester.  The  Comman 
der-in-chief  proposed  to  take  advantage  of  this  oppor 
tunity,  and  make  an  immediate  assault  on  Boston.  His 
opinion  was  overruled  by  a  council  of  officers,  much  to 
his  disappointment  and  chagrin.  "Though  we  had 
been  waiting  all  the  year,"  said  he,  "for  this  favorable 
event,  the  enterprise  was  thought  too  dangerous.  Per 
haps  it  was;  perhaps  the  irksomeness  of  my  situation 
led  me  to  undertake  more  than  could  be  warranted  by 
prudence.  I  did  not  think  so,  and  I  am  sure  yet,  that 
the  enterprise,  if  it  had  been  undertaken  with  resolution, 
must  have  succeeded ;  without  it,  any  would  fail."  It 
was  resolved,  however,  that  active  operations  should 
commence,  and  that  possession  should  be  taken  of 
Dorchester  Heights,  which  might  possibly  bring  out 
the  enemy  to  an  engagement  in  that  quarter,  and  thus, 
by  dividing  the  forces  in  Boston,  lead  to  a  general 
attack. 

Speedy  arrangements  were  made  for  executing  this 

plan,  and  the  essential  part  of  it  was  effected  by  a  body 

of  troops,  who  marched  in  the  night  under  the  command 

General  Thomas,  gained  the  summit  of  the  Heights 

without  being  discovered,  and  by  great  activity  erected 

?fore  morning  such  works,  as  would  secure  them  against 

the  enemy's  shot.     To  divert  the  attention  of  General 

[owe,  an  incessant  cannonade  and  bombardment  upon 

town  had  been  kept  up  the  two  preceding  nights, 

durag  the  same  night,  from   Lechmere's  Point, 

Cobble  Hill,  and  Roxbury. 


jEr.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  173 

As  Dorchester  Heights  commanded  the  harbour,  and 
also  Nook's  Hill,  from  which  the  town  could  easily  be 
annoyed  by  cannon  and  mortars,  it  was  expected  that 
the  enemy  would  attempt  to  dislodge  the  American 
detachment,  and  that  the  scenes  of  Bunker's  Hill  would 
again  be  acted  over.  In  anticipation  of  such  an  event, 
Washington  prepared  to  assault  the  town  at  the  same 
time  on  the  opposite  side.  For  this  service  four  thou 
sand  chosen  men  were  set  apart,  and  put  in  two 
divisions,  one  under  General  Sullivan,  the  other  under 
General  Greene,  the  whole  being  commanded  by  Gen 
eral  Putnam.  At  a  concerted  signal  they  were  to  embark 
in  boats,  near  the  mouth  of  Charles  River,  attended  by 
three  floating  batteries,  under  the  fire  of  which  they 
were  to  land  in  the  town,  and  then  act  according  to 
circumstances  and  instructions  given  by  signals. 

In  the  event  there  was  no  occasion  for  this  attempt. 
It  was  not  the  policy  of  General  Howe,  nor  consistent 
with  his  designs,  to  bring  on  a  general  engagement. 
He  remained  in  Boston  at  his  own  discretion,  it  having 
been  recommended  to  him  by  the  ministry,  several 
months  before,  to  leave  that  place  and  repair  to  a 
southern  port.  Although  he  thought  there  were  solid 
reasons  against  such  a  step,  yet  he  did  not  choose  to 
sacrifice  his  men,  or  run  hazards,  while  so  much  rested 
on  his  responsibility.  But  when  the  admiral  told  him, 
that,  unless  the  Americans  were  dislodged  from  Dor 
chester  Heights,  the  King's  ships  could  not  remain  in 
the  harbour,  he  consented  to  detach  three  thousand 
men  under  Lord  Percy  for  that  purpose.  The  execu 
tion  of  the  plan  was  defeated  by  a  furious  storm,  which 
came  on  while  the  troops  were  embarking.  The  next 
day  he  determined  to  suspend  offensive  operations  and 
to  evacuate  the  town. 

Washington  had  regarded  this  result  as  probable,  and, 


174  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [177ft 

having  no  other  motive  for  tempting  General  Howe  to 
an  engagement,  than  that  of  forcing  him  from  the  town, 
it  was  of  course  accordant  with  his  principles  and  his 
wishes,  that  it  should  be  done  without  bloodshed.  His 
only  aim,  therefore,  was  to  keep  his  posts  strongly 
guarded,  and  his  troops  ready  for  action.  Humanity 
and  policy  required  also,  that  the  town  should  be  saved, 
if  possible,  from  the  ravage  and  destruction  to  which  it 
must  inevitably  be  exposed  by  an  assault.  Appre 
hending  such  an  issue,  after  the  Americans  had  planted 
themselves  on  Dorchester  Heights,  the  inhabitants  ob 
tained  from  General  Howe  a  declaration,  that  the  town 
should  not  be  destroyed,  unless  the  King's  troops  were 
molested  during  their  embarkation.  An  informal  mes 
sage  to  this  effect  was  forwarded  to  Washington  by  the 
selectmen  of  the  town;  but  he  declined  taking  any 
notice  of  it,  as  not  being  authenticated  by  the  name  of 
the  British  commander.  This  proceeding  was  enough, 
however,  to  produce  a  tacit  understanding  between  the 
parties,  and  the  troops  were  allowed  to  depart  without 
molestation.  The  town  was  left  uninjured,  except  from 
the  natural  effects  of  having  been  so  long  occupied 
by  soldiers,  and  the  disorders  attending  so  hasty  an 
embarkation. 

Boston  was  evacuated  on  the  17th  of  March,  and 
several  regiments  commanded  by  General  Putnam  im 
mediately  entered  it,  and  took  possession  of  all  the 
posts.  It  was  found  to  be  very  strongly  fortified.  Gen 
eral  Washington  himself  went  into  the  town  the  next 
day,  and  was  received  with  enthusiasm  by  the  inhabi 
tants.  The  legislature  of  Massachusetts  took  an  early 
opportunity  to  present  to  him  an  address,  expressive  of 
their  respect  and  attachment,  their  obligations  for  the 
great  services  he  had  rendered  to  his  country,  and 
'heir  thanks  for  the  deference  he  had  invariably  shown 


MT  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  175 

to  the  civil  authorities.  In  reply  he  reciprocated  their 
kind  sentiments,  congratulated  them  on  the  recent 
event,  particularly  as  having  been  effected  without  the 
effusion  of  blood,  but  intimated,  as  to  his  own  agen 
cy,  that  he  had  only  done  his  duty,  "wishing  for 
no  other  reward,  than  that  arising  from  a  conscien 
tious  discharge  of  his  important  trust,  and  that  his 
services  might  contribute  to  the  establishment  of  free 
dom  and  peace,  upon  a  permanent  foundation,  and 
merit  the  applause  of  his  countrymen  and  every  vir 
tuous  citizen." 

Congress  were  not  backward  in  rendering  a  due 
tribute  to  their  Commander-in-chief.  A  unanimous  vote 
of  thanks  was  conveyed  to  him  in  a  letter,  drafted  by  a 
committee  expressly  appointed  for  the  occasion,  and 
signed  by  the  President.  A  gold  medal  was  ordered 
to  be  struck,  commemorative  of  the  evacuation  of  Bos 
ton,  and  as  an  honorable  token  of  the  public  approbation 
of  his  conduct. 

General  Howe,  with  his  army  in  seventy-eight  ships 
and  transports,  sailed  for  Halifax.  His  effective  force, 
including  seamen,  was  about  eleven  thousand  men. 
More  than  a  thousand  refugees  left  Boston  in  his  fleet. 
By  the  adjutant's  return,  Washington's  army,  officers 
and  men,  amounted  to  twenty-one  thousand  eight  hun 
dred,  of  which  number  two  thousand  seven  hundred 
were  sick.  The  enlistments  had  been  more  successful 
latterly  than  at  first.  There  were  also  six  thousand  eight 
hundred  militia,  most  of  whom  had  been  suddenly  called 
in  from  the  neighbouring  towns,  to  strengthen  the  lines 
in  case  of  an  attack  on  Boston. 

It  was  reported,  while  the  troops  were  preparing  to 
embark,  that  they  were  destined  for  Halifax ;  but,  sus 
pecting  this  to  be  given  out  by  the  British  commander 
as  a  feint  to  cover  his  real  designs,  and  anxious  for  the 


176  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

safety  of  New  York,  General  Washington  called  for  two 
thousand  militia  from  Connecticut,  and  one  thousand 
from  New  Jersey,  to  be  thrown  into  that  city  without 
delay,  which,  added  to  the  force  already  on  the  spot, 
might  oppose  the  landing  of  the  enemy  till  his  own 
troops  could  arrive.  The  day  after  the  evacuation,  he 
ordered  five  Continental  regiments,  the  battalion  of  rifle 
men,  and  two  companies  of  artillery  to  march  under 
General  Heath.  They  went  by  land  to  Norwich,  and 
thence  by  water  through  the  Sound.  The  whole  army, 
except  five  regiments  detained  for  the  defence  of  Bos 
ton  under  General  Ward,  followed  in  divisions,  pursuing 
the  same  route.  Putnam  was  sent  forward  to  take  the 
command  in  New  York ;  Lee  having  been  appointed 
by  Congress  to  the  southern  department,  and  having 
hastened  thither  to  watch  the  motions  of  General  Clin 
ton,  who  it  was  expected  would  make  a  descent  some 
where  on  the  coast  at  the  south. 

The  British  fleet  lingered  ten  days  in  Nantasket 
Road,  and  Washington  could  not  venture  to  leave  his 
post,  nor  indeed  to  order  away  all  his  army,  till  assured 
that  the  fleet  had  actually  put  to  sea.  When  this  was 
ascertained,  he  set  off  for  New  York,  passing  through 
Providence,  Norwich,  and  New  London.  At  Norwich 
he  had  an  interview  with  Governor  Trumbull,  who  came 
there  to  meet  him.  On  the  13th  of  April  he  arrived  in 
New  York.  The  divisions  of  the  army,  moving  more 
slowly,  did  not  unite  in  that  place  till  some  days  later. 

It  was  soon  evident,  that  General  Howe  had  gone  in 
another  direction,  and  that  no  immediate  danger  was  to 
be  apprehended  from  the  enemy.  The  British  armed 
vessels,  hitherto  remaining  in  the  harbour,  retired  down 
to  Sandy  Hook,  twenty-five  miles  from  the  city.  The 
militia  from  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey  were  dis 
charged.  The  first  task  of  the  Commander  was  to 


jEx.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  177 

inspect  the  works  begun  by  General  Lee,  direct  their 
completion,  and  prepare  other  means  of  defence. 

Affairs  in  Canada  became  every  day  more  gloomy. 
The  unfortunate  repulse  at  Quebec,  the  want  of  an 
efficient  commander  after  the  fall  of  the  gallant  Mont 
gomery,  the  severity  of  the  winter,  and  the  deficiency  of 
supplies,  all  contributed  to  dishearten  the  troops,  dimin 
ish  their  strength,  destroy  discipline,  and  engender  con 
fusion.  Reinforcements  from  England  would  certainly 
be  in  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  as  soon  as  the  ice  should 
break  up.  Congress,  justly  fearing  the  consequences, 
requested  Washington  first  to  d^ach  four  regiments, 
and  then  six  others,  to  act  in  the  northern  department. 
He  approved  this  measure  from  the  conviction,  that  the 
public  interests  would  thus  be  served ;  since  no  support 
could  be  obtained  in  Canada,  except  what  was  sent 
there,  whereas  at  New  York  the  militia  on  an  emergency 
might  be  summoned  from  the  surrounding  country. 

The  presence  of  General  Washington  being  thought 
essential  at  Congress,  for  the  purpose  of  advising  with 
them  on  the  state  of  affairs,  and  concerting  arrange 
ments  for  the  campaign,  he  repaired  to  Philadelphia, 
leaving  the  army  in  the  command  of  General  Putnam. 
On  his  way  he  examined  Staten  Island,  and  the  opposite 
Jersey  shore,  with  the  view  of  determining  the  proper 
places  for  works  of  defence.  He  was  absent  fifteen 
days.  He  seems  to  have  been  disappointed  and  con 
cerned  at  discovering  divisions  in  Congress,  which  por 
tended  no  good  to  the  common  cause.  It  was  known, 
from  the  late  proceedings  in  Parliament,  that  commis 
sioners  were  coming  out  with  proposals  of  accommoda 
tion.  In  a  letter  to  his  brother,  written  at  Philadelphia, 
he  speaks  as  follows. 

"  I  am  very  glad  to  find,  that  the  Virginia  Convention 
have  passed  so  noble  a  vote,  and  with  so  much  una- 

VOL.  i.  23 


178  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

nimity     Things  have  come  to  such  a  pass  now,  as  to 
convince  us,  that  we  have  nothing  more  to  expect  from 
the  justice  of  Great  Britain ;  also,  that  she  is  capable 
of  the  most  delusive  arts ;  for  I  am  satisfied,  that  no 
commissioners  were  ever  designed,  except  Hessians  and 
other  foreigners ;  and  that  the  idea  was  only  to  deceive 
and  throw  us  off  our  guard.     The  first  has  been  too 
effectually  accomplished,  as  many  members  of  Congress, 
in  short,  the  representation  of  whole  provinces,  are  still 
feeding  themselves  upon  the  dainty  food  of  reconcilia 
tion  ;  and,  though  they  will  not  allow,  that  the  expecta 
tion  of  it  has  any  influence  upon  their  judgment  with 
respect  to  their  preparations  for  defence,  it  is  but  too 
obvious,  that  it  has  an  operation  upon  every  part  of  then 
conduct,  and  is  a  clog  to  their  proceedings.     It  is  not  in 
the  nature  of  things  to  be  otherwise ;  for  no  man,  that 
entertains  a  hope  of  seeing  this  dispute  speedily  and 
equitably  adjusted   by  commissioners,  will   go   to   the 
same  expense  and  run  the  same  hazards  to  prepare  for 
the  worst  event,  as  he  who  believes,  that  he  must  con 
quer,  or  submit  to  unconditional  terms,  and  the  con 
comitants,  such  as  confiscation,  hanging,  and  the  like." 
The  allusion,  at  the  beginning  of  this  paragraph,  is  to 
•a  recent  vote  of  the  Virginia  Convention,  recommending 
to  Congress  to  declare  the  United  Colonies  free  and 
independent  States.     The  opinion,  that  it  was  time  for 
this  decisive  step  to  be  taken,  had  been  firmly  rooted 
in  the  mind  of  Washington  ever  since  he  first  saw  the 
King's  speech  at  the  opening  of  Parliament,  and  under 
stood  from  it  the  temper  with  which  the  British  govern 
ment  was  determined,  at  all  events,  to  push  its  claims 
upon  the  colonies.     From  that  moment  his  last   hope 
of  reconciliation   vanished.     He    was    convinced,    that 
submission   on  terms  too  humiliating   to  be  admitted, 
or  a   hard   struggle,  was  the  only   alternative.     From 


^Gr.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  179 

that  moment,  therefore,  he  believed  the  Colonies  ought 
to  stand  on  the  broad  ground  of  independence.  They 
could  lose  nothing  by  assuming  such  a  position ;  they 
had  been  driven  to  it  by  their  adversaries ;  whether  from 
weak  counsels,  obstinacy,  or  wilful  oppression,  it  was 
useless  to  inquire ;  and,  if  they  must  yield  at  last,  it  was 
better  to  fall  nobly  contending  for  freedom  and  justice, 
than  to  sink  back  into  servitude,  branded  with  the 
reproach  of  degrading  concessions.  Such  being  his 
sentiments,  he  was  rejoiced  at  the  spirit  manifested  in 
so  powerful  a  colony  as  Virginia,  setting  an  example 
which  others  were  ready  to  follow,  and  leading  to  a 
union,  which  would  fix  the  thoughts  and  hearts  of  the 
people  on  a  single  object,  encourage  the  desponding, 
strengthen  the  military  arm,  and  give  a  new  impulse  to 
the  whole  country. 

Notwithstanding  the  hesitancy  of  some  of  the  mem 
bers  of  Congress,  there  was  still  a  large  majority  for 
vigorous  action  ;  and,  while  he  was  there,  they  resolved 
to  reinforce  the  army  at  New  York  with  thirteen  thou 
sand  eight  hundred  militia,  drawn  from  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  and  New  Jersey ;  and  a  flying 
camp  of  ten  thousand  more,  from  Pennsylvania,  Mary 
land,  and  Delaware. 

On  his  return  to  New  York,  he  lost  no  time  in  making 
preparations  to  receive  the  enemy,  whose  fleet  was 
now  expected  soon  to  approach  the  coast.  Besides  the 
burden  of  his  command,  he  was  harassed  with  other 
difficulties.  Long  Island,  Staten  Island,  many  parts  of 
the  interior,  and  even  the  city  itself,  swarmed  with  dis 
affected  persons,  or  Tories,  who  were  plotting  clandestine 
and  dangerous  schemes.  Governor  Tryon,  the  centre 
of  motion  to  this  fraternity,  continued  on  board  a  vessel 
at  the  Hook,  and  had  his  emissaries  abroad  in  every 
direction.  The  Provincial  Congress,  either  distrustful 


180  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

of  its  powers,  or  too  much  contaminated  with  the  leaven 
of  disaffection  in  some  of  its  members,  was  tardy  to 
propose,  and  more  tardy  to  execute,  any  plans  for 
eradicating  the  mischief.  Washington  expostulated, 
reasoned,  urged,  till  at  length  a  secret  committee  was 
appointed  to  take  up  and  examine  suspected  persons. 

This  was  a  wide  stretch  of  power,  defensible  only  from 
the  necessity  of  the  case.  A  covert  enemy  is  the  worst 
of  all,  as  he  forfeits  honor,  and  betrays  friendship.  That 
he  is  abetting  what  he  thinks  a  good  cause,  is  a  poor 
plea  for  such  treachery.  Spies  in  all  countries  are 
punished  with  death.  An  enemy  in  disguise  is  a  spy. 
Difference  of  opinion  is  not  criminal,  and  there  were 
doubtless  many  innocent  Tories,  who  were  loyalists  in 
faith,  but  remained  quiet.  Yet  it  is  a  question,  how 
long  such  persons  can  be  allowed  to  stand  neuter  in 
times  of  revolution.  They  may  go  away ;  but,  while 
their  lives  and  property  are  protected  by  the  actual 
government,  they  owe  allegiance  to  it,  and  are  bound  to 
render  positive  service  for  its  support.  Such  was  the 
condition  of  the  Tories.  They  were  either  criminal  as 
enemies,  tolerated  as  neutrals,  or  obliged  to  act  as 
friends.  At  the  beginning  of  the  contest,  the  first  class 
was  much  the  most  numerous,  and  there  can  be  no 
controversy  as  to  the  kind  of  treatment  demanded  in 
their  case. 

Aware  of  the  delicacy  of  this  subject,  Congress  early 
passed  a  resolution,  by  which  the  power  of  apprehending 
Tories  was  put  into  the  hands  of  the  civil  authority  of 
each  colony.  This  was  a  wise  and  politic  regulation. 
Much  abuse  and  injustice  might  have  followed,  if  the 
Continental  officers  had  been  permitted  to  arrest  persons 
upon  suspicion;  whereas  the  local  civil  authorities,  with 

full  knowledge  of  characters  and  circumstances,  might 
proceed  with  proper  discrimination,  and  avoid  confound- 


jEx.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  181 

ing  the  innocent  with  the  guilty.  That  there  might  not 
be  a  want  of  power  to  execute  this  business  effectually, 
the  conventions,  assemblies,  and  committees  were  au 
thorized  to  employ  a  military  force  from  the  Continental 
army,  which,  in  such  cases,  was  bound  to  act  under 
their  orders.  Many  Tories  were  apprehended  in  New 
York  and  on  Long  Island;  some  were  imprisoned, 
others  disarmed.  A  deep  plot,  originating  with  Gover 
nor  Tryon,  was  defeated  by  a  timely  and  fortunate  dis 
covery.  His  agents  were  found  enlisting  men  in  the 
American  camp,  and  enticing  them  with  rewards.  The 
infection  spread  to  a  considerable  extent,  and  even 
reached  the  General's  guard,  some  of  whom  enlisted. 
A  soldier  of  the  guard  was  proved  guilty  by  a  court- 
martial,  and  executed.  It  was  a  part  of  the  plot  to 
seize  General  Washington  and  convey  him  to  the 
enemy. 

On  the  28th  of  June,  a  part  of  the  British  fleet  from 
Halifax  arrived  at  the  Hook.  The  remainder  followed 
within  a  week,  and  General  Howe  established  his  head 
quarters  at  Staten  Island.  An  immediate  attack  was 
expected;  but  such  was  not  the  purpose  of  General 
Howe.  A  fleet  from  England  was  on  its  way  to  join 
him,  under  the  command  of  his  brother,  Lord  Howe, 
the  bearer  of  proposals  from  the  ministry  for  an  accom 
modation,  the  effect  of  which  was  to  be  tried  before 
hostilities  should  be  renewed. 

Whilst  the  enemy  was  thus  gathering  strength  at  the 
door  of  New  York,  and  in  sight  of  the  American  troops, 
General  Washington  received  from  Congress  the  Decla 
ration  of  Independence.  At  six  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
the  regiments  were  paraded,  and  the  Declaration  was 
read  aloud  in  the  hearing  of  them  all.  It  was  greeted 
with  the  most  hearty  demonstrations  of  joy  and  ap 
plause.  "  The  General  hopes,"  said  the  orders  of  the 

VOL.   I.  P 


182  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

day,  "that  this  important  event  will  serve  as  a  fresh 
incentive  to  every  officer  and  soldier  to  act  with  fidelity 
and  courage,  as  knowing,  that  now  the  peace  and  safety 
of  his  country  depend,  under  God,  solely  on  the  success 
of  our  arms,  and  that  he  is  now  in  the  service  of  a 
state  possessed  of  sufficient  power  to  reward  his  merit, 
and  advance  him  to  the  highest  honors  of  a  free  coun 
try."  The  United  Colonies  of  North  America  were 
declared  to  be  Free  and  Independent  States,  and  from 
that  day  the  word  colonies  is  not  known  in  their  his 
tory. 

As  the  Americans  had  no  armed  vessels  in  the  har 
bour,  General  Howe  ventured  upon  the  experiment  of 
sending  two  ships,  one  of  forty  and  the  other  of  twenty 
guns,  with  three  tenders,  up  Hudson's  River.  Taking  ad 
vantage  of  a  brisk  and  favorable  breeze,  they  passed  the 
batteries  at  New  York  and  Paulus  Hook  without  being 
checked,  or  apparently  injured,  the  men  on  the  decks 
being  protected  by  ramparts  of  sand-bags.  The  vessels 
ascended  to  a  part  of  the  river,  called  Tappan  Sea, 
where  the  breadth  of  the  water  secured  them  against 
molestation  from  the  land.  General  George  Clinton 
then  had  command  of  the  New  York  militia.  He  called 
out  three  regiments,  and  stationed  them  at  different 
points  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  particularly  in  the 
Highlands,  to  defend  those  passes  and  prevent  the 
enemy  from  penetrating  beyond  them.  But  in  reality 
the  British  general's  only  objects  were,  to  cut  off  the 
communication  by  water  between  Washington's  army 
and  Canada,  and  between  the  city  and  country,  thereby 
obstructing  supplies;  to  give  countenance  to  the  Tories; 
and  to  take  soundings  in  the  river.  The  vessels  were 
absent  from  the  fleet  five  weeks,  during  which  time 
one  of  the  tenders  was  burnt  by  a  fire-ship  sent  among 
them  by  a  party  of  Americans. 


jEx.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  183 

Lord  Howe  joined  his  brother  at  Staten  Island  before 
the  middle  of  July.  While  at  sea,  he  had  written  a  cir 
cular  letter  to  the  late  royal  governors  in  the  colonies, 
presuming  them  to  be  still  in  power,  accompanied  by  a 
Declaration  setting  forth  his  authority  as  commissioner 
from  the  King,  and  the  terms  proposed  for  a  reconcilia 
tion.  These  papers  were  put  on  shore  by  a  flag  at 
Amboy,  whence  they  came  to  the  hands  of  General 
Washington,  who  enclosed  them  to  the  President  of 
Congress.  The  terms  amounted  to  nothing  more  than 
a  promise  of  pardon  and  favor  to  those,  who  should 
return  to  their  allegiance  and  assist  in  restoring  public 
tranquillity.  The  papers  were  ordered  to  be  published 
by  Congress,  that  the  people  might  know,  as  stated  in 
the  order,  what  they  had  to  expect  from  the  court  of 
Great  Britain,  and  "be  convinced  that  the  valor  alone 
of  their  country  was  to  save  its  liberties."  Lord  Howe's 
arrival  at  so  late  a  day,  being  after  the  declaration  of 
independence,  was  regarded  by  him  as  a  circumstance 
unfavorable  to  the  success  of  his  mission ;  but  the  truth 
is,  the  proposition  he  brought  out  would  not  at  any  time 
have  been  listened  to,  as  affording  a  reasonable  ground 
of  reconciliation.  It  left  untouched  all  the  original 
causes  of  complaint.  To  suppose  the  ministry  had  any 
other  hope  of  this  measure,  than  what  was  derived  from 
the  prowess  of  their  formidable  army  and  fleet,  would 
be  a  severe  reflection  upon  their  common  intelligence 
and  wisdom.  The  Americans  believed  it  to  be  an 
attempt  to  amuse,  deceive,  and  disunite  them ;  and,  by 
a  natural  reaction,  it  tended  to  increase  their  efforts  and 
bind  them  more  closely  together. 

The  day  before  the  above  papers  were  landed  at 
Amboy,  Lord  Howe  despatched  a  letter  to  General 
Washington  by  a  flag,  which  was  detained  in  the  har 
bour  by  the  guard-boats,  till  the  General's  orders  should 


184  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

be  known.  He  had  previously  determined  to  decline 
receiving  any  letter  from  the  British  commanders,  not 
directed  to  him  in  his  public  character.  Colonel  Reed, 
adjutant-general  of  the  army,  went  down  to  meet  the 
flag,  with  instructions  to  that  effect.  The  officer,  who 
had  charge  of  the  -flag,  showed  him  a  letter  directed 
"  To  George  Washington,  Esq.",  which  he  said  was 
from  Lord  Howe.  It  was,  of  course,  declined.  The 
officer  expressed  regret,  said  the  letter  was  important, 
and  rather  of  a  civil  than  military  nature,  and  at  last 
inquired  in  what  manner  Mr.  Washington  chose  to  be 
addressed.  Colonel  Reed  replied,  that  his  station  was 
well  known,  and  that  no  doubts  could  properly  exist  on 
that  point.  They  separated,  and  the  flag  returned  with 
the  letter  to  the  fleet.  In  mentioning  this  incident  to 
Congress,  Washington  said,  "I  would  not  upon  any 
occasion  sacrifice  essentials  to  punctilio;  but  in  this 
instance,  the  opinion  of  others  concurring  with  my  own, 
I  deemed  it  a  duty  to  my  country  and  my  appointment, 
to  insist  upon  that  respect,  which,  in  any  other  than 
a  public  view,  I  would  willingly  have  waved."  The 
course  he  had  taken  was  highly  approved  by  Congress, 
and  a  resolve  was  passed,  that  in  future  no  letters 
should  be  received  from  the  enemy,  by  commanders  in 
the  American  army,  which  should  not  be  directed  to 
them  in  the  characters  they  sustained. 

As  occasional  intercourse  between  the  chiefs  of  the 
two  armies  was  necessary,  for  the  purpose  of  treating 
about  the  exchange  of  prisoners  and  other  matters, 
General  Howe  wrote  to  Washington  a  few  days  after 
wards,  repeating  the  same  superscription.  This  letter 
was  likewise  refused.  He  then  sent  Colonel  Paterson, 
adjutant-general  of  the  British  army,  who  was  admitted 
to  an  interview  with  the  American  commander,  and 
produced  a  letter  directed  «  To  George  Washington, 


JEf.U.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  185 

Esq.  tyc.  fyc.  fyc."  Colonel  Paterson  used  the  title  of 
"Excellency  "  in  addressing  him,  and  said,  "that  Gen 
eral  Howe  much  regretted  the  difficulties,  which  had 
arisen  respecting  the  address  of  the  letter  to  General 
Washington ;  that  it  was  deemed  consistent  with  pro 
priety,  and  founded  upon  precedents  of  the  like  nature 
by  ambassadors  and  plenipotentiaries,  when  disputes  or 
difficulties  of  rank  had  arisen;  that  Lord  Howe  and 
General  Howe  did  not  mean  to  derogate  from  the 
respect  or  rank  of  General  Washington ;  and  that  they 
held  his  person  and  character  in  the  highest  esteem." 
Washington  replied,  "that  a  letter  directed  to  a  person 
in  a  public  character  should  have  some  description  or 
indication  of  it,  otherwise  it  would  appear  a  mere  private 
letter;  and  that  he  should  absolutely  decline  any  letter 
directed  to  him  as  a  private  person,  when  it  related  to 
his  public  station."  After  a  good  deal  of  conversation 
on  this  subject,  and  also  on  the  particulars  supposed  to 
be  contained  in  the  letter,  Colonel  Paterson  was  intro 
duced  to  several  of  the  general  officers  of  the  American 
army,  and  then  took  his  leave.  In  giving  an  account 
of  this  conference  to  the  ministry,  General  Howe  ob 
served,  "The  interview  was  more  polite  than  interesting; 
however,  it  induced  me  to  change  my  superscription  for 
the  attainment  of  an  end  so  desirable ;  and  in  this  view 
I  flatter  myself  it  will  not  be  disapproved."  Frcm  that 
time  all  letters  addressed  by  the  British  commanders  to 
General  Washington  bore  his  proper  titles.* 

*  On  the  30th  of  July,  Colonel  Palfrey,  paymaster-general  of  the  army, 
went  on  board  Lord  Howe's  ship,  with  another  gentleman,  to  negotiate  an 
exchange  of  prisoners,  who  had  been  taken  at  sea  in  a  vessel  called  the 
Yankee  Hero.  In  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  Colonel  Palfrey 
said; 

"We  were  treated  with  the  utmost  politeness  and  civility  by  Lord 
Howe.  He  spoke  with  the  highest  respect  of  General  Washington,  and 
lamented  the  nice  distinctions,  which,  he  said,  prevented  his  addressing 

VOL.  i.  24  p  * 


186  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

General  Howe  remained  two  months  at  Staten  Island, 
waiting  for  reinforcements,  before  he  commenced  the 
operations  of  the  campaign.  This  period  was  employed 
by  Washington  in  strengthening  his  works  on  New 
York  Island.  A  fort  was  begun  at  the  north  part  of 
the  island,  on  a  hill  not  far  from  the  east  bank  of  the 
Hudson,  which  was  called  Fort  Washington ;  and 
another  nearly  opposite  to  it  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  in  New  Jersey,  at  first  called  Fort  Constitution, 
and  afterwards  Fort  Lee.  Between  these  forts  the 
river's  channel  was  obstructed  by  hulks  of  vessels  and 
chevaux-de-frise.  Batteries  were  erected  on  the  mar 
gins  of  the  North  and  East  Rivers,  redoubts  were 
thrown  up  at  different  places,  the  grounds  near  Kings- 
bridge  were  fortified,  and  the  whole  island  was  put  in 


him  by  letter ;  and  said  he  wished  to  convey  his  sentiments  to  him  in  any 
mode  of  address,  that  might  prevent  his  being  blamed  by  the  King,  his 
master.  In  all  his  discourse  he  called  him  General  Washington,  and 
frequently  said,  the  States  of  America.  He  said  the  Congress  had  greatly 
hurt  his  feelings  by  reminding  him,  in  one  of  their  publications,  of  the 
esteem  and  respect  they  had  for  the  memory  of  his  brother,  and  drawing 
by  manifest  inference  a  contrast  between  the  survivors  and  the  deceased  ; 
that  no  man  could  feel  more  sensibly  the  respect  shown  to  their  family, 
than  his  Lordship  and  the  General ;  that  they  should  always  esteem 
America  for  it,  and  particularly  Massachusetts  Bay  ;  and  added,  '  I  hope 
America  will  one  day  or  other  be  convinced,  that,  in  our  affection  for  that 
country,  we  also  are  HOWES.'  His  Lordship,  when  speaking  of  his 
brother,  was  greatly  affected,  and  I  could  perceive  a  tear  standing  in  his 
eye. 

"He  hinted  an  inclination,  that  I  should  take  the  letter  to  General 
Washington,  with  the  addition  of  « $-c.  Sfc.  tyc.,'  which  he  said  would  imply 
every  thing  that  we  could  desire,  and  at  the  same  time  save  him  from 
censure.  I  gave  him  to  understand,  that,  as  it  had  been  before  refused 
under  the  same  circumstances,  I  could  not  with  propriety  receive  it, 
especially  as  it  was  against  the  express  direction  of  Congress.  When  we 
parted,  he  desired  his  compliments  to  General  Washington." 

The  brother,  here  alluded  to,  was  the  gallant  Lord  Howe,  who  was 
killed  near  Ticonderoga  in  the  year  1758.  The  province  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay  appropriated  money  for  erecting  a  monument  to  him  in 
Westminster  Abbey. 


^ET.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  187 

as  good  a  state  of  defence,  as  the  time  and  circum 
stances  would  permit.  Plans  were  concerted  for  attack 
ing  the  enemy  on  Staten  Island  by  parties  from  the 
Jersey  shore;  but  the  want  of  boats  and  other  obstacles 
rendered  these  plans  abortive.  A  general  attack  was 
thought  unadvisable,  as  putting  too  much  at  hazard, 
while  the  enemy  occupied  an  island  protected  on  every 
side  by  their  fleet. 

By  the  middle  of  August  the  British  reinforcements 
had  all  arrived.  General  Howe's  strength  then  consist 
ed  of  his  own  army  from  Halifax,  additional  troops  from 
England,  Hessians,  several  regiments  from  the  West 
Indies  and  the  Floridas,  the  detachments  on  board  Sir 
Peter  Parker's  squadron,  under  Clinton  and  Cornwallis, 
returned  from  their  signal  repulse  at  Sullivan's  Island, 
and  such  men  as  Lord  Dunmore  had  brought  with  him 
from  Virginia.  The  aggregate  of  these  forces  was 
probably  somewhat  above  twenty-four  thousand  men. 
It  has  been  estimated  as  high  as  thirty  thousand.  The 
fleet  was  numerous  and  well  equipped;  and  the  whole 
armament,  for  both  the  land  and  sea  service,  was  sup 
plied  with  all  kinds  of  military  stores. 

To  meet  these  formidable  preparations,  General 
Washington's  army,  according  to  a  return  made  out  on 
the  3d  of  August,  including  officers  and  men  of  every 
description,  amounted  nominally  to  twenty  thousand 
five  hundred  and  thirty-seven.  Of  these,  three  thou 
sand  six  hundred  and  sixty-eight  were  sick,  ninety- 
seven  absent  on  furlough,  and  two  thousand  nine  hun 
dred  and  forty-six  on  command,  leaving  only  eleven 
thousand  one  hundred,  besides  officers,  present  fit  for 
duty.  Many  of  these  were  militia,  suddenly  called  from 
their  homes,  unaccustomed  to  arms  and  to  the  expo 
sure  and  hardships  of  a  camp.  The  season  of  the 
year  and  the  want  of  tents  occasioned  much  sickness. 


188  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [3776. 

Even  this  small  army  was  greatly  divided,  being  sta 
tioned  at  many  points,  from  Brooklyn  to  Kingsbridge, 
over  a  space  of  more  than  fifteen  miles  in  extent. 

At  this  critical  time  there  began  to  be  collisions  in 
the  army,  threatening  serious  consequences.  Collected 
from  various  parts  of  the  country,  and  coming  together 
with  local  partialities,  the  officers  yielded  to  a  spirit  of 
jealousy,  and  even  gave  vent  to  disrespectful  language, 
which  produced  irritation  and  discord.  The  example 
was  naturally  followed  by  the  soldiers.  To  check  at 
the  outset  a  symptom  so  dangerous,  the  Commander-in- 
chief  resorted  to  persuasion  and  reprimand.  In  the 
orders  of  the  day  he  said ;  "  The  General  most  earnestly 
entreats  the  officers  and  soldiers  to  consider  the  conse 
quences  ;  that  they  can  no  way  assist  our  enemies  more 
effectually,  than  by  making  divisions  among  ourselves ; 
that  the  honor  and  success  of  the  army,  and  the  safety 
of  our  bleeding  country,  depend  upon  harmony  and  good 
agreement  with  each  other;  that  the  provinces  are  all 
united  to  oppose  the  common  enemy,  and  all  distinctions 
sunk  in  the  name  of  an  American.  To  make  this  name 
honorable,  and  to  preserve  the  liberty  of  our  country, 
ought  to  be  our  only  emulation ;  and  he  will  be  the  best 
soldier  and  the  best  patriot,  who  contributes  most  to  this 
glorious  work,  whatever  his  station,  or  from  whatever 
part  of  the  continent  he  may  come.  Let  all  distinctions 
of  nations,  countries,  and  provinces,  therefore,  be  lost  in 
the  generous  contest,  who  shall  behave  with  the  most 
courage  against  the  enemy,  and  the  most  kindness  and 
good  humor  to  each  other.  If  there  be  any  officers  or 
soldiers  so  lost  to  virtue  and  a  love  of  their  country,  as 
to  continue  in  such  practices  after  this  order,  the  Gen 
eral  assures  them,  and  is  authorized  by  Congress  to 
declare  to  the  whole  army,  that  such  persons  shall  be 
severely  punished  and  dismissed  from  the  service  with 


jET.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  189 

disgrace."  This  timely  and  energetic  appeal  did  not 
pass  unheeded,  but  it  was  long  before  entire  harmony 
subsisted  among  all  parts  of  the  army.  Nor  indeed 
was  it  ever  so  firmly  established,  that  caution  was  not 
necessary  to  keep  the  troops  of  each  State  as  much 
as  possible  together,  and  under  general  officers  from 
the  State  to  which  they  belonged. 

An  attack  from  the  enemy  was  daily  expected.  As 
the  waters  around  New  York  were  accessible  to  the 
fleet  and  small  craft,  General  Howe  could  land  at  such 
places  as  he  chose,  and  every  point  was  therefore  to 
be  guarded.  Meantime  the  American  army  gradually 
gained  strength.  The  Convention  of  New  York  called 
out  the  militia  of  four  counties.  About  three  thousand 
assembled,  and  formed  an  encampment  under  General 
George  Clinton  near  Kingsbridge.  Three  thousand 
came  from  Connecticut.  Two  battalions  of  riflemen 
from  Pennsylvania,  one  from  Maryland,  and  a  regiment 
from  Delaware,  likewise  joined  the  army. 

Intelligence  at  length  arrived,  that  the  British  troops 
were  landing  on  Long  Island,  between  the  Narrows  and 
Sandy  Hook.  It  was  then  apparent,  that  they  designed 
to  approach  the  city  across  Long  Island,  and  not  to 
attempt  an  immediate  bombardment.  Anticipating  this 
movement,  Washington  had  at  an  early  day  posted  a 
body  of  troops  at  Brooklyn,  on  a  part  of  Long  Island 
opposite  to  the  city  of  New  York,  and  separated  from 
it  by  the  East  River.  This  position  was  well  secured 
on  the  land  side  by  a  chain  of  intrenchments  and  re  • 
doubts,  running  along  the  high  grounds  from  Wallabout 
Bay  to  Gowan's  Cove;  these  works  having  been  con 
structed  under  the  eye  of  General  Greene.  It  was 
defended  on  the  water  side  by  batteries  at  Red  Hook, 
Governor's  Island,  and  other  points.  Between  Brook 
lyn,  and  the  place  where  the  enemy  landed,  was  a  range 


190  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

of  hills  covered  with  a  thick  wood,  and  crossed  by  three 
roads.  The  precaution  had  been  taken  to  throw  up 
breast-works  at  the  principal  passes  on  these  hills, 
where  three  or  four  regiments  were  stationed.  General 
Greene  at  first  commanded  on  Long  Island,  but  falling 
ill  with  a  fever,  he  was  succeeded  for  a  short  time  by 
General  Sullivan.  The  command  at  length  devolved 
on  General  Putnam. 

The  British  army  occupied  the  plain  on  the  other 
side  of  the  hills,  extending  in  a  line  from  the  Narrows 
to  Flatbush.  General  Grant  commanded  the  left  wing 
near  the  coast,  De  Heister  the  centre,  composed  of 
Hessians,  and  Clinton  the  right.  About  three  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  on  the  27th  of  August,  a  report  was 
brought  to  the  camp,  that  the  British  were  in  motion  on 
the  road  leading  along  the  coast  from  the  Narrows.  A 
detachment  under  Lord  Stirling  was  immediately  or 
dered  out  to  meet  them.  General  Sullivan  was  sent  to 
the  heights  above  Flatbush,  on  the  middle  road.  One 
regiment  only  was  at  this  post ;  and  a  little  to  the  north 
of  it,  on  the  Bedford  road,  were  two  others.  Meantime 
General  Clinton,  with  Earl  Percy  and  Cornwallis,  led 
the  right  wing  of  the  British  army  by  a  circuit  into  the 
Jamaica  road,  which  was  not  guarded,  and  gained  the 
rear  of  the  Americans  under  Sullivan.  Before  this  was 
accomplished,  reinforcements  had  been  sent  from  the 
camp  to  support  both  Sullivan  and  Stirling.  The  attack 
was  begun  at  an  early  hour  by  Grant  and  De  Heister, 

:  was  kept  up  with  little  spirit,  as  they  were  not  to 

Advance  till  Clinton  should  reach  the  left  flank  or  rear 

>  Americans.     As  soon  as  it  was  known,  by  the 

und  of  the  guns,  that  this  was  effected,  they  pushed 
vigorously  forward,  and  the  action  became  general  and 
warm  m  every  part.  The  troops  under  Lord  Stirling, 
consisting  of  the  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Delaware 


^ET.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  191 

regiments,  fought  with  signal  bravery,  contesting  every 
foot  of  ground  against  a  greatly  superior  force,  till  Lord 
Cornwallis,  with  a  detachment  from  Clinton's  division, 
came  upon  their  rear,  brought  them  between  two  fires, 
and  compelled  them  to  retreat  within  their  lines  across 
a  creek  and  marsh  near  Cowan's  Cove.  General  Sul 
livan,  with  the  regiments  on  the  heights  above  Flatbush, 
being  attacked  by  De  Heister  on  one  side  and  Clinton 
on  the  other,  after  making  an  obstinate  resistance  for 
three  hours,  was  obliged  to  surrender.  As  the  grounds 
were  broken  and  covered  with  wood,  the  action  in  this 
part  was  conducted  by  a  succession  of  skirmishes,  and 
many  of  the  troops  forced  their  way  through  the  enemy 
and  returned  to  Brooklyn.  After  the  battle  was  over, 
General  Howe  encamped  his  army  in  front  of  the  Amer 
ican  lines,  intending  to  carry  them  by  regular  approaches 
with  the  cooperation  of  his  fleet. 

The  issue  of  the  clay  was  disastrous  to  the  Americans. 
Their  loss  was  between  eleven  and  twelve  hundred  men, 
more  than  a  thousand  of  whom  were  captured.  General 
Sullivan  and  Lord  Stirling  were  among  the  prisoners. 
The  whole  number  engaged  was  about  five  thousand, 
who  were  opposed  by  at  least  fifteen  thousand  of  the 
enemy,  well  provided  with  artillery.  That  so  many 
escaped,  was  owing  to  the  nature  of  the  ground,  and  to 
the  action  having  been  fought  in  detached  parties,  some 
of  which  were  several  miles  distant  from  each  other. 
The  courage  and  good  conduct  of  the  troops,  par 
ticularly  those  under  Lord  Stirling,  were  universally 
acknowledged. 

During  the  action  General  Washington  crossed  over 
to  Brooklyn.  He  is  said  to  have  witnessed  the  rout  and 
slaughter  of  his  troops  with  the  keenest  anguish,  as  it 
was  impossible  to  detach  others  to  their  relief  without 
exposing  the  camp  to  imminent  danger.  A  heavy  rain 


192  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

the  next  day  kept  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  in  their 
tents.  Light  parties  came  out,  and  there  was  occasional 
skirmishing  near  the  lines.  A  strong  head  wind  pre 
vented  the  ships  from  ascending  the  harbour.  The  loss 
sustained  in  the  late  action,  the  injury  which  the  arms 
and  ammunition  had  received  by  the  rains,  the  great 
force  of  the  enemy,  and  the  probability  that  the  ships 
would  take  advantage  of  the  first  favorable  wind,  sail 
into  the  East  River,  and  thus  cut  off  the  only  channel  of 
retreat,  rendered  it  obvious,  that  any  further  attempt  to 
maintain  the  post  at  Brooklyn  would  be  hazardous  in 
the  extreme.  It  was  known,  also,  that  some  of  the 
British  ships  had  passed  round  Long  Island,  and  were 
now  in  Flushing  Bay  ;  and  there  were  indications,  that 
it  was  General  Howe's  design  to  transport  a  part  of  his 
army  across  the  Sound,  and  form  an  encampment  above 
Kingsbridge.  This  would  put  New  York  Island  in 
jeopardy,  and  the  forces  at  Brooklyn  would  be  essential 
for  its  defence.  A  council  of  war  was  called.  No  time 
was  lost  in  deliberation.  It  was  resolved  to  withdraw 
the  troops  from  Long  Island.  Boats  were  collected 
and  other  preparations  were  made  without  delay.  On 
the  morning  of  the  30th,  the  whole  army,  amounting  to 
nine  thousand  men,  the  military  stores,  nearly  all  the 
provisions,  and  the  artillery,  except  a  few  heavy  cannon, 
were  safely  landed  in  New  York.  With  such  secrecy, 
silence,  and  order,  was  every  thing  conducted,  that  the 
last  boat  was  crossing  the  river,  before  the  retreat 
was  discovered  by  the  enemy,  although  parties  were 
stationed  within  six  hundred  yards  of  the  lines. 

This  retreat,  in  its  plan,  execution,  and  success,  has 
been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  military 
events  in  history,  and  as  reflecting  the  highest  credit  on 
the  talents  and  skill  of  the  commander.  So  intense 
was  the  anxiety  of  Washington,  so  unceasing  his  exer 


jEx.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  193 

tions,  that  for  forty-eight  hours  he   did   not   close  his 
eyes,  and  rarely  dismounted  from  his  horse. 

There  have  been  various  strictures  on  this  battle,  both 
in  regard  to  the  action  itself,  and  to  the  policy  of  Wash 
ington  in  attempting  to  oppose  the  enemy  at  all  on  Long 
Island.  The  strange  oversight  in  leaving  the  Jamaica 
road  unguarded,  and  the  neglect  in  procuring  early  and 
constant  intelligence  of  the  movements  of  the  British 
army,  were  the  immediate  causes  of  the  deplorable 
events  of  the  day.  These  faults,  however,  such  as 
they  were,  rested  with  the  officers  on  the  Island.  Gen 
eral  Washington  had  given  express  instructions,  that  the 
strictest  vigilance  should  be  observed  in  every  part  of 
the  outer  lines.  It  was  unfortunate  that  the  illness  of 
General  Greene  deprived  the  commander  on  the  spot 
of  his  counsel,  he  being  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the 
grounds  and  the  roads ;  whereas  General  Putnam  took 
the  command  only  four  days  before  the  action,  and  of 
course  had  not  been  able  from  personal  inspection  to 
gain  the  requisite  knowledge.  The  want  of  vedettes 
was  another  unfortunate  circumstance.  To  communi 
cate  intelligence  with  sufficient  celerity  over  so  wide  a 
space,  without  light-horse,  was  impracticable.  At  this 
time,  however,  not  a  single  company  of  cavalry  had  been 
attached  to  the  American  army. 

As  to  the  other  point,  the  propriety  of  maintaining  a 
stand  on  Long  Island,  it  must  be  considered,  that  the 
enemy  was  to  be  met  somewhere,  that  the  works  at 
Brooklyn  offered  a  fair  prospect  of  defence  for  a  con 
siderable  time  at  least,  that  the  abandonment  of  the 
Island  would  open  a  free  passage  to  General  Howe  to 
the  very  borders  of  New  York,  separated  only  by  the 
East  River,  and  that  to  retreat,  without  even  a  show  ot 
resistance,  as  the  first  operation  of  the  campaign,  would 
be  unsatisfactory  to  Congress,  the  country,  and  the  army, 

VOL.  i.  25 


194  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

Besides,  it  was  not  the  purpose  of  Washington  to  entice 
the  enemy  to  a  general  action,  or  allow  himself  to  be 
drawn  into  one,  if  it  could  possibly  be  avoided.     Such 
an  experiment,  with  his  raw  troops  and  militia,  against 
a  force  superior  in  numbers,  and  still  more  so  in  expe 
rience  and  discipline,  aided  by  a  powerful  fleet,  he  well 
knew  would  be  the  height  of  rashness,  and  might  end 
in  the  total  ruin  of  the  American  cause.     Wisdom  and 
prudence  dictated  a  different  course.     To  wear  away 
the  campaign  by  keeping  the  enemy  employed  in  small 
encounters,  dividing  their  attention,  and  interposing  ob 
stacles  to  their  progress,  was  all  that  could  be  done  or 
undertaken  with  any  reasonable  hope  of  success.     Such 
a  system  would  diminish  the  resources  of  the  enemy, 
habituate  his  own  soldiers  to  the  practices  of  war,  give 
the  country  an  opportunity  to  gather  strength  by  union 
and  time,  and  thus  prepare  the  way  for  more  decisive 
^efforts  at  a  future   day.     This  policy,  so  sound  in  its 
principles,  and  so  triumphant  in  its  final  results,  was  not 
relished  by  the  short-sighted  multitude,  eager  to  hear  of 
battles  and  victories,  and  ready  to  ascribe  the  disap 
pointment  of  their  wishes  to  the  fault  of  the  General. 
The  murmurs  and  complaints  of  such  persons,  though 
so  loudly  and   widely  expressed   that  they  might  be 
taken   as   denoting  the  public   sentiment,   were   borne 
with  fortitude  by  Washington  ;  nor  did  he  suffer  himself 
to  be  turned  by  them  from  what  he  believed  to  be  his 
duty  in  watching  over  the  vital  interests  of  his  country. 
The  recent  defeat  produced  a  most  unfavorable  im 
pression  upon  the  army,  which  is  described  as  follows 
in  a  letter  from  General  Washington  to  the  President 
of  Congress. 

"Our  situation  is  truly  distressing.  The  check  our 
detachment  sustained  on  the  27th  ultimo  has  dispirited 
too  great  a  proportion  of  our  troops,  and  filled  their 


JET.  44]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  195 

minds  with  apprehension  and  despair.  The  militia, 
instead  of  calling  forth  their  utmost  efforts  to  a  brave 
and  manly  opposition  in  order  to  repair  our  losses,  are 
dismayed,  intractable,  and  impatient  to  return.  Great 
numbers  of  them  have  gone  off;  in  some  instances, 
almost  by  whole  regiments,  by  half  ones,  and  by  com 
panies,  at  a  time.  This  circumstance,  of  itself,  indepen 
dent  of  others,  when  fronted  by  a  well-appointed  enemy 
superior  in  number  to  our  whole  collected  force,  would 
be  sufficiently  disagreeable;  but,  when  their  example 
has  infected  another  part  of  the  army,  when  their  want 
of  discipline,  and  refusal  of  almost  every  kind  of  restraint 
and  government,  have  produced  a  like  conduct  but  too 
common  to  the  whole,  and  an  entire  disregard  of  that 
order  and  subordination  necessary  to  the  well-doing  of 
an  army,  and  which  had  been  inculcated  before,  as  well 
as  the  nature  of  our  military  establishment  would  admit 
of,  —  our  condition  becomes  still  more  alarming;  and, 
with  the  deepest  concern,  I  am  obliged  to  confess  my 
want  of  confidence  in  the  generality  of  the  troops. 

"All  these  circumstances  fully  confirm  the  opinion  I 
ever  entertained,  and  which  I  more  than  once  in  my 
letters  took  the  liberty  of  mentioning  to  Congress,  that 
no  dependence  could  be  put  in  a  militia  or  other  troops 
than  those  enlisted  and  embodied  for  a  longer  period 
than  our  regulations  heretofore  have  prescribed.  I  am 
persuaded,  and  as  fully  convinced  as  I  am  of  any  one 
fact  that  has  happened,  that  our  liberties  must  of  neces 
sity  be  greatly  hazarded  if  not  entirely  lost,  if  their 
defence  is  left  to  any  but  a  permanent  standing  army ; 
I  mean,  one  to  exist  during  the  war.  Nor  would  the 
expense,  incident  to  the  support  of  such  a  body  of 
troops,  as  would  be  competent  to  almost  every  exigency, 
far  exceed  that,  which  is  daily  incurred  by  calling  in 
succour  and  new  enlistments,  which,  when  effected,  are 


J96  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

not  attended  with  any  good  consequences.  Men,  who 
have  been  free  and  subject  to  no  control,  cannot  be 
reduced  to  order  in  an  instant ;  and  the  privileges  and 
exemptions,  which  they  claim  and  will  have,  influence 
the  conduct  of  others ;  and  the  aid  derived  from  them 
is  nearly  counterbalanced  by  the  disorder,  irregularity, 
and  confusion  they  occasion." 

He  added,  that,  by  the  last  returns,  the  number  of 
troops  fit  for  duty  was  less  than  twenty  thousand,  and 
that  many  had  since  deserted.  One  thousand  men 
were  immediately  ordered  to  join  him  from  the  Flying 
Camp,  then  in  New  Jersey  under  General  Mercer.  A 
bounty  of  ten  dollars  had  been  offered  to  each  soldier, 
that  would  enlist  into  the  Continental  service ;  but  this 
produced  little  effect,  as  the  bounty  to  the  militia  was  in 
some  instances  double  that  amount.  "  Till  of  late,"  he 
observes,  "I  had  no  doubt  of  defending  New  York; 
nor  should  I  have  yet,  if  the  men  would  do  their  duty  ; 
but  this  I  despair  of."  In  such  a  situation,  a  more 
gloomy  or  discouraging  prospect  could  hardly  be 
imagined.  No  trials,  however,  in  a  good  cause,  could 
depress  the  mind,  or  unnerve  the  energy  of  Wash 
ington. 


JET.44.]  LIFE    OP    WASHINGTON.  197 


CHAPTER  IX. 

New  York  evacuated,  and  the  British  take  Possession  of  the  City.  —  The 
American  Army  posted  at  Haerlem  Heights  and  Fort  Washington.  — 
Situation  and  Prospects  of  the  Army. —  Its  new  Organization.  —  The 
British  land  in  Westchester  County,  and  march  into  the  Country.  — 
Washington  advances  to  White  Plains  and  forms  an  Encampment.  — 
Battle  of  Chatterton's  Hill.  —  Part  of  the  American  Army  crosses  the 
Hudson.  —  Capture  of  Fort  Washington  and  Fort  Lee.  —  General 
Washington  retreats  through  New  Jersey,  and  crosses  the  Delaware 
at  Trenton.  —  Conduct  and  Character  of  General  Lee.  — Reduced  State 
of  the  Army.  —  Reinforced  by  Troops  from  Ticonderoga.  —  General 
Washington  invested  with  extraordinary  Powers  by  Congress.  —  His 
Manner  of  using  them.  —  He  recrosses  the  Delaware.  —  Battle  of 
Trenton.  —  Battle  of  Princeton.  —  The  Army  goes  into  Winter  Quar 
ters  at  Morristown.  —  Remarks  on  these  Events. 

WHEN  General  Howe  had  taken  possession  of  Long 
Island,  his  plans  began  to  be  unfolded.  The  fleet  came 
into  the  harbour,  and  an  armed  vessel  passed  up  the 
East  River ;  but  there  were  no  indications  of  an  attack 
on  the  city.  It  was  obvious,  indeed,  that  he  designed 
to  take  New  York  by  encompassing  it  on  the  land  side, 
and  to  refrain  from  a  cannonade  and  bombardment,  by 
which  the  city  might  be  injured,  and  rendered  less  fit 
for  the  accommodation  of  his  troops  in  the  winter,  and 
less  valuable  as  a  place  to  be  held  during  the  war. 
Such  being  clearly  the  aim  of  the  British  commander, 
the  attention  of  Washington  was  next  drawn  to  the  best 
mode  of  evacuating  the  city. 

As  a  preparatory  step  he  removed  beyond  Kings- 
bridge  the  stores  and  baggage  least  wanted.  In  a 
council  of  general  officers  there  was  a  difference  of 
opinion  as  to  a  total  evacuation.  All  agreed,  that  the 
town  would  not  be  tenable,  if  it  should  be  bombarded ; 
and  it  was  manifest,  that  this  might  be  done  at  any 


198  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

moment.  Some  were  for  destroying  the  city  at  once, 
and  leaving  it  a  waste,  from  which  the  enemy  could 
derive  no  benefit.  As  an  argument  for  this  procedure, 
it  was  said  two  thirds  of  the  property  belonged  to  Tories. 
Others  thought  the  position  should  be  maintained  at 
every  hazard,  till  the  army  was  absolutely  driven  out. 
A  middle  course  was  taken.  It  was  resolved  so  to  dis 
pose  the  troops,  as  to  be  prepared  to  resist  any  attack 
on  the  upper  parts  of  the  Island,  and  retreat  with  the 
remainder  whenever  it  should  become  necessary.  Nine 
thousand  men  were  to  be  stationed  at  Mount  Washing 
ton,  Kingsbridge,  and  the  smaller  posts  in  the  vicinity 
of  those  places,  five  thousand  to  continue  in  the  city, 
and  the  residue  to  occupy  the  intermediate  space,  ready 
to  support  either  of  these  divisions.  The  sick,  amount 
ing  to  one  quarter  of  the  whole  army,  were  to  be 
removed  to  the  Jersey  side  of  the  Hudson. 

While  these  arrangements  were  in  progress,  the  ene 
my  were  not  idle,  although  probably  less  active  than 
they  would  otherwise  have  been,  in  consequence  of  an 
interview  between  Lord  Howe  and  a  committee  of  Con 
gress  at  Staten  Island,  solicited  by  the  former  in  the 
hope  of  suggesting  some  plan  of  reconciliation  conform 
able  to  the  terms  of  his  commission.  This  attempt 
pi-oving  abortive,  the  operations  commenced  in  earnest. 
Four  ships  sailed  into  the  East  River,  and  anchored 
about  a  mile  above  the  city.  The  next  day  six  others 
Parties  of  British  troops  landed  on  Buchan 
an's  Island,  and  a  cannonade  was  opened  upon  a 
battery  at  Horen's  Hook. 

On  the  15th  of  September  in  the  morning,  three 
men-of-war  ascended  Hudson's  River  as  high  as 
Bloommgdale,  with  the  view  of  dividing  the  attention 

the  Americans,  by  making  a  feint  on  that  side.  At 
the  same  time  General  Howe  embarked  a  strong  division 


JET.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  199 

of  his  army,  commanded  by  General  Clinton,  consisting 
of  British  and  Hessians,  at  the  head  of  Newtown  Bay 
on  Long  Island.  About  eleven  o'clock,  these  troops, 
having  come  into  the  East  River,  began  to  land  at  Kip's 
Bay,  under  the  fire  of  two  forty-gun  ships  and  three 
frigates.  Batteries  had  been  erected  there ;  but  the  men 
were  driven  from  them  by  the  firing  from  the  ships. 
General  Washington  was  now  at  Haerlem,  whither  he 
had  gone  the  night  before,  on  account  of  the  movements 
of  the  enemy  at  Montresor's  Island ;  and,  hearing  the 
sound  of  the  guns,  he  hastened  with  all  despatch  to  the 
place  of  landing.  To  his  inexpressible  chagrin  he  found 
the  troops,  that  had  been  posted  on  the  lines,  precipi 
tately  retreating  without  firing  a  shot,  although  not  more 
than  sixty  or  seventy  of  the  enemy  were  in  sight ;  and 
also  two  brigades,  which  had  been  ordered  to  their 
support,  flying  in  the  greatest  confusion,  in  spite  of 
every  effort  of  their  officers  to  rally  and  form  them.  It 
is  said,  that  no  incident  of  the  war  caused  Washington 
to  be  so  much  excited,  as  he  appeared  on  this  occasion. 
He  rode  hastily  towards  the  enemy,  till  his  own  person 
was  in  danger,  hoping  to  encourage  the  men  by  his 
example,  or  rouse  them  to  a  sense  of  shame  for  their 
cowardice.  But  all  his  exertions  were  fruitless.  The 
troops,  being  eight  regiments  in  all,  fled  to  the  main 
body  on  Haerlem  Plains. 

The  division  in  New  York,  under  the  command  of 
General  Putnam  retreated  with  difficulty,  and  with  con 
siderable  loss.  Fifteen  men  only  were  known  to  be 
killed,  but  more  than  three  hundred  were  taken  prisoners. 
Nearly  all  the  heavy  cannon,  and  a  considerable  quantity 
of  baggage,  stores,  and  provisions,  were  left  behind.  A 
prompt  and  judicious  mancBuvre  on  the  part  of  the 
British  general,  by  stretching  his  army  across  the  island 
from  Kip's  Bay  to  Hudson's  River,  would  have  cut  off 


200  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776 

the  rear  of  the  retreating  division.  But  this  was  not 
effected,  nor  were  the  Americans  pursued  with  much 
vigor  in  their  retreat.  General  Washington  drew  all  his 
forces  together  within  the  lines  on  the  Heights  of  Haer- 
lem,  where  they  encamped  the  same  night.  Head 
quarters  were  fixed  at  Morris's  House,  a  mile  and  a 
half  south  from  Mount  Washington,  on  which  was 
situate  the  fort  of  that  name.  After  sending  a  small 
detachment  to  take  possession  of  the  city,  General 
Howe  encamped  with  the  larger  part  of  his  army  near 
the  American  lines,  his  right  resting  on  the  East  River, 
and  his  left  on  the  Hudson,  supported  at  each  extreme 
by  the  ships  in  those  rivers. 

The  next  morning,  Colonel  Knowlton  went  out  with 
a  party  of  rangers,  volunteers  from  the  New  England 
regiments,  and  advanced  through  the  woods  towards 
the  enemy's  lines.  When  he  was  discovered,  General 
Howe  detached  two  battalions  of  light  infantry,  and  a 
regiment  of  Highlanders,  to  meet  and  drive  him  back. 
To  these  were  afterwards  added  a  battalion  of  Hessian 
grenadiers,  a  company  of  chasseurs,  and  two  field-pieces. 
On  the  appearance  of  these  troops  in  the  open  grounds 
between  the  two  camps,  General  Washington  rode  to 
the  out-posts,  that  he  might  be  at  hand  to  make  such 
arrangements  as  circumstances  should  require.  He  had 
hardly  reached  the  lines,  when  he  heard  a  firing,  which 
proceeded  from  an  encounter  between  Colonel  Knowl 
ton  and  one  of  the  British  parties.  The  rangers  re 
turned,  and  said  that  the  body  of  the  enemy,  as  they 
thought,  amounted  to  three  hundred  men.  Knowlton 
was  immediately  reinforced  by  three  companies  from 
Virginia  regiment  under  Major  Leitch, 
and  ordered  to  gain  their  rear,  while  their  attention 
was  diverted  by  making  a  disposition  to  attack  them 
The  plan  was  successful.  As  the  party  ap- 


jEr.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  201 

preached  in  front,  the  enemy  rushed  down  the  hill 
to  take  advantage  of  a  fence  and  bushes,  and  com 
menced  firing,  but  at  too  great  a  distance  to  be  effectual. 
Meantime  Colonel  Knowlton  attacked  on  the  other  side, 
though  rather  in  the  flank  than  rear,  and  advanced  with 
spirit.  A  sharp  conflict  ensued.  Major  Leitch,  who 
led  the  attack,  was  carried  off  mortally  wounded,  three 
balls  having  been  shot  through  his  body ;  and  in  a  short 
time  Colonel  Knowlton  fell.  The  action  was  resolutely 
kept  up  by  the  remaining  officers  and  the  men,  till  other 
detachments  arrived  to  their  support ;  and  they  charged 
the  enemy  with  such  firmness  and  intrepidity,  as  to 
drive  them  from  the  wood  to  the  plain,  when  General 
Washington  ordered  a  retreat,  apprehending,  what 
proved  to  be  the  case,  that  a  large  body  was  on  its 
way  from  the  British  camp.  The  engagement,  from 
first  to  last,  continued  four  hours,  although  the  sharp 
fighting  was  of  short  duration.  General  Howe  reported 
eight  officers  and  seventy  privates  wounded,  and  four 
teen  men  killed.  The  American  loss  was  fifteen  killed, 
and  about  forty-five  wounded. 

Colonel  Knowlton  was  a  gallant  and  meritorious  officer, 
and  his  death  was  much  lamented.  The  events  of  the 
day  were  important,  not  so  much  on  account  of  their 
magnitude,  as  of  their  influence  on  the  army.  The 
retreating,  flying,  and  discomfitures  which  had  hap 
pened  since  the  British  landed  on  Long  Island,  con 
tributed  greatly  to  dispirit  the  troops,  and  to  destroy 
their  confidence  in  themselves  and  in  their  officers. 
The  good  conduct  and  success  of  this  day  were  a 
proof,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the  enemy  was  not  invin 
cible,  and  on  the  other,  that  the  courage,  so  nobly 
exhibited  at  Lexington  and  Bunker's  Hill  the  year 
before,  still  existed  in  the  American  ranks. 

The  lines  were  too  formidable  on  Haerlem  Heights  to 

VOL.  i.  26 


202 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 


tempt  the  British  commander  to  try  the  experiment  of 
an  assault.  His  army  lay  inactive  on  the  plains  below 
more  than  three  weeks.  General  Washington  employed 
the  time  in  strengthening  his  works,  and  preparing  at 
all  points  for  defence.  His  lines  in  front  extended  from 
Haerlem  River  to  the  Hudson,  quite  across  the  Island, 
which  at  this  place  is  somewhat  more  than  a  mile  wide. 
General  Greene  commanded  on  the  Jersey  side,  with 
his  head-quarters  at  Fort  Lee ;  and  General  Heath  at 
Kingsbridge,  beyond  which,  on  a  hill  towards  the  Hud 
son,  a  fort  was  erected,  called  Fort  Independence. 

General  Howe  was  raised  to  the  honor  of  knighthood 
by  his  sovereign,  after  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Long 
Island  reached  England.  But  his  good  fortune  did 
not  inspire  him  with  confidence.  Notwithstanding  his 
superior  force,  the  expectation  of  a  speedy  addition  to  it 
from  Europe,  and  his  successes  hitherto  in  driving  the 
Americans  before  him,  he  seems  not  to  have  looked 
forward  with  sanguine  hopes  to  the  issue  of  the  cam 
paign.  In  a  letter  to  the  ministry  he  said ;  "  The  enemy 
is  too  strongly  posted  to  be  attacked  in  front,  and 
innumerable  difficulties  are  in  our  way  of  turning  him 
on  either  side,  though  his  army  is  much  dispirited  from 
the  late  success  of  his  Majesty's  arms ;  yet  have  I  not 
the  smallest  prospect  of  finishing  the  combat  this  cam 
paign,  nor  until  the  rebels  see  preparations  in  the  spring, 
that  may  preclude  all  thoughts  of  further  resistance. 
To  this  end  I  would  propose  eight  or  ten  line-of-battle 
ships  to  be  with  us  in  February,  with  a  number  of 
supernumerary  seamen  for  manning  boats,  having  fully 
experienced  the  want  of  them  in  every  movement  we 
have  made.  We  must  also  have  recruits  from  Europe, 
not  finding  the  Americans  disposed  to  serve  with  arms, 
notwithstanding  the  hopes  held  out  to  me  upon  my 
arrival  in  this  port."  This  last  point  was  a  source  of 


^T.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  203 

great  delusion  to  the  British  ministers  almost  to  the  end 
of  the  war.  They  flattered  themselves  with  the  belief, 
that  a  large  part  of  their  army  might  be  recruited  among 
the  loyalists  in  America.  Clothes  and  equipments  were 
abundantly  supplied  for  this  purpose,  and  extravagant 
bounties  were  offered.  The  generals  on  the  spot,  being 
soon  undeceived,  remonstrated  against  so  fallacious  a 
dependence ;  but  the  ministers  closed  their  ears  to  such 
counsel,  and  persevered.  Plans  were  repeatedly  formed 
by  the  generals,  and  approved  by  the  cabinet,  on  the 
basis  of  a  certain  number  of  troops ;  but,  when  the  time 
of  execution  came,  the  men  sent  from  Europe  fell  far 
short  of  the  number  promised,  and  the  commander  was 
instructed  to  make  up  the  deficiency  with  American 
recruits.  If  the  inquiry  were  pursued,  it  would  be 
found,  that  the  ill  success  of  the  British  arms,  and  the 
defeated  expectations  of  the  government,  are  often  to 
be  traced  to  this  cause  alone.  Hence  both  Howe  and 
Clinton,  the  principal  commanders  in  America  during 
the  most  active  period  of  the  war,  became  dissatisfied, 
requested  their  recall  long  before  it  was  granted,  and 
finally  went  home  to  receive  the  censures  of  their 
countrymen  and  the  neglect  of  the  court. 

The  subject,  which  now  engaged  the  most  anxious 
thoughts  of  Washington,  was  the  situation  and  prospects 
of  the  army.  We  have  seen  that  the  establishment 
formed  at  Cambridge  was  to  continue  for  one  year,  and 
the  time  of  its  dissolution  was  near  at  hand.  He  had 
often  called  the  attention  of  Congress  to  this  important 
subject,  and  pressed  upon  them  the  necessity  of  some 
radical  alterations  in  the  system  hitherto  pursued.  By 
the  experience  of  the  past  year  all  his  first  impressions 
had  been  confirmed,  and  all  his  fears  realized,  in  regard 
to  the  mischievous  policy  of  short  enlistments,  and  of 
relying  on  militia  to  act  against  veteran  troops.  Dis- 


204 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 


obedience  of  orders,  shameful  desertions,  running  away 
from  the  enemy,  plundering,  and  every  kind  of  irregu 
larity  in  the  camp,  had  been  the  fatal  consequences. 
"  To  bring  men  to  a  proper  degree  of  subordination," 
said  he,  "is  not  the  work  of  a  day,  a  month,  or  even 
a  year;  and,  unhappily  for  us  and  the  cause  we  are 
engaged  in,  the  little  discipline  I  have  been  laboring  to 
establish  in  the  army  under  my  immediate  command  is 
in  a  manner  done  away,  by  having  such  a  mixture  of 
troops,  as  have  been  called  together  within  these  few 
months.  Relaxed  and  unfit  as  our  rules  and  regulations 
of  war  are  for  the  government  of  an  army,  the  militia 
(those  properly  so  called,  for  of  these  we  have  two  sorts, 
the  six-months'  men,  and  those  sent  in  as  a  temporary 
aid,)  do  not  think  themselves  subject  to  them,  and 
therefore  take  liberties,  which  the  soldier  is  punished 
for.  This  creates  jealousy ;  jealousy  begets  dissatisfac 
tion  ;  and  this  by  degrees  ripens  into  mutiny,  keeping 
the  whole  army  in  a  confused  and  disordered  state, 
rendering  the  time  of  those,  who  wish  to  see  regularity 
and  good  order  prevail,  more  unhappy  than  words  can 
describe.  Besides  this,  such  repeated  changes  take 
place,  that  all  arrangement  is  set  at  nought,  and  the 
constant  fluctuation  of  things  deranges  every  plan  as 
fast  as  it  is  adopted." 

At  the  close  of  the  long  and  able  letter  to  Congress, 
from  which  this  extract  is  taken,  his  feelings  under  the 
trials  he  suffered,  and  in  contemplating  the  future,  are 
impressively  described. 

Ihere  is  no  situation  upon  earth  less  enviable, 
or  more  distressing,  than  that  person's,  who  is  at  the 
head  of  troops  regardless  of  order  and  discipline,  and 
unprovided  with  almost  every  necessary.  In  a  word, 
the  difficulties,  which  have  for  ever  surrounded  me  since 
I  have  been  in  the  service,  and  kept  my  mind  constantly 


ETY 


jEx.44.]  LIFEOF  WASHINGTON.  205 

upon  the  stretch  ;  the  wounds,  which  my  feelings  as  an 
officer  have  received  by  a  thousand  things,  that  have 
happened  contrary  to  my  expectations  and  wishes  ;  the 
effect  of  my  own  conduct,  and  present  appearance  of 
things,  so  little  pleasing  to  myself,  as  to  render  it  a 
matter  of  no  surprise  to  me  if  I  should  stand  capitally 
censured  by  Congress  ;  added  to  a  consciousness  of  my 
inability  to  govern  an  army  composed  of  such  discordant 
parts,  and  under  such  a  variety  of  intricate  and  per 
plexing  circumstances;  —  induce  not  only  a  belief,  but  a 
thorough  conviction  in  my  mind,  that  it  will  be  impossi 
ble,  unless  there  is  a  thorough  change  in  our  military 
system,  for  me  to  conduct  matters  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  give  satisfaction  to  the  public,  which  is  all  the 
recompense  I  aim  at,  or  ever  wished  for." 

Moved  by  his  representations  and  appeals,  as  well  as 
by  their  own  sense  of  the  necessity  of  the  case,  Con 
gress  determined  to  re-organize  the  army,  on  a  plan 
conformable  in  its  essential  features  to  the  suggestions 
of  the  Commander-in-chief.  Not  that  the  jealousy  of 
a  standing  army  had  subsided,  but  the  declaration  of 
independence  had  put  the  war  upon  a  footing  different 
from  that,  on  which  it  was  before  supposed  to  stand  ; 
and  they,  who  for  a  long  time  cherished  a  lingering 
hope  of  reconciliation,  were  at  length  convinced,  that  the 
struggle  would  not  soon  terminate,  and  that  it  must  be 
met  by  all  the  means,  which  the  wisdom,  patriotism,  and 
resources  of  the  country  could  supply.  As  it  was  a 
contest  of  strength,  a  military  force,  coherent  in  its  parts 
and  durable  in  its  character,  was  the  first  requisite.  To 
the  resolute  and  discerning  this  had  been  obvious  from 
the  moment  the  sword  was  drawn.  The  events  of  a 
year  had  impressed  it  on  the  minds  of  all. 

The  new  army  was  to  consist  of  eighty-eight  bat 
talions,  apportioned  in  quotas  to  the  several  States 

VOL.  I.  R 


206 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1/7G. 


according  to  their  ability.  The  largest  quota  was  fifteen 
battalions,  which  number  was  assigned  respectively  to 
Virginia  and  Massachusetts.  The  men  were  to  serve 
during  the  war,  this  great  point  being  at  last  gained. 
To  encourage  enlistments,  a  bounty  of  twenty  dollars 
and  one  hundred  acres  of  land  was  offered  to  each 
non-commissioned  officer  and  private ;  and  lands  in  cer 
tain  quantities  and  proportions  were  likewise  promised 
to  the  commissioned  officers.  The  business  of  enlisting 
the  troops  to  fill  up  the  quotas,  and  of  providing  them 
with  arms  and  clothing,  devolved  upon  the  several 
States  to  which  they  belonged.  The  expense  of  clothing 
was  to  be  deducted  from  the  soldiers'  pay.  Colonels 
and  all  lower  officers  were  to  be  appointed  by  the 
States,  but  commissioned  by  Congress.  The  rules  for 
the  government  and  discipline  of  the  army  were  at  the 
same  time  revised  and  greatly  amended. 

Thus  matured,  the  plan  was  sent  to  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  and  was  soon  followed  by  a  committee  from 
Congress,  instructed  to  inquire  into   the  state  of  the 
army.     From   this   committee   the  views  of  Congress 
were  more  fully  ascertained ;  but  General  Washington 
perceived  defects  in  the  scheme,  which  he  feared  would 
retard,  if  not  defeat,  its   operation.     The   pay  of  the 
officers  had  not  been  increased ;  and  he  was  persuaded, 
that  officers  of  character  could  not  be  induced  to  retain 
their  commissions  on  the  old  pay.     The  mode  of  ap 
pointing  them  was  defective,  it  being  left  to  the  State 
governments,  which  would  act  slowly,  without  adequate 
knowledge,  and  often  under  influences  not  salutary  to 
the  interests  of  the  army.     The  pay  of  the  privates  was 
also   insufficient.     Congress    partially   remedied   these 
defects    in  conformity   to  his   advice,    by   raising   the 
officers'  pay,  giving  a  suit  of  clothes  annually  to  each 
private,  and  requesting  the  States  to  send  commissioners 


jEr.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  207 

to  the  army,  with  full  powers  to  arrange  with  the 
Commander-in-chief  the  appointment  of  all  the  officers. 
With  the  jealousy  of  State  sovereignty,  and  the  fear  of 
a  standing  army,  this  was  all  that  could  be  obtained 
from  the  representatives  of  the  States.  And  perhaps 
it  was  enough,  considering  their  want  of  power  to 
execute  their  resolves,  and  the  necessity  of  being  cau 
tious  to  pass  such  only  as  the  people  would  approve 
and  obey.  The  above  plan  was  modified  before  it 
went  into  effect,  by  allowing  men  to  enlist  for  three 
years ;  these  men  not  receiving  the  bounty  in  land. 
Hence  the  army  from  that  time  was  composed  of  two 
kinds  of  troops,  those  engaged  for  the  war,  and  those 
for  three  years.  At  length,  also,  the  States  being  neg 
ligent  and  tardy  in  providing  for  the  appointment  of 
officers,  Congress  authorized  General  Washington  to 
fill  up  the  vacancies. 

A  circular  letter  was  written  by  the  President  of 
Congress  to  the  States,  urging  them  to  complete  their 
quotas  without  delay.  The  proper  steps  were  imme 
diately  taken ;  but  an  evil  soon  crept  into  the  system, 
which  produced  much  mischief  throughout  the  war. 
To  hasten  enlistments,  some  of  the  States  offered  boun 
ties  in  addition  to  those  given  by  Congress;  and  in 
many  cases  the  towns,  to  which  quotas  were  assigned 
by  the  State  governments,  raised  the  bounties  still  higher, 
differing  from  each  other  in  the  amount.  Again,  when 
the  militia  were  called  out  on  a  sudden  emergency,  it 
was  usual  to  offer  them  extraordinary  rewards  for  a 
short  term  of  service.  This  practice  was  injurious  on 
many  accounts.  It  kept  back  men  from  enlisting  by  the 
hope  of  higher  bounties ;  and,  when  they  were  brought 
together  in  the  field,  although  the  Continental  pay  was 
uniform,  yet  many  were  receiving  more  from  incidental 
bounties,  and  in  various  proportions,  which  created 


208  ^IFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

murmurings  and  jealousies  between  individuals,  com 
panies,  and  regiments.  Nor  was  there  the  salutary  check 
of  interest  to  operate  as  a  restraint  upon  the  States. 
The  war  was  a  common  charge,  and,  when  money  or 
credit  could  be  applied  to  meet  the  present  exigency,  it 
was  a  small  sacrifice  to  be  bountiful  in  accumulating  a 
debt,  which  the  continent  was  pledged  to  pay.  There 
could  be  no  other  remedy  than  a  supreme  power  in 
Congress,  which  did  not  exist ;  and  the  evil  was  at  all 
times  a  source  of  irregularities  in  the  military  arrange 
ments,  and  of  vexation  to  the  Commander-in-chief. 

The  arduous  duties  of  General  Washington's  imme 
diate  command  were  now  increased  by  the  task  of 
organizing  a  new  army,  and  holding  conferences  with 
commissioners  from  the  States  for  the  appointment  of 
officers,  in  the  midst  of  an  active  campaign,  while  the 
enemy  were  pressing  upon  him  with  a  force  vastly 
superior  in  discipline,  at  times  superior  in  numbers,  and 
abundantly  supplied  with  provisions,  clothing,  tents,  and 
all  the  munitions  of  war. 

Sir  William  Howe  was  soon  in  motion.  Having  pre 
pared  his  plans  for  gaining  the  rear  of  the  American 
army,  by  which  he  hoped  either  to  cut  off  its  commu 
nication  with  the  country,  or  bring  on  a  general  action, 
he  first  sent  two  ships,  a  frigate,  and  tenders  up  the 
Hudson.  These  vessels  passed  the  batteries,  and  ran 
through  the  obstructions  in  the  river,  without  receiving 
any  apparent  damage ;  and  thus  secured  a  free  passage 
to  the  Highlands,  thereby  preventing  any  supplies  from 
coming  to  the  American  army  by  water.  This  experiment 
having  succeeded  even  better  than  he  had  expected, 
the  British  commander,  on  the  12th  of  October,  em 
barked  his  troops  in  the  East  River  on  board  flat-boats, 
sloops,  and  schooners,  passed  through  Hell  Gate  into 
the  Sound,  and  landed  the  same  day  at  Frog's  Point. 


MT.  44.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON  209 

Two  brigades  of  British  troops,  and  one  of  Hessians, 
amounting  to  five  thousand  men,  were  left  under  Earl 
Percy  at  Haerlem  to  cover  the  city  of  New  York. 
General  Howe  remained  five  days  at  Frog's  Point, 
waiting,  as  he  says,  for  stores,  provisions,  and  three 
battalions  from  Staten  Island;  but,  according  to  the 
American  accounts,  the  strong  defences,  guarded  by 
detachments  from  Washington's  army,  and  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  causeway  connecting  the  Point  with  the 
main  land,  discouraged  him  from  attempting  to  march 
into  the  country  at  that  place.  He  reembarked,  landed 
again  at  Pell's  Point,  and  advanced  to  the  high  grounds 
between  East  Chester  and  New  Rochelle.  Four  days 
later  he  was  joined  by  General  Knyphausen  with  the 
second  division  of  Hessians,  and  a  regiment  of  Wai- 
deckers,  just  arrived  from  Europe. 

General  Washington  took  measures  to  counteract 
these  movements  and  the  designs  of  them.  He  ar 
ranged  his  army  in  four  divisions,  commanded  respec 
tively  by  Major- Generals  Lee,  Heath,  Sullivan,  and 
Lincoln.  The  last  was  not  a  Continental  officer,  but 
had  recently  come  forward  with  a  body  of  Massachusetts 
militia.  It  was  decided  in  a  council  of  war,  that  the 
army  should  leave  New  York  Island,  and  be  extended 
into  the  country,  so  as  to  outflank  General  Howe's 
columns.  At  the  same  time  it  was  agreed,  "that  Fort 
Washington  should  be  retained  as  long  as  possible." 
Two  thousand  men  were  left  for  that  object. 

One  of  the  four  divisions  crossed  Kingsbridge,  and 
threw  up  breast-works  at  Valentine's  Hill.  The  others 
followed  and  formed  a  line  of  detached  camps,  with 
intrenchments,  on  the  heights  stretching  along  the  west 
side  of  the  River  Brunx,  from  Valentine's  Hill  to  White 
Plains.  This  disposition  was  necessary  in  order  to 
protect  the  baggage,  stores,  and  cannon,  which  were 

VOL.  I.  27  R  * 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

removed  with  great  difficulty  for  the  want  of  wagons 
and  horses.  General  Washington  proceeded  with  the 
advanced  division  to  White  Plains,  where  he  fortified  a 
camp  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  afford  security  to  the 
whole  army,  and  where  he  intended  to  hazard  a  general 
engagement,  if  pushed  by  the  enemy.  The  camp  was 
on  elevated  ground,  defended  in  front  by  two  lines 
of  intrenchments  nearly  parallel  to  each  other,  and 
between  four  and  five  hundred  yards  apart.  The  right 
wing  rested  on  the  Brunx,  which,  by  making  a  short 
bend,  encompassed  the  flank  and  part  of  the  rear.  The 
left  wing  reached  to  a  pond,  or  small  lake,  of  some 
extent,  by  which  it  was  effectually  secured. 

As  Sir  William  Howe  marched  his  army  directly 
forward  in  solid  columns,  without  detaching  any  con 
siderable  parties  towards  New  York  and  the  Hudson, 
it  was  evident  he  intended  to  seek  an  opportunity  to 
force  a  general  action.  As  soon  as  the  baggage  and 
stores  were  brought  up,  therefore,  Washington  drew  all 
his  troops  into  the  camp  at  White  Plains.  In  the  interim, 
parties  of  Americans  attacked  the  enemy's  outposts  at 
different  points,  and  spirited  skirmishes  took  place. 

Before  noon,  on  the  28th  of  October,  the  British 
army  came  in  view,  and  displayed  itself  on  the  sides  of 
the  hills  in  front  of  Washington's  lines,  and  within  two 
miles  of  his  camp.  A  commanding  height,  called  Chat- 
terton's  Hill,  stood  half  a  mile  to  the  south  of  the 
American  right  flank,  and  was  separated  from  it  by  the 
Brunx,  and  low  marshy  ground.  A  militia  regiment 
had  been  posted  there,  which  was  joined  in  the  morning 
by  Colonel  Haslet,  with  his  Delaware  regiment,  and 
afterwards  by  a  battalion  of  Maryland  troops,  and  others, 
mostly  militia,  to  the  number  of  about  sixteen  hun 
dred,  the  whole  being  under  the  command  of  General 
McDougall.  The  British  commander  made  it  his  first 


jET.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  211 

object  to  dislodge  these  troops.  For  this  purpose  a 
battalion  of  Hessians,  a  brigade  of  British  commanded 
by  General  Leslie,  and  the  Hessian  grenadiers  under 
Colonel  Donop,  were  ordered  to  cross  the  Brunx  and 
attack  in  front ;  while  Colonel  Rahl,  with  another  brig 
ade  of  Hessians,  should  cross  farther  down  the  river 
and  advance  by  a  circuitous  march  upon  the  American 
right  flank.  They  forded  the  Brunx,  and  formed  in 
good  order  on  the  other  side  under  the  fire  of  their 
cannon,  though  not  without  being  galled  by  the  troops 
at  the  summit  of  the  hill.  They  then  ascended  the 
heights,  and,  after  a  short  but  severe  action,  drove  the 
Americans  from  their  works  ;  but,  contented  with  gaining 
the  post,  and  fearing  they  might  be  cut  off  by  venturing 
too  far  from  the  main  body,  they  desisted  from  pursuit. 
The  American  loss  has  been  variously  represented. 
According  to  a  return  made  by  General  Howe  himself, 
the  prisoners  were  four  officers  and  thirty-five  privates. 
The  number  killed  was  not  known. 

It  was  expected  that  this  advantage  would  be  fol 
lowed  by  an  immediate  attack  on  the  camp.  Such 
indeed  was  the  first  intention  of  General  Howe,  and  his 
troops  lay  on  their  arms  all  that  night.  In  writing  to 
Congress  the  next  morning,  General  Washington's  sec 
retary  said ;  "  After  gaining  the  hill  (upon  which  they 
are  intrenching),  and  leaving  a  sufficient  number  of  men 
and  artillery  to  prevent  our  repossessing  it,  they  pro 
ceeded  to  advance  by  our  left;  and,  as  far  as  I  can 
discover,  their  posts  or  encampments  now  form  nearly 
a  semicircle.  It  is  evident  their  design  is  to  get  in  our 
rear  according  to  their  original  plan.  Every  measure  is 
taking  to  prevent  them  ;  but  the  removal  of  our  baggage 
is  attended  with  infinite  difficulty  and  delays.  Our 
post,  from  its  situation,  is  not  so  advantageous  as  could 
be  wished,  and  was  only  intended  as  temporary  and 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

occasional,  till  the  stores  belonging  to  the  army,  which 
had  been  deposited  here,  could  be  removed, 
enemy  coming  on  so  suddenly  has  distressed  us  much. 
They  are  now  close  at  hand,  and  most  probably  will  in 
a  little  time  commence  their  second  attack;  we  expect 
it  every  hour;  perhaps  it  is  beginning;  I  have  just 
heard  the  report  of  some  cannon."  Nothing  more 
occurred,  however,  than  slight  skirmishes  between  the 
advanced  parties.  On  reconnoitring  the  camp,  General 
Howe  thought  it  too  strong  for  an  assault,  and  resolved 
to  wait  for  a  reinforcement  from  Earl  Percy,  then  at 
Haerlem.  This  arrived  in  two  days,  and  the  31st  of 
October  was  fixed  on  for  the  attack;  but  a  heavy 
rain  caused  it  again  to  be  deferred. 

The  same  night  General  Washington  drew  all  his 
troops  to  another  position  on  the  hills  in  his  rear,  which 
the  delays  of  his  opponent  had  allowed  him  time  to 
fortify,  and  which  could  be  more  easily  defended  than 
his  first  camp.  So  judiciously  was  this  movement  plan 
ned  and  conducted,  that  it  was  carried  into  effect 
without  loss  or  molestation,  and  even  without  being 
discovered  by  the  British  army.  The  idea  of  a  battle 
was  now  abandoned  by  General  Howe ;  he  despaired 
of  being  able  to  dislodge  the  Americans  from  this 
strong  position;  and  it  was  soon  ascertained,  that  he 
was  withdrawing  his  army  towards  the  Hudson  and 
Kingsbridge. 

As  this  might  be  a  feint  to  entice  the  American  forces 
from  the  hilly  country,  Washington  remained  in  his  new 
camp  for  a  few  days,  till  it  was  found  that  the  enemy 
were  actually  retracing  their  steps.  It  was  then  fore 
seen,  that  their  first  grand  manoeuvre  would  be  to  invest 
Fort  Washington ;  and  their  next,  to  pass  the  Hudson, 
and  carry  the  war  into  New  Jersey,  and  perhaps  make 
a  push  for  Philadelphia.  To  meet  these  changes  in 


jEr.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  213 

the  best  manner  he  could,  he  ordered  all  the  troops 
belonging  to  the  States  west  of  the  Hudson,  five  thou 
sand  in  number,  to  cross  the  river  at  King's  Ferry,  all 
the  crossing-places  below  being  obstructed  by  British 
vessels.  The  rest  of  the  army,  composed  of  New  York 
and  eastern  troops,  was  separated  into  two  divisions. 
One  of  these,  under  General  Heath,  was  stationed  on 
both  sides  of  the  river  in  the  Highlands,  to  defend  those 
passes.  The  other,  amounting  to  about  four  thousand 
men,  of  whom  many  were  militia,  whose  times  of  service 
were  soon  to  expire,  was  left  in  the  camp  near  White 
Plains,  commanded  by  General  Lee,  with  discretionary 
instructions  to  continue  on  that  side  of  the  Hudson,  or 
to  follow  the  Commander-in-chief  into  New  Jersey,  as 
he  should  judge  expedient  when  the  designs  of  the 
enemy  were  unfolded.  Having  given  these  orders, 
General  Washington  inspected  the  posts  at  the  High 
lands,  and  then  repaired  to  Hackinsac,  at  which  place 
the  troops  that  had  crossed  the  river  assembled,  after 
a  circuitous  march  of  more  than  sixty  miles. 

General  Howe  moved  his  whole  army  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Kingsbridge.  At  his  approach  the 
Americans  retired  from  Fort  Independence,  destroyed 
the  bridge  over  Haerlem  River,  and  withdrew  to  the 
lines  near  Fort  Washington.  Thirty  flat-boats  had 
passed  up  the  Hudson  undiscovered  in  the  night,  and 
entered  Haerlem  River,  which,  joined  to  others  brought 
in  from  the  East  River,  afforded  ample  means  to  the 
British  army  for  crossing  to  New  York  Island.  It  was 
resolved  to  make  the  assault  on  the  fort  from  four 
different  points.  The  British  adjutant-general  was  sent 
to  Colonel  Magaw,  the  commander  in  the  fort,  with  a 
summons  to  surrender,  which  Colonel  Magaw  rejected, 
saying  he  would  defend  himself  to  the  last  extremity. 

The  next  morning,  November  16th,  General  Knyp- 


214 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON  [1776. 


hausen  advanced  with  a  body  of  Hessians  to  the  north 
of  the  fort,  and  commenced  the  attack.  Earl  Percy 
nearly  at  the  same  time  assailed  the  outer  lines  on  the 
south;  and  two  parties  landed  at  some  distance  from 
each  other,  after  crossing  Haerlem  River,  and  forced 
their  way  up  the  steep  and  rugged  ascents  on  that  side. 
The  lines  in  every  part  were  defended  with  great 
resolution  and  obstinacy ;  but,  after  a  resistance  of  four 
or  five  hours,  the  men  were  driven  into  the  fort,  and 
Colonel  Magaw  was  compelled  to  surrender  the  whole 
garrison  prisoners  of  war.  The  American  loss  was 
about  fifty  killed,  and  two  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
eighteen  prisoners,  including  officers  and  privates.  The 
number  of  men  originally  left  with  Colonel  Magaw  was 
only  two  thousand ;  but,  when  the  attack  was  threat 
ened,  General  Greene  sent  over  reinforcements  from 
Fort  Lee. 

This  was  the  severest  blow  which  the  American 
arms  had  yet  sustained,  and  it  happened  at  a  most 
unpropitious  time.  That  there  was  a  great  fault  some 
where,  has  never  been  disputed.  To  whom  it  belongs, 
has  been  made  a  question.  The  project  of  holding  the 
post,  after  the  British  began  to  retreat  from  White 
Plains,  was  General  Greene's;  and,  as  he  had  com 
manded  at  the  station  several  weeks,  he  was  presumed 
to  be  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  condition  of  the 
garrison  and  its  means  of  defence,  and  deference  was 
paid  to  his  judgment.  Eight  days  before  the  attack, 
Washington  wrote  to  General  Greene;  "If  we  cannot 
prevent  vessels  from  passing  up,  and  the  enemy  are 
possessed  of  the  surrounding  country,  what  valuable 
purpose  can  it  answer  to  attempt  to  hold  a  post,  from 
which  the  expected  benefit  cannot  be  had?  I  am  there 
fore  inclined  to  think,  that  it  will  not  be  prudent  to 
hazard  the  stores  and  men  at  Mount  Washington  ;  but, 


jEr.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  215 

as  you  are  on  the  spot,  I  leave  it  to  you  to  give  such 
orders,  as  to  evacuating  Mount  Washington,  as  you 
may  judge  best."  Nothing  more  decisive  could  be  said 
without  giving  a  positive  order,  which  he  was  always 
reluctant  to  do,  when  he  had  confidence  in  an  officer 
on  a  separate  command.  His  opinion,  that  the  troops 
ought  to  be  withdrawn,  is  clearly  intimated.  General 
Greene  replied ;  "  I  cannot  help  thinking  the  garrison  is 
of  advantage;  and  I  cannot  conceive  it  to  be  in  any 
great  danger.  The  men  can  be  brought  off  at  any 
time,  but  the  stores  may  not  be  so  easily  removed. 
Yet  I  think  they  may  be  got  off,  if  matters  grow  des 
perate."  To  this  opinion  General  Greene  adhered  to 
the  last.  The  evening  before  the  assault,  General 
Washington  went  from  Hackinsac  to  Fort  Lee ;  and 
while  crossing  the  river,  with  the  view  of  visiting  the 
garrison,  he  met  Generals  Greene  and  Putnam  return 
ing,  who  told  him  "  the  troops  were  in  high  spirits,  and 
would  make  a  good  defence."  He  went  back  with 
them  to  Fort  Lee.  The  summons  to  surrender  had 
already  been  received  by  Colonel  Magaw;  the  attack 
was  expected  the  next  morning,  and  it  was  now  too 
late  to  withdraw  the  troops. 

In  a  letter  to  his  brother,  written  from  Hackinsac 
three  days  after  the  surrender,  General  Washington 
said ;  "  This  post,  after  the  last  ships  went  past  it,  was 
held  contrary  to  my  wishes  and  opinion,  as  I  conceived 
it  to  be  a  hazardous  one ;  but,  it  having  been  deter 
mined  on  by  a  full  council  of  general  officers,  and  a 
resolution  of  Congress  having  been  received,  strongly 
expressive  of  their  desire,  that  the  channel  of  the  river, 
which  we  had  been  laboring  to  stop  for  a  long  time  at 
that  place,  might  be  obstructed,  if  possible,  and  knowing 
that  this  could  not  be  done,  unless  there  were  batteries 
to  protect  the  obstruction,  I  did  not  care  to  give  an 


216  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

absolute  order  for  withdrawing  the  garrison,  till  I  could 
get  round  and  see  the  situation  of  things,  and  then  it 
became  too  late,  as  the  fort  was  invested.  Upon  the 
passing  of  the  last  ships,  I  had  given  it  as  my  opinion 
to  General  Greene,  under  whose  care  it  was,  that  it 
would  be  best  to  evacuate  the  place ;  but,  as  the  order 
was  discretionary,  and  his  opinion  differed  from  mine, 
it  unhappily  was  delayed  too  long." 

From  these  facts  it  seems  plain,  that  the  loss  of  the 
garrison,  in  the  manner  it  occurred,  was  the  conse 
quence  of  an  erroneous  judgment  on  the  part  of  Gen 
eral  Greene.  How  far  the  Commander-in-chief  should 
have  overruled  his  opinion,  or  whether,  under  the  cir 
cumstances  of  the  case,  he  ought  to  have  given  a  per 
emptory  order,  it  may  perhaps  be  less  easy  to  decide. 

Sir  William  Howe  followed  up  his  successes.  A 
detachment  of  six  thousand  men,  led  by  Earl  Corn- 
wallis,  landed  on  the  Jersey  side,  six  or  seven  miles 
above  Fort  Lee,  gained  the  high  grounds  with  artillery, 
and  marched  down  between  the  Hudson  and  Hackinsac 
Rivers.  The  whole  body  of  troops  with  Washington 
not  being  equal  to  this  force,  he  withdrew  the  garrison 
from  Fort  Lee  to  the  main  army  at  Hackinsac,  leaving 
behind  the  heavy  cannon,  many  tents,  and  a  large 
quantity  of  baggage,  provision,  and  other  stores,  which 
the  rapid  advance  of  the  enemy  made  it  impossible  to 
secure.  Being  now  in  a  level  country,  where  defence 
was  difficult,  pent  up  between  rivers,  and  pressed  by 
a  force  double  his  own,  no  resource  remained  but  a 
rapid  retreat.  The  Jersey  shore,  from  New  York  to 
Branswic,  was  open  to  the  British  vessels,  and  a  landing 
might  be  effected  at  any  place  without  opposition.  It 
was  necessary,  therefore,  that  he  should  move  towards 
the  Delaware,  pursuing  a  route  near  the  Rariton  River, 
that  he  might  be  in  the  way  to  prevent  General  Howe 


jEr.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  217 

from  throwing  in  a  strong  detachment  between  him  and 
Philadelphia. 

While  on  the  march,  he  wrote  earnest  letters  to 
the  governor  of  New  Jersey  and  to  Congress,  describ 
ing  his  situation,  and  requesting  the  support  of  all 
the  militia  from  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  that 
could  be  called  into  the  service.  When  he  arrived  at 
Brunswic,  the  army  then  with  him  amounted  to  less 
than  four  thousand.  He  was  closely  pursued  by  Corn- 
wallis ;  but  the  retreat  was  effected,  without  loss,  to 
Trenton,  where  he  crossed  the  Delaware,  and  took  a 
stand  on  the  western  side  of  that  river,  securing  the 
boats,  and  guarding  the  crossing-places  from  Coryell's 
Ferry  to  Bristol.  At  this  time  the  number  of  his  men, 
fit  for  duty,  was  about  three  thousand.  The  enemy 
did  not  attempt  to  pass  the  river.  For  the  present, 
General  Howe  was  contented  with  having  overrun  New 
Jersey ;  and  he  covered  his  acquisition  by  a  chain  of 
cantonments  at  Pennington,  Trenton,  Bordentown,  and 
Burlington.  In  these  positions  the  two  armies  con 
tinued  with  little  change  for  nearly  three  weeks. 

The  troops,  constituting  the  Flying  Camp  heretofore 
mentioned,  were  all  enlisted  in  the  middle  States,  and 
engaged  for  a  year.  Their  term  of  service  expired 
during  the  march,  and  none,  except  a  small  part  of 
those  from  Pennsylvania,  could  be  prevailed  on  to  sta^ 
longer.  The  Board  of  War  suggested  a  plan  for  en 
listing  prisoners,  and  appealed  to  the  example  of  the 
enemy.  General  Washington  opposed  the  measure,  as 
not  accordant  with  the  rules  of  honorable  warfare,  and 
said  he  should  remonstrate  on  the  subject  to  Sir  William 
Howe.  He  moreover  thought  it  impolitic.  In  times 
of  danger,  such  recruits  would  always  be  the  most 
backward,  fearing  the  punishment  they  would  receive 
if  captured,  and  communicating  their  fears  to  the  other 

VOL.  i.  28  s 


218  LIFE    OF    WASPIINGTON.  [1776. 

soldiers.  Prisoners  would  likewise  be  tempted  to  enlist 
with  the  intention  to  desert  and  carry  intelligence  to 
the  enemy,  for  which  they  would  be  largely  rewarded. 
Under  no  circumstances,  therefore,  could  confidence  be 
placed  in  such  men;  and  the  chance  was,  that  they 
would  do  much  harm. 

From  the  time  the  army  separated  at  White  Plains, 
General  Lee  had  acted  a  very  extraordinary  part. 
Washington  requested  him,  in  a  letter  written  at 
Hackinsac,  to  lead  his  division  into  New  Jersey,  and 
join  the  army  on  its  march.  This  was  soon  followed 
by  a  positive  order,  which  was  often  repeated.  General 
Lee  sent  back  various  excuses,  lingered  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Hudson,  endeavoured  to  draw  away  two 
thousand  of  General  Heath's  men  from  the  Highlands, 
contrary  to  the  instructions  given  by  General  Washing 
ton  to  the  latter;  and,  after  crossing  with  apparent 
reluctance  into  Jersey,  his  progress  was  so  slow,  that, 
in  three  weeks  from  the  time  he  first  received  orders 
to  march,  he  had  only  reached  Morristown.  The  truth 
is,  that  he  had  schemes  of  his  own,  which  he  was 
disposed  to  effect  at  the  hazard  of  disobeying  the 
Commander-in-chief.  In  the  first  place,  he  hoped  to 
make  a  brilliant  stroke  upon  New  York,  when  it  should 
be  exhausted  of  troops  for  the  expedition  towards  the 
Delaware ;  and  next,  after  crossing  the  Hudson,  he  still 
fostered  the  design  of  performing  some  signal  exploit 
by  attacking  the  enemy  in  their  rear.  But  his  ambitious 
projects  and  hopes  were  suddenly  cut  short.  While 
on  his  march,  not  far  from  Baskingridge,  he  lodged  one 
night  at  a  private  house  three  miles  from  his  army, 
with  a  small  guard.  A  Tory  in  the  neighbourhood  gave 
notice  of  his  situation  to  the  enemy,  and  early  in  the 
morning  the  house  was  surrounded  by  a  party  of  light- 
horse,  commanded  by  Colonel  Harcourt,  who  took  him 


J2T.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  219 

prisoner,   and   bore  him   off  in  triumph  to  the  British 
camp. 

This  event  created  a  strong  sensation  of  surprise  and 
regret  throughout  the  country.  The  military  talents, 
experience,  and  activity  of  General  Lee  had  inspired 
universal  confidence,  and  raised  high  expectations  in 
the  minds  of  the  people.  He  had  served  in  America 
during  the  last  war,  and  afterwards  with  distinguished 
reputation  in  different  parts  of  Europe.  His  recent 
enterprise  and  successes  at  the  south  had  confirmed 
the  good  opinion  before  entertained  of  his  abilities  and 
skill.  His  capture,  therefore,  considering  the  circum 
stances,  appeared  inexplicable.  Public  sentiment,  ever 
prone  to  extremes,  took  a  direction  unfavorable  to  his 
character.  As  no  plausible  reason  could  be  assigned 
for  his  conduct  in  exposing  himself  so  incautiously,  it 
was  surmised  that  he  was  a  voluntary  prisoner,  and 
sought  this  method  of  joining  the  enemy  without  incur 
ring  the  odium  of  desertion.  But  there  was  no  just 
ground  for  such  a  suspicion.  As  a  soldier,  he  was  true 
to  the  interests  of  his  adopted  country ;  as  a  friend  to 
American  freedom,  his  sincerity  may  be  questioned. 
Harbouring  the  most  bitter  resentment  against  the  Brit 
ish  King  and  ministry,  for  reasons  not  fully  understood, 
he  wished  to  see  them  humbled ;  and  this  motive  alone 
would  have  impelled  him  to  embrace  any  cause  tending 
to  such  a  result.  Violent  in  his  temper,  hasty  in  his 
resolves,  reckless  in  adventure,  possessing  an  inordinate 
self-confidence  and  unbounded  ambition,  he  looked 
upon  the  American  war  as  presenting  an  opportunity 
for  gratifying  at  the  same  time  his  animosity  and  his 
passion  for  glory.  He  entered  heartily  into  the  measures 
of  opposition  to  the  British  arms,  and  in  the  first  year 
of  the  contest  rendered  important  services ;  but,  believing 
himself  superior  to  every  other  officer  in  the  American 


220 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 


ranks,  impatient  of  control  even  by  Congress  or  the 
Commander-in-chief,  and  always  pressing  on  the  verge 
of  disobedience,  his  arrogance  had  risen  to  a  pitch, 
that  must  soon  have  led  to  mischievous  consequences 
to  himself,  and  perhaps  to  the  country,  if  he  had  escaped 
the  misfortune  of  captivity.  He  was  a  man  of  genius, 
well  educated,  and  a  skilful  writer ;  but  eccentric  in  his 
habits,  unsettled  in  his  principles,  often  offensive  in  his 
manners,  showing  little  deference  to  the  opinions  and 
feelings  of  others,  and  little  regard  to  the  usages  of 
society. 

The  command  of  Lee's  division  devolved  on  General 
Sullivan,  who  marched  with  it  as  soon  as  possible  to 
the  main  army.  Four  regiments  under  General  Gates 
also  arrived  from  Ticonderoga,  being  relieved  at  that 
place  by  the  retreat  of  General  Carleton  to  Canada  for 
winter-quarters.  These  were  all  the  regular  forces, 
which  General  Washington  could  draw  to  his  support. 
Heath  was  ordered  to  advance  with  a  part  of  his  division 
from  the  Highlands;  but  the  taking  of  Rhode  Island 
by  the  British,  and  the  threatening  appearance  of  the 
enemy's  vessels  in  the  Sound,  made  it  imprudent  to 
weaken  that  post,  or  to  call  away  any  of  the  eastern 
troops,  and  the  order  was  countermanded.  Three  regi 
ments  on  their  march  from  Ticonderoga  were  ordered 
to  halt  at  Morristown,  that,  in  conjunction  with  a  body 
of  militia  there  assembled,  they  might  inspirit  the  in 
habitants  and  protect  the  country  in  that  quarter. 

As  soon  as  the  ice  should  become  sufficiently  strong, 
it  was  expected  the  enemy  would  pass  the  Delaware, 
and  bring  all  their  force  to  bear  upon  Philadelphia. 
Anticipating  this  event,  Congress  adjourned  to  Balti 
more.  General  Putnam  took  the  command  of  the  militia 
in  Philadelphia,  being  instructed  to  throw  up  a  line  of 
intrenchments  and  redoubts  from  the  Delaware  to  the 
Schuylkill,  and  prepare  for  an  obstinate  defence. 


vEx.44.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  221 

This  was  the  gloomiest  period  of  the  war.  The 
campaign  had  been  little  else,  than  a  series  of  disasters 
and  retreats.  The  enemy  had  gained  possession  of 
Rhode  Island,  Long  Island,  the  city  of  New  York, 
Staten  Island,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Jerseys,  and 
seemed  on  the  point  of  extending  their  conquests  into 
Pennsylvania.  By  the  fatal  scheme  of  short  enlist 
ments,  and  by  sickness,  the  effective  force  with  General 
Washington  had  dwindled  away,  till  it  hardly  deserved 
the  name  of  an  army.  A  proclamation  was  published 
jointly  by  Lord  Howe  and  General  Howe,  offering 
pardon  in  the  King's  name  to  all,  who  should  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance,  and  come  under  his  protection  within 
sixty  days.  Many  persons,  among  whom  were  men 
of  wealth  and  consideration,  accepted  these  terms,  and 
went  over  to  the  enemy.  Others,  especially  in  New 
Jersey,  took  the  oath,  but  remained  at  their  homes.  In 
short,  so  great  was  the  panic  and  so  dark  the  prospect, 
that  a  general  despondency  pervaded  the  continent. 

In  the  midst  of  these  scenes  of  trial  and  discourage 
ment,  Washington  stood  firm.  Whatever  his  appre 
hensions  may  have  been,  no  misgivings  were  manifest 
in  his  conduct  or  his  counsels.  From  his  letters,  written 
at  this  time  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Delaware,  it 
does  not  appear  that  he  yielded  for  a  moment  to  a  sense 
of  immediate  danger,  or  to  a  doubt  of  ultimate  success. 
On  the  contrary,  they  breathe  the  same  determined 
spirit,  and  are  marked  by  the  same  confidence,  calm 
ness,  and  forethought,  which  distinguish  them  on  all 
other  occasions.  When  asked  what  he  would  do,  if 
Philadelphia  should  be  taken,  he  is  reported  to  have 
said  ;  "  We  will  retreat  beyond  the  Susquehanna  River ; 
and  thence,  if  necessary,  to  the  Allegany  Mountains." 
Knowing,  as  he  did,  the  temper  of  the  people,  the 
deep-rooted  cause  of  the  controversy,  and  the  actual 

s* 


222  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

resources  of  the  confederacy,  he  was  not  disheartened 
by  temporary  misfortunes,  being  persuaded  that  perse 
verance  would  at  last  overcome  every  obstacle.  While 
even  the  shadow  of  an  army  could  be  kept  in  the  field, 
the  war  must  be  carried  on  at  an  enormous  expense 
by  the  British  government,  which  the  wealthiest  nation 
could  not  long  sustain. 

Deeply  impressed  with  this  conviction,  and  making 
it  both  the  groundwork  of  his  policy  and  his  rule  of 
action,  he  applied  all  his  energies  to  a  renovation  of  the 
army,  boldly  exposing  to  Congress  the  errors  of  their 
former  systems,  and  earnestly  exhorting  them  to  a  more 
effectual  exercise  of  their  authority  in  giving  support 
and  vigor  to  the  military  establishment.  On  the  20th 
of  December  he  wrote  as  follows  to  the  President  of 
Congress. 

"  My  feelings  as  an  officer  and  a  man  have  been 
such  as  to  force  me  to  say,  that  no  person  ever  had  a 
greater  choice  of  difficulties  to  contend  with  than  I 
have.  It  is  needless  to  add,  that  short  enlistments,  and 
a  mistaken  dependence  upon  militia,  have  been  the 
origin  of  all  our  misfortunes,  and  the  great  accumulation 
of  our  debt.  We  find,  Sir,  that  the  enemy  are  daily 
gathering  strength  from  the  disaffected.  This  strength, 
like  a  snow-ball,  by  rolling,  will  increase,  unless  some 
means  can  be  devised  to  check  effectually  the  progress 
of  the  enemy's  arms.  Militia  may  possibly  do  it  for  a 
little  while ;  but  in  a  little  while,  also,  and  the  militia  of 
those  States,  which  have  been  frequently  called  upon, 
will  not  turn  out  at  all ;  or,  if  they  do,  it  will  be  with 
so  much  reluctance  and  sloth,  as  to  amount  to  the  same 
Instance  New  Jersey!  Witness  Pennsylvania! 
2ould  any  thing  but  the  River  Delaware  have  saved 
Philadelphia?  Can  any  thing  (the  exigency  of  the 
rase  indeed  may  justify  it)  be  more  destructive  to  the 


JS-r.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTOiN.  223 

recruiting  service,  than  giving  ten  dollars'  bounty  for  six 
weeks'  service  of  the  militia  who  come  in,  you  cannot 
tell  how,  go,  you  cannot  tell  when,  and  act,  you  cannot 
tell  where,  consume  your  provisions,  exhaust  your  stores, 
and  leave  you  at  last  at  a  critical  moment? 

"These,  Sir,  are  the  men  I  am  to  depend  upon  ten 
days  hence ;  this  is  the  basis  on  which  your  cause  will 
and  must  for  ever  depend,  till  you  get  a  large  standing 
army  sufficient  of  itself  to  oppose  the  enemy.  I  there 
fore  beg  leave  to  give  it  as  my  humble  opinion,  that 
eighty-eight  battalions  are  by  no  means  equal  to  the 
opposition  you  are  to  make,  and  that  a  moment's  time 
is  not  to  be  lost  in  raising  a  greater  number,  not  less, 
in  my  opinion  and  the  opinion  of  my  officers,  than  a 
hundred  and  ten.  It  may  be  urged,  that  it  will  be 
found  difficult  enough  to  complete  the  first  number. 
This  may  be  true,  and  yet  the  officers  of  a  hundred 
and  ten  battalions  will  recruit  many  more  men,  than 
those  of  eighty-eight.  In  my  judgment  this  is  not  a 
time  to  stand  upon  expense ;  our  funds  are  not  the  only 
object  of  consideration.  The  State  of  New  York  have 
added  one  battalion  (I  wish  they  had  made  it  two)  to 
their  quota.  If  any  good  officers  will  offer  to  raise  men 
upon  Continental  pay  and  establishment  in  this  quarter, 
I  shall  encourage  them  to  do  so,  and  regiment  them 
when  they  have  done  it.  If  Congress  disapprove  ot 
this  proceeding,  they  will  please  to  signify  it,  as  I  mean 
it  for  the  best.  It  may  be  thought  that  I  am  going  a 
good  deal  out  of  the  line  of  my  duty,  to  adopt  these 
measures,  or  to  advise  thus  freely.  A  character  to  lose, 
an  estate  to  forfeit,  the  inestimable  blessings  of  liberty 
at  stake,  and  a  life  devoted,  must  be  my  excuse." 

This  representation,  and  others  of  like  import,  had 
their  due  effect.  Notwithstanding  the  extreme  sensi 
tiveness  hitherto  shown  by  Congress,  in  regard  to  a 


224  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

military  ascendency,  the  present  crisis  was  such,  as  to 
silence  the  opposition,  if  not  to  change  the  sentiments, 
of  the  members  who  had  looked  with  distrust  upon 
every  measure  tending  to  strengthen  the  military  arm. 
General  Washington  was  at  once  invested  with  extraor 
dinary  powers.  By  a  formal  resolve  he  was  authorized 
to  raise  sixteen  battalions  of  infantry,  in  addition  to  the 
eighty-eight  already  voted  by  Congress,  and  appoint 
the  officers;  to  raise  and  equip  three  thousand  light- 
horse,  three  regiments  of  artillery,  and  a  corps  of  en 
gineers  ;  to  call  upon  any  of  the  States  for  such  aids 
of  militia  as  he  should  judge  necessary ;  to  form  maga 
zines  of  provisions ;  to  displace  and  appoint  all  officers 
under  the  rank  of  brigadiers,  and  fill  up  vacancies  in 
every  part  of  the  army;  to  take  whatever  he  should 
want  for  the  use  of  the  army,  allowing  the  inhabitants 
a  reasonable  price  for  the  same;  and  to  arrest  and 
confine  persons,  who  refused  to  receive  the  Continental 
currency,  or  who  were  otherwise  disaffected  to  the 
American  cause,  and  to  report  them  for  trial  to  the 
States  of  which  they  were  citizens.  These  powers 
constituted  him  in  all  respects  a  military  Dictator. 
They  were  to  continue  six  months ;  and  in  his  exercise 
of  them  he  fully  justified  the  confidence  of  Congress, 
as  expressed  in  the  preamble  to  the  resolve,  in  which 
it  is  said  they  were  granted  in  consequence  of  a  perfect 
reliance  on  his  wisdom,  vigor,  and  uprightness. 

In  this  case,  as  in  all  others  where  power  was  in 
trusted  to  him,  whether  acting  in  a  military  or  civil 
capacity,  he  was  cautious  to  exercise  it  no  farther  than 
to  effect  the  single  end  for  which  it  was  designed. 
Fearless  in  the  discharge  of  duty,  and  never  shrinking 
from  responsibility,  he  was  at  the  same  time  free  from 
the  vanity,  which  too  often  besets  men  in  high  stations, 
of  gaining  personal  consequence  by  making  himself 


jET.44.]  LIFE    OP    WASHINGTON.  225 

felt  as  the  centre  and  moving  spring  of  the  operations 
over  which  he  had  control.  No  man  was  more  vigilant 
in  seeing  that  every  thing  was  properly  done ;  but  he 
was  willing  that  others  should  be  the  agents,  or  the 
contrivers,  and  that  every  one  should  have  the  credit 
and  the  praise  of  his  worthy  deeds.  In  the  present 
instance,  therefore,  when  Congress  or  the  governments 
of  the  States  voluntarily  relieved  him  from  a  part  of  his 
task,  which  they  sometimes  did  while  he  possessed  the 
dictatorship,  so  far  was  he  from  thinking  it  an  encroach 
ment  on  his  authority  or  an  interference,  that  he  ex 
pressed  satisfaction  and  thanks. 

To  the  main  point,  however,  of  reforming  and 
recruiting  the  army,  he  gave  his  immediate  and  earnest 
attention.  In  advancing  this  object,  he  employed  the 
powers  with  which  he  was  invested  to  their  fullest 
extent.  The  mode  of  appointing  officers  was  one  of 
the  most  serious  defects  in  the  system  recently  estab 
lished  by  Congress.  Some  of  the  States  had  neglected 
to  complete  their  appointments;  and  generally  these 
were  made  with  so  little  judgment,  and  with  such  a 
disregard  of  military  rules,  that  officers  without  worth 
or  experience  had  been  put  over  the  heads  of  those, 
who  were  accustomed  to  service,  and  had  given  proofs 
of  their  valor  and  ability.  By  his  power  to  displace, 
and  to  fill  up  vacancies,  Washington  rectified  these 
errors  as  far  as  prudence  would  permit.  The  appoint 
ments  for  the  sixteen  additional  battalions  of  infantry, 
and  the  new  regiments  of  light-horse,  artillery,  and 
engineers,  being  wholly  in  his  hands,  he  took  care  to 
provide  for  meritorious  officers,  who  had  been  overlooked 
by  the  States;  thus  removing  their  disgust,  securing 
a  valuable  accession  to  the  army,  and  inducing  many 
privates  to  reenlist,  who  had  participated  in  the  dis 
satisfaction  of  their  officers.  His  rule  in  this  respect  is 

VOL.  i.  29 


226 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 


indicated  in  a  letter  of  instructions  to  Colonel  Baylor, 
who  was  to  command  a  regiment  of  light-horse. 

"As  nothing  contributes  so  much  to  the  constitution 
of  a  good  regiment,"  said  he,  "as  a  good  corps  of 
officers,  and  no  method  is  so  likely  to  obtain  these,  as 
leaving  the  choice  in  a  great  measure  to  the  gentleman, 
who  is  to  reap  the  honors  or  share  the  disgrace  of  their 
behaviour,  I  shall  vest  you  with  the  power  of  nominating 
the  officers  of  your  regiment,  except  the  field-officers ; 
claiming  to  myself  a  negative  upon  a  part  or  the  whole, 
if  I  have  reason  to  suspect  an  improper  choice.  I 
earnestly  recommend  to  you  to  be  circumspect  in  your 
choice  of  officers.  Take  none  but  gentlemen  ;  let  no 
local  attachments  influence  you;  do  not  suffer  your 
good  nature,  when  an  application  is  made,  to  say  yes, 
when  you  ought  to  say  no ;  remember  that  it  is  a  public, 
not  a  private  cause,  that  is  to  be  injured  or  benefited 
by  your  choice ;  recollect,  also,  that  no  instance  has  yet 
happened  of  good  or  bad  behaviour  in  a  corps  in  our 
service,  that  has  not  originated  with  the  officers.  Do 
not  take  old  men,  nor  yet  fill  your  corps  with  boys, 
especially  for  captains." 

Before  these  measures  for  arranging  the  army  were 
matured,  other  events  of  great  importance  occurred, 
which  gave  a  new  face  to  affairs.  From  the  moment 
Washington  crossed  the  Delaware,  his  thoughts  were 
turned  upon  devising  some  method  to  retrieve  his  losses, 
or  at  least  to  impede  the  progress  and  derange  the 
plans  of  the  enemy.  For  several  days  it  was  uncertain 
what  course  General  Howe  would  pursue.  The  river 
continued  free  from  ice  longer  than  was  expected.  He 
kept  his  detachments  cantoned  at  the  places  where 
they  had  first  been  lodged,  the  strongest  being  at 
runswic,  ready  to  move  in  any  direction  at  a  short 
notice.  Meantime  the  American  force  gained  accessions 


jEx.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  227 

by  Lee's  division,  the  regiments  from  Ticonderoga,  and 
the  militia  from  Philadelphia  and  the  eastern  parts  of 
Pennsylvania,  who  turned  out  with  spirit  and  in  con 
siderable  numbers.  These  latter  troops  were  in  two 
bodies,  one  at  Bristol  under  General  Cadwalader,  the 
other  nearly  opposite  the  town  of  Trenton,  commanded 
by  General  Ewing.  The  Continental  regiments  were 
still  retained  in  their  original  position  higher  up  the  river. 

At  length  General  Washington  resolved  to  hazard 
the  bold  experiment  of  recrossing  the  Delaware,  and 
attacking  the  enemy  on  their  own  ground.  At  Trenton 
were  three  regiments  of  Hessians,  amounting  to  about 
fifteen  hundred  men,  and  a  troop  of  British  light-horse. 
Small  detachments  were  stationed  at  Bordentown,  Bur 
lington,  Black  Horse,  and  Mount  Holly.  These  latter 
posts  were  to  be  assaulted  by  Cadwalader,  who  was  to 
cross  near  Bristol,  while  Washington  should  cross  above 
Trenton,  and  Ewing  a  little  below,  and  unite  in  the 
attack  upon  the  Hessians  in  that  place.  The  night  of 
the  25th  of  December  was  fixed  on  for  making  the 
attempt. 

At  dusk  the  Continental  troops  selected  for  the  ser 
vice,  and  commanded  by  General  Washington  in  person, 
amounting  to  two  thousand  four  hundred  men,  with 
twenty  pieces  of  artillery,  began  to  cross  at  McKonkey's 
Ferry,  nine  miles  above  Trenton,  and  it  was  supposed 
they  would  all  be  passed  over  by  twelve  o'clock ;  but 
the  floating  ice  retarded  the  boats  so  much,  that  it  was 
almost  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  before  the  whole 
body,  with  the  artillery,  was  landed  on  the  opposite 
bank  of  the  river  ready  to  march.  The  troops  were 
then  formed  in  two  divisions.  One  of  these,  com 
manded  by  General  Sullivan,  marched  in  the  road  near 
the  river ;  and  the  other,  led  by  General  Greene,  moved 
down  a  road  farther  to  the  left,  called  the  Pennington 


228  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1776. 

road.  General  Washington  was  with  this  division. 
The  roads  entered  the  town  at  different  points,  and  as 
the  distance  by  each  was  nearly  the  same,  it  was  in 
tended  that  the  attacks  should  begin  simultaneously. 
At  eight  o'clock  the  left  division  fell  in  with  the  enemy's 
advanced  guard,  and  almost  at  the  same  instant  a  firing 
was  heard  on  the  right,  which  showed  that  the  other 
division  had  arrived.  They  both  pushed  forward  into 
the  town,  meeting  with  little  opposition,  except  from 
two  or  three  pieces  of  artillery,  which  were  soon  taken. 
The  Hessians,  being  driven  from  the  town  and  hard 
pressed,  made  a  show  of  retreating  towards  Princeton, 
but  were  checked  by  a  body  of  troops  sent  to  inter 
cept  them.  Finding  themselves  surrounded,  and  seeing 
no  other  way  of  escape,  they  all  surrendered  prisoners 
of  war. 

The  number  of  prisoners  was  twenty-three  officers 
and  eight  hundred  and  eighty-six  privates.  Others 
were  found  concealed  in  houses,  making  in  the  whole 
about  a  thousand.  The  British  light-horse,  and  four  or 
five  hundred  Hessians,  escaped  at  the  beginning  of  the 
action  over  the  bridge  across  the  Assanpink,  and  fled 
to  Bordentown.  Six  brass  field -pieces  and  a  thousand 
stand  of  arms  were  the  trophies  of  victory.  Colonel 
Rahl,  the  Hessian  commander  and  a  gallant  officer,  was 
mortally  wounded.  Six  other  officers  and  between 
twenty  and  thirty  men  were  killed.  The  American 
loss  was  two  privates  killed  and  two  others  frozen  to 
death.  Captain  William  Washington,  distinguished  as 
an  officer  of  cavalry  at  a  later  period  of  the  war,  and 
Lieutenant  Monroe,  afterwards  President  of  the  United 
States,  were  wounded  in  a  brave  and  successful  assault 
upon  the  enemy's  artillery.  The  fact,  that  two  men 
died  by  suffering  from  cold,  is  a  proof  of  the  intense 
severity  of  the  weather.  It  snowed  and  hailed  during 
the  whole  march. 


JET.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  229 

The  ice  had  formed  so  fast  in  the  river  below  Trenton, 
that  it  was  impracticable  for  the  troops  under  Cadwalader 
and  Ewing  to  pass  over  at  the  times  agreed  upon. 
Cadwalader  succeeded  in  landing  a  battalion  of  infantry ; 
but  the  ice  on  the  margin  of  the  stream  was  in  such  a 
condition,  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  land  the  artil 
lery,  and  they  all  returned.  If  Ewing  had  crossed,  as 
was  proposed,  and  taken  possession  of  the  bridge  on  the 
south  side  of  the  town,  the  party  that  fled  would  have 
been  intercepted  and  captured.  And  there  was  the 
fairest  prospect  that  Cadwalader  would  have  been 
equally  fortunate  against  the  detachments  below,  or 
have  driven  them  towards  Trenton,  where  they  would 
have  met  a  victorious  army.  This  part  of  the  plan 
having  failed,  and  the  enemy  being  in  force  at  Princeton 
and  Brunswic,  it  was  thought  advisable  by  General 
Washington  not  to  hazard  any  thing  further,  especially 
as  his  men  were  exhausted  with  fatigue.  He  recrossed 
the  Delaware  with  his  prisoners  the  same  day,  and 
gained  his  encampment  on  the  other  side. 

The  British  and  Hessian  troops  posted  at  Borden- 
town,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  that  place,  immediately 
retreated  to  Princeton,  so  that  the  whole  line  of  the 
enemy's  cantonments  along  the  Delaware  was  broken  up 
and  driven  back.  As  soon  as  his  troops  were  refreshed^ 
General  Washington  again  passed  over  the  Delaware, 
and  took  up  his  quarters  at  Trenton,  resolved  to  pur 
sue  the  enemy,  or  adopt  such  other  measures  as  his 
situation  would  justify.  Meanwhile  General  Cadwala 
der  succeeded  in  crossing  over  with  eighteen  hundred 
Pennsylvania  militia,  who  were  followed  by  as  many 
more  under  General  Mifflin,  all  of  whom  formed  a  junc 
tion  with  the  main  army  at  Trenton. 

At  this  critical  moment  the  term  of  service  of  sever 
al  regiments  expired,  the  dissolution  of  the  old  army 

VOL.  I.  T 


230  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

occurring  on  the  last  day  of  the  year;  and,  worn  down 
with  the  extraordinary  hardships  of  the  campaign,  the 
men  seemed  at  first  determined  to  go  off  in  a  body, 
and  return  to  their  homes.  By  much  persuasion,  how 
ever,  and  the  exertions  of  their  officers,  seconded  by  a 
bounty  of  ten  dollars  to  each  man,  more  than  half  of 
them  agreed  to  remain  six  weeks  longer. 

It  was  not  presumed  that  Sir  William  Howe  would 
long  permit  the  Americans  quietly  to  possess  the  ad 
vantages  they  had  gained,  or  delay  to  retaliate  for  the 
disasters  his  army  had  suffered.  He  was  now  in  New 
York;  and,  when  the  intelligence  of  the  late  events 
reached  that  city,  he  ordered  Lord  Cornwallis,  then  on 
the  eve  of  embarking  for  Europe,  to  suspend  his  de 
parture,  and  take  the  command  in  the  Jerseys.  This 
officer  hastened  to  Princeton,  followed  by  additional 
forces  from  Brunswic.  In  the  morning  of  the  2d  of 
January,  it  was  ascertained  that  the  enemy's  battalions 
were  marching  towards  Trenton,  and  General  Wash 
ington  prepared  to  meet  an  attack.  To  harass  them 
on  their  march,  and  retard  their  progress,  he  sent  out 
strong  parties  on  the  road  to  Princeton,  with  orders  to 
skirmish  at  every  advantageous  position.  These  orders 
were  faithfully  obeyed,  and  the  head  of  the  enemy's 
columns  did  not  reach  Trenton  till  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon.  The  American  army  then  retired  to  the 
high  ground  beyond  the  Assanpink.  The  bridge  was 
defended  by  artillery,  and  a  sharp  cannonade  was  kept 
up,  particularly  at  that  point,  and  at  the  fords  above  the 
bridge,  which  the  enemy  attempted  to  pass.  At  dusk 
the  firing  ceased,  and  Lord  Cornwallis  encamped  his 
troops  near  the  village,  intending  to  renew  the  combat 
in  the  morning,  when  his  reinforcements  should  arrive. 
The  Americans  encamped  on  the  ground  they  occupied 
after  crossing  the  Assanpink,  and  the  fires  kindled  by 
the  two  armies  were  in  full  view  of  each  other. 


JET.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  231 

To  all  appearance  a  general  action  must  be  fought 
the  next  day,  and  this  with  fearful  odds,  as  the  British 
were  superior  in  numbers,  and  immeasurably  so  in  the 
discipline  and  experience  of  their  men ;  for  more  than 
half  of  the  American  army  consisted  of  militia,  who  had 
never  seen  a  battle,  and  had  been  but  a  few  days  in 
the  service.  At  the  beginning  of  the  evening  General 
Washington  assembled  his  officers  in  council,  and  a 
bold  resolution  was  adopted.  From  the  number  of 
Lord  Cornwallis's  troops  it  was  rightly  conjectured, 
that  he  could  not  have  left  many  in  the  rear ;  and  it 
was  decided  to  move  by  a  concealed  march  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Assanpink  to  Princeton.  If  no  obstacles 
were  met  with  on  the  way,  it  was  possible  that  the 
army  might  push  onward  to  Brunswic,  surprise  the 
enemy  there,  and  capture  the  stores,  before  Lord  Corn- 
wallis  could  return.  To  secure  his  baggage  and  pre 
vent  it  from  encumbering  the  army,  General  Washington 
ordered  it  to  be  silently  removed  to  Burlington,  and  at 
twelve  o'clock  at  night  commenced  his  march.  That 
the  suspicion  of  the  enemy  might  not  be  awakened,  the 
fires  were  kept  burning,  and  the  guards  were  ordered 
to  remain  at  the  bridge  and  the  fords,  till  the  approach 
of  daylight,  when  they  were  to  follow.  Men  were  em 
ployed  during  the  night  digging  an  intrenchment  so 
near  the  enemy's  sentries,  that  they  could  be  heard  at 
their  work. 

Pursuing  a  circuitous  route,  General  Washington 
reached  Princeton  a  little  after  sunrise.  Three  British 
regiments  were  found  there,  being  the  seventeenth,  for 
tieth,  and  fifty-fifth,  commanded  by  Colonel  Mawhood, 
two  of  which  were  designed  to  reinforce  Lord  Corn- 
wallis  that  morning  at  Trenton.  These  two  were  al 
ready  on  their  march.  The  American  vanguard  first 
engaged  the  seventeenth,  and  a  short  but  very  severe 


232  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

conflict  ensued.  The  regiment  was  thrown  into  disor 
der,  and  the  fragments  dispersed.  Some  accounts  say, 
that  they  broke  through  the  American  ranks;  others 
that  they  fled.  At  any  rate,  after  a  brave  resistance, 
they  escaped  from  the  field,  and  regained  the  road  to 
Trenton.  The  rencounter  was  likewise  sustained  with 
spirit  by  the  fifty-fifth  regiment,  which  finally  retreated 
towards  Brunswic,  as  did  also  the  fortieth,  which  took 
little  part  in  the  action.  The  British  loss  was  more 
than  one  hundred  killed,  and  about  three  hundred  pris 
oners. 

But  the  victory  was  by  no  means  a  bloodless  one  to 
the  Americans.  General  Mercer  was  mortally  wound 
ed  ;  and  Colonel  Haslet,  Colonel  Potter,  and  other  of 
ficers  of  subordinate  rank,  were  killed.  General  Mer 
cer  was  a  Scotchman  by  birth,  and  in  his  youth  had 
been  in  the  battle  of  Culloden.  He  served  in  America 
with  distinction  during  the  last  French  war,  and  after 
wards  settled  in  Virginia.  He  was  a  brave  and  worthy 
man,  an  intimate  friend  of  the  Commander-in-chief, 
much  respected  for  his  talents,  military  character,  and  pri 
vate  worth,  and  his  death  was  deeply  lamented.  Colonel 
Haslet  had  distinguished  himself  for  bravery  and  good 
conduct  in  the  battles  of  Long  Island  and  Chatterton's 
Hill,  and  in  several  hazardous  enterprises.  Through 
out  the  action  General  Washington  exposed  his  person 
in  the  hottest  parts  of  the  combat,  giving  orders  and 
animating  the  troops.  At  the  request  of  the  prisoners, 
Captain  Leslie,  a  British  officer  much  beloved  by  them, 
and  killed  in  the  action,  was  buried  with  military  honors 
in  the  American  camp. 

When  daylight  appeared,  and  it  was  discovered  that 
the  Americans  were  gone,  Lord  Cornwallis  easily  pene 
trated  the  plans  of  Washington,  and  his  conjecture 
was  confirmed  by  the  firing  heard  in  the  direction  of 


>ET.44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  233 

Princeton.  Alarmed  for  the  safety  of  Brunswic,  he 
immediately  retreated,  and  his  van  had  almost  reached 
Princeton,  when  the  rear  of  the  American  army  left  it. 
Washington  pursued  the  two  fugitive  regiments  as  far 
as  Kingston,  where  he  turned  short  to  the  left,  and 
arrived  the  same  evening  at  Pluckemin,  having  twice 
crossed  the  Millstone  River,  and  caused  the  bridge  at 
Kingston  to  be  taken  up,  in  order  to  retard  the  march 
of  the  enemy.  Considering  the  exhausted  state  of  his 
men,  who  had  not  slept  for  thirty-six  hours,  and  the 
near  approach  of  Cornwallis  with  a  superior  army  of 
fresh  troops,  he  thought  it  prudent  to  abandon  his 
design  upon  Brunswic,  contenting  himself  with  his  suc 
cess  at  Princeton,  and  with  having  drawn  the  enemy 
from  all  their  posts  on  the  Delaware. 

At  Pluckemin  he  remained  no  longer  than  to  give  his 
troops  rest  and  refreshment,  and  then  advanced  to 
Morristown,  where  his  winter-quarters  were  finally  es 
tablished.  This  was  not  in  all  respects  so  favorable  a 
situation  as  he  desired;  but  it  was  in  a  mountainous 
region,  difficult  of  access  to  the  enemy,  and  surrounded 
by  a  fertile  country,  affording  abundant  supplies.  He 
did  not  sit  down  idle,  however,  nor  trust  to  the  barriers 
of  nature  for  his  protection.  Unprovided  as  his  men 
were  with  almost  every  thing  necessary  for  a  winter 
campaign,  he  sent  out  detachments  to  assail  and  harass 
General  Howe's  troops ;  and  with  such  vigor  and  address 
were  these  expeditions  conducted,  that  in  a  short  time 
not  a  single  British  or  Hessian  regiment  remained  in 
the  Jerseys,  except  at  Brunswic  and  Amboy,  between 
which  places  and  New  York  was  an  open  communica 
tion  by  water. 

Such  were  the  splendid  results  of  General  Washing 
ton's  plans  and  operations  from  the  time  he  determined 
to  recross  the  Delaware.  When  his  army  was  thought 

VOL.1.  30  T* 


234  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777- 

to  be  on  the  verge  of  annihilation,  and  the  whole  world 
regarded  American  liberty  as  struggling  in  the  last  stage 
of  its  existence,  he  commenced  and  pursued  an  offensive 
warfare  against  a  hitherto  victorious  army,  strong  in 
numbers  and  confident  in  its  strength,  and,  within  the 
brief  space  of  three  weeks,  dislodged  it  from  every  post 
it  had  taken  along  the  Delaware  River,  relieved  Phila 
delphia  from  danger,  and  recovered  almost  the  whole 
province  of  New  Jersey.  The  glory  of  these  achieve 
ments  was  rendered  doubly  conspicuous  by  their  im 
mediate  effects.  The  despondency,  which  had  weighed 
heavily  upon  the  minds  of  the  people,  was  dispelled  as 
by  a  charm,  the  martial  spirit  was  revived,  and  a  new 
animation  infused  into  the  public  counsels. 

The  classical  and  eloquent  Italian  historian  of  the 
war,  Charles  Botta,  after  describing  these  transactions, 
adds ;  "  Achievements  so  astonishing  gained  for  the 
American  commander  a  very  great  reputation,  and  were 
regarded  with  wonder  by  all  nations,  as  well  as  by  the 
Americans.  Every  one  applauded  the  prudence,  the 
firmness,  and  the  daring  of  General  Washington.  All 
declared  him  the  saviour  of  his  country ;  all  proclaimed 
him  equal  to  the  most  renowned  commanders  of  an 
tiquity,  and  especially  distinguished  him  by  the  name  of 
the  AMERICAN  FAEIUS.  His  name  was  in  the  mouths 
of  all  men,  and  celebrated  by  the  pens  of  the  most  emi 
nent  writers.  The  greatest  personages  in  Europe  be 
stowed  upon  him  praise  and  congratulation.  Thus  the 
American  General  wanted  neither  a  noble  cause  to 
defend,  nor  an  opportunity  for  acquiring  glory,  nor  the 
genius  to  avail  himself  of  it,  nor  a  whole  generation 

of  men  competent  and  well  disposed   to   render   him 
homage." 

•  Storia  della  Guerra  dell'  Independenza  degli  Stati  Uniti  d'  Ameri 
ca,  Tom.  II.  Lib.  7. 


JET.44.J  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  235 


CHAPTER  X. 

General  Washington's  Proclamation.  —  His  Preparations  for  the  next 
Campaign.  —  Exchange  of  Prisoners.  —  Condition  of  the  American 
Prisoners  in  New  York. —  Military  Operations  in  New  Jersey.  —  The 
Army  crosses  the  Delaware  and  encamps  near  Germantown.  —  Wash 
ington's  first  Interview  with  Lafayette. — Sir  William  Howe  lands  at 
the  Head  of  Elk.  —  Battle  of  the  Brandy  wine.  —  New  Powers  conferred 
on  Washington  by  Congress.  —  Battle  of  Germantown.  —  Skirmishes 
at  Whitemarsh.  —  Sufferings  of  the  Army. — Winter  Encampment  at 
Valley  Forge.  —  Spurious  Letters  written  and  circulated  in  the  Name 
of  Washington. — Conway's  Cabal.  —  Persons  concerned  in  it. — Hon 
orable  and  generous  Conduct  of  Lafayette  in  Relation  to  this  Affair. 

HEAD-QUARTERS  being  at  Morristown,  the  central 
or  main  division  of  the  army  was  encamped  for  the 
winter  near  that  place  in  huts  temporarily  construct 
ed  for  the  purpose.  Cantonments  were  likewise  estab 
lished  at  various  points  from  Princeton  on  the  right, 
where  General  Putnam  commanded,  to  the  Highlands 
on  the  left,  which  post  continued  under  the  charge 
of  General  Heath.  Skirmishes  often  happened  be 
tween  the  American  advanced  troops  and  the  enemy's 
foraging  parties.  For  six  months,  however,  no  enter 
prise  of  magnitude  was  undertaken  on  either  side. 

Sir  William  Howe's  proclamation,  as  we  have  seen,  had 
produced  considerable  effect  in  the  Jerseys.  Not  only 
the  disaffected,  but  many  well-disposed  citizens,  find 
ing  themselves  in  the  power  of  the  enemy,  had  sought 
protection  for  their  families  and  their  property  by  taking 
an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  King.  Their  hopes  had 
been  fatally  disappointed.  With  such  license  had  the 
British  and  Hessian  troops  overrun  the  country,  that 
they  plundered,  burnt,  and  destroyed  whatever  came  in 
their  way,  and  in  some  instances  committed  the  greatest 


236 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 


outrages  upon  the  inhabitants,  without  discriminating 
between  friends  and  foes.  In  one  respect  this  conduct 
was  serviceable  to  the  cause  of  the  patriots.  It  roused 
the  indignation  of  the  people,  and,  goaded  by  the  deep 
feeling  of  their  wrongs,  the  militia  flew  to  arms  with 
an  alacrity  and  determination  not  surpassed  on  any 
former  occasion.  A  large  number  of  substantial  farmers, 
however,  more  pacific  in  their  dispositions,  who  had 
taken  advantage  of  the  proclamation,  professed  scruples 
in  regard  to  their  oath.  They  looked  upon  their  pledge 
as  binding  them  at  least  to  a  passive  neutrality. 

To  remove  this  difficulty,  and  draw  a  proper  line  of 
distinction  between  friends  and  enemies,  General  Wash 
ington  issued  a  counter  proclamation,  commanding  all 
persons,  who  had  received  protections  from  the  British 
commissioners,  to  repair  to  head-quarters  or  to  some 
general  officer  of  the  army,  deliver  up  such  protections, 
and  take  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States ; 
"nevertheless  granting  full  liberty  to  all  such,  as  pre 
ferred  the  interests  and  protection  of  Great  Britain  to 
the  freedom  and  happiness  of  their  country,  forthwith 
to  withdraw  themselves  and  their  families  within  the 
enemy's  lines."  Thirty  days  were  allowed  for  comply 
ing  with  this  order,  at  the  end  of  which  period,  those, 
who  had  neglected  or  refused  to  comply,  were  to  be 
deemed  as  adherents  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  and 
treated  as  enemies  to  the  American  States. 

Strange  as  it  may  be  thought,  the  publishing  of  this 
proclamation  was  considered  an  undue  exercise  of 
power.  Even  in  Congress  it  was  censured  by  some 
of  the  members.  The  legislature  of  New  Jersey  more 
than  hinted,  that  it  was  an  encroachment  on  their  pre 
rogatives.  An  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States 
was  said  to  be  absurd  before  the  confederation  was 
formed,  and  the  power  of  requiring  such  an  oath  was 


^T.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  237 

claimed  exclusively  for  each  State.  Hence  the  oppo 
sition  arose,  not  from  an  impartial  view  of  the  abstract 
merits  of  the  act,  but  from  the  jealousy  of  State  sove 
reignty.  Fully  convinced,  however,  of  the  necessity, 
reasonableness,  and  equity  of  the  measure,  Washington 
adhered  to  it,  and  instructed  his  officers  accordingly, 
willing,  as  in  all  other  cases,  to  risk  his  own  popularity 
in  promoting  the  public  interests. 

His  first  care,  after  putting  the  troops  in  wintei- 
quarters,  was  drawn  to  the  completion  of  the  army  for 
the  next  campaign ;  and  he  wrote  circular  letters  to  the 
governors  of  the  middle  and  eastern  States,  urging 
them  in  the  strongest  terms  to  adopt  prompt  and 
effectual  methods  for  raising  recruits  and  filling  up 
their  regiments.  His  efficient  strength  through  the 
winter  was  so  small,  that  prudence  required  him  to 
use  the  expedient,  to  which  he  was  often  driven,  of 
magnifying  his  numbers  to  the  public,  lest  the  enemy, 
becoming  acquainted  with  his  weakness,  should  make 
a  sudden  and  rapid  movement  upon  him,  and  obtain  an 
easy  victory.  This  deception,  so  essential  to  his  safety, 
operated  unfavorably ;  since  it  gave  the  impression  that 
his  army  was  much  larger  than  it  really  was,  and 
diminished  the  efforts  of  the  States  to  provide  season 
able  reinforcements.  It  was  only  in  the  midst  of  a 
campaign,  when  the  enemy  were  in  motion,  that  the 
people  thought  of  danger;  and  then  it  was  often  too 
late  to  make  proper  exertions  for  increasing  the  army. 

To  stimulate  the  activity  of  the  States,  by  forcible 
and  reiterated  representations  to  the  governors  and 
legislatures,  by  argument,  persuasion,  and  appeals  to 
every  motive  of  pride,  honor,  and  patriotism,  was  the 
task  which  he  was  obliged  to  repeat  every  winter ;  and 
this  was  a  source  of  unceasing  anxiety  from  the  time  the 
troops  went  into  quarters,  till  they  again  took  the  field 


238  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

to  combat  the  enemy.  Congress,  embarrassed  by  the 
novelty  of  their  duties  and  the  indefinite  nature  of 
their  powers,  deliberated  with  caution,  and  were  seldom 
ready  to  act  in  military  affairs,  till  incited  by  the  counsels 
or  earnest  entreaties  of  the  Commander-in-chief.  For 
several  months  he  had  urged  upon  them  the  necessity 
of  a  larger  number  of  general  officers  in  the  army, 
and  in  February  five  additional  major-generals  and  ten 
brigadiers  were  appointed. 

On  this  subject  he  always  spoke  with  delicacy  in 
his  letters,  rarely  expressing  an  opinion  as  to  the  quali 
fications  of  individuals,  and  avoiding  equally  the  ap 
pearance  of  partiality  and  of  a  wish  to  interfere  in  any 
degree  with  the  appointing  power.  Various  considera 
tions  produced  delays  and  sometimes  contentions  in 
Congress  respecting  military  appointments.  Local  pre 
dilections  interposed  the  chief  obstacles.  The  claims 
of  the  respective  States  were  to  be  regarded,  according 
to  which  the  general  officers  were  to  be  taken  from 
each  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  troops  it  furnished. 
By  this  rule  the  best  officers  in  the  country  could  not 
be  selected,  if  it  happened  that  more  than  one  or  two 
resided  in  the  same  State.  Moreover  there  were  fre 
quent  disagreements  among  the  delegates  of  a  par 
ticular  State,  in  regard  to  the  comparative  merits  of  the 
candidates  of  such  State,  especially  when  the  preten 
sions  of  each  were  supported  by  the  influence  of  friends 
or  parties.  This  mode  of  appointing  officers  not  only 
brought  some  into  the  service,  who  were  incompetent 
to  their  high  station,  but  created  dissensions  in  the  army 
about  rank,  and  added  to  the  many  troubles  that 
harassed  the  Commander-in-chief. 

Soon  after  General  Howe  arrived  at  Staten  Island 
from  Halifax,  a  correspondence  was  opened  between 
him  and  General  Washington  respecting  the  exchange 


JET.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  239 

ot  prisoners ;  and  it  was  mutually  agreed,  that  officers 
should  be  given  for  officers  of  equal  rank,  soldier  for 
soldier,  and  citizen  for  citizen.  Exchanges  were 
effected  upon  this  basis  till  the  capture  of  General  Lee. 
The  British  commander  chose  to  consider  that  officer  in 
the  light  of  a  deserter  from  the  King's  service,  although 
he  had  resigned  his  commission  before  he  joined  the 
American  army ;  and,  in  conformity  with  this  view  of 
his  character,  he  was  kept  in  more  rigorous  confinement 
than  other  prisoners  of  war.  It  was  also  understood, 
that  he  was  to  be  tried  by  a  court-martial  When 
these  facts  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Congress,  they 
thought  it  necessary,  in  support  of  their  own  dignity, 
and  for  the  protection  of  their  officers  who  might  fall 
into  the  enemy's  hands,  to  adopt  energetic  and  decisive 
measures,  and  immediately  resolved  on  severe  retalia 
tion.  They  decreed,  that  Colonel  Campbell,  a  British 
prisoner  in  Massachusetts,  and  five  Hessian  field-officers 
taken  at  Trenton,  should  be  subjected  to  precisely  the 
same  treatment  as  General  Lee.  The  consequence 
was,  that  Colonel  Campbell  was  confined  in  a  common 
jail,  and  the  Hessian  officers,  who  had  been  sent  to 
Virginia,  were  deprived  of  the  privileges  usually  granted 
to  prisoners  of  war. 

General  Washington  at  once  saw  the  injurious  ten 
dency  of  this  hasty  and  premarture  act  of  retaliation,  and 
remonstrated  strenuously  against  it.  "  In  point  of  policy," 
said  he,  in  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  "  under 
the  present  situation  of  our  affairs,  this  doctrine  cannot 
be  supported.  The  balance  of  prisoners  is  greatly 
against  us ;  and  a  general  regard  to  the  happiness  of 
the  whole  should  mark  our  conduct.  Can  we  imagine, 
that  our  enemies  will  not  mete  the  same  punishments, 
the  same  indignities,  the  same  cruelties,  to  those  be 
longing  to  us,  in  their  possession,  that  we  impose  on 


240  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

theirs  in  our  power?    Why  should  we  suppose  them 
to  possess  more  humanity  than  we  have   ourselves? 
Or  why  should  an  ineffectual  attempt  to  relieve    the 
distresses  of  one  brave,  unfortunate  man,  involve  many 
more  in  the  same  calamities?  However  disagreeable  the 
fact  may  be,  the  enemy  at  this   time   have   in   their 
power,  and  subject  to  their  call,  near  three  hundred 
officers   belonging  to  the  army  of  the  United  States. 
In  this  number  there  are  some  of  high  rank;  and  most 
of  them   are   men  of  bravery  and  merit.     The   quota 
of  theirs  in  our  hands  bears  no  proportion,  being  not 
more  than  fifty  at  most.     Under  these  circumstances, 
we  should  certainly  do  no  act  to  draw  upon  the  gen 
tlemen  belonging  to  us,  and  who  have  already  suffered 
a  long  captivity,  greater  punishments  than  they  have 
experienced  and  now  experience.     If  we  should,  what 
will  their  feelings  be,  and  those  of  their  numerous  and 
extensive    connexions  ?     Suppose   the   treatment  pre 
scribed  for  the  Hessians  should  be  pursued,  will  it  not 
establish  what  the  enemy  have  been  aiming  to  effect 
by  every  artifice   and  the  grossest  misrepresentations, 
I  mean,  an  opinion  of  our  enmity  towards  them,  and 
of  the  cruel  conduct  they  experience  when  they  fall 
into  our  hands,  a  prejudice  which  we  on  our  part  have 
heretofore  thought  it  politic   to   suppress   and  to  root 
out  by  every  act  of  lenity  and  kindness  ?     It  certainly 
will.    The   Hessians   would   hear   of   the   punishment 
with  all  the  circumstances  of  heightened  exaggeration, 
would  feel  the  injury,  without  investigating  the  cause, 
or  reasoning  upon  the  justice  or  necessity  of  it.     The 
mischiefs,  which   may  and  must  inevitably  flow   from 
the  execution  of  the  resolves,  appear  to  be  endless  and 
innumerable." 

On  the  other  hand  the  American  prisoners,  who  had 
been  taken  at  Fort  Washington  and  confined  in  New 


jET.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  241 

York  during  the  winter,  had  endured  such  sufferings 
as  to  excite  universal  indignation,  and  reflect  reproach 
on  the  British  commander.  This  is  not  the  place  to 
investigate  the  causes ;  but  the  fact  is  indisputable.  A 
large  proportion  of  them  sunk  under  their  sufferings 
and  died ;  and,  when  others  were  sent  out  for  exchange 
in  the  spring,  they  were  so  much  emaciated  and  broken 
down,  so  totally  unfit  for  service,  that  General  Wash 
ington  refused  to  return  for  them  an  equal  number  of 
healthy  British  or  Hessian  prisoners.  Sir  William  Howe 
said  this  refusal  was  a  violation  of  the  rule  for  exchange, 
which  had  been  agreed  upon  between  them ;  and,  al 
though  he  could  not  deny  the  facts,  yet  he  declared 
the  prisoners  had  been  treated  as  well  as  his  circum 
stances  would  permit,  and  been  provided  with  every 
thing  necessary  for  their  comfort.  General  Washington 
replied ; 

"You  must  be  sensible,  that  our  engagement,  as 
well  as  all  others  of  the  kind,  though  in  the  letter  it 
expresses  only  an  equality  of  rank  and  number,  as  the 
rule  of  exchange,  yet  necessarily  implies  a  regard  to 
the  general  principles  of  mutual  compensation  and  ad 
vantage.  This  is  inherent  in  its  nature,  is  the  voice  of 
reason ;  and  no  stipulation,  as  to  the  condition  in  which 
prisoners  should  be  returned,  was  requisite.  Humanity 
dictated,  that  their  treatment  should  be  such,  as  their 
health  and  comfort  demanded ;  and,  where  her  laws 
have  been  duly  respected,  their  condition  has  been 
generally  good.  Nor  is  this  the  language  of  humanity 
alone ;  justice  declares  the  same.  The  object  of  everv 
cartel,  or  similar  agreement,  is  the  benefit  of  the  pris 
oners  themselves,  and  that  of  the  contending  powers. 
On  this  footing,  it  equally  exacts,  that  they  should  be 
well  treated,  as  well  as  that  they  should  be  exchanged. 
The  reverse  is,  therefore,  an  evident  infraction,  and 

VOL.  I.  31  U 


242  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

ou'ht  to  subject  the  party,  on  whom  it  is  chargeable,  to 
alUhe  damage  and  ill  consequences  resulting  from  it. 
Nor  can  it  be  expected,  that  those  unfitted  for  future 
service  by  acts  of  severity,  in  direct  violation  of  a  com 
pact,  are  proper  subjects  for  an  exchange.  In  such 
case,  to  return  others  not  in  the  same  predicament, 
would  be  to  give  without  receiving  an  equivalent;  and 
would  afford  the  greatest  encouragement  to  cruelty  and 
inhumanity.  The  argument,  drawn  from  the  mere  cir 
cumstance  of  the  prisoners  having  been  received,  is 
of  no  validity.  Though,  from  their  wretched  situation, 
they  could  not,  at  that  time,  be  deemed  proper  for  an 
exchange,  yet  our  humanity  required,  that  they  should 
be  permitted  to  return  among  us. 

"It  may,  perhaps,  be  fairly  doubted,  whether  an  ap 
prehension  of  their  death,  or  that  of  a  great  part  of 
them,  did  not  contribute  somewhat  to  their  being  sent 
out  when   they   were.      Such   an   event,   whilst  they 
remained  with  you,  would  have  been  truly  interesting ; 
because  it  would  have  destroyed  every  shadow  of  claim 
for  a  return  of  the  prisoners  in  our  hands ;  and  there 
fore  policy,  concurring  with  humanity,  dictated  that  the 
measure  should  be  adopted.     Happy  had  it  been,  if  the 
expedient  had  been  thought  of  before   these  ill-fated 
men  were  reduced  to  such  extremity.     It  is  confessed, 
however,  on  all  sides,  that,  after  their   delivery,  they 
still  continued  your  prisoners,  and   would   be   so   till 
regularly  exchanged. 

"I  acknowledge,  that  I  should,  and  I  have  been 
always  willing,  notwithstanding  this  concession,  to  ac 
count  for  every  man,  who  was  in  a  proper  condition 
and  fit  to  be  exchanged  at  the  time  he  came  out,  so 
far  as  the  proportion  of  prisoners  with  us  would  extend. 
With  what  propriety,  or  upon  what  foundation  of  jus 
tice,  can  more  be  demanded  ?  This  has  been  proposed. 


^r.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  243 

or,  what  is  the  same,  was  most  clearly  implied  in  the 
first  article  or  objection  made  by  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Harrison,  and  illiberally  rejected  since,  'as  inconsistent 
with  any  degree  of  reason  or  common  sense.'  Painful 
as  it  is,  I  am  compelled  to  consider  it  as  a  fact  not  to 
be  questioned,  that  the  usage  of  our  prisoners,  whilst  in 
your  possession,  of  the  privates  at  least,  was  such  as 
could  not  be  justified.  This  wras  proclaimed  by  the 
concurrent  testimony  of  all  who  came  out;  their  ap 
pearance  sanctioned  the  assertion ;  and  melancholy 
experience,  in  the  speedy  death  of  a  large  part  of  them, 
stamped  it  with  infallible  certainty." 

These  difficulties  interrupted  for  some  time  the  ex 
change  of  prisoners.  It  should  nevertheless  be  said, 
to  the  credit  of  Sir  William  Howe,  that  the  retaliatory 
act  of  Congress  did  not  influence  his  conduct  towards 
the  American  prisoners ;  and  it  should  also  be  added, 
that  a  want  of  humanity  was  never  alleged  to  be  a 
trait  of  his  character.  The  sufferings  of  the  unfortunate 
men  in  New  York  were  probably  to  be  attributed  more 
to  his  inattention,  than  to  any  direct  order ;  but  this 
apology,  if  indeed  it  can  be  called  an  apology,  is  far 
from  amounting  to  a  justification.  He  wrote  a  state 
of  the  affair  to  the  British  government,  particularly 
respecting  General  Lee;  and  the  ministry  decided  that 
he  should  thenceforward  be  retained  as  a  prisoner  of 
war,  although  they  had  previously  transmitted  an  order 
requiring  him  to  be  sent  to  England.  This  change  of 
purpose  was  dictated  by  policy,  General  Howe  having 
intimated  that  any  evil,  which  might  befall  the  Hessian 
officers  in  consequence  of  the  detention  of  General 
Lee,  would  have  a  bad  effect  on  the  troops  of  that 
nation  serving  in  America. 

The  winter  passed  away,  and   the  spring   was  far 
advanced  before  the  British  commander  gave  any  in- 


244  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

dications  of  his  designs  for  the  campaign  His  rein- 
?  rcements  from  Europe  arrived  later,  and  m  smaller 
numbers,  than  he  anticipated;  and  he  was  obliged  to 
curtail  the  plans,  which  he  had  suggested  to  the  minis- 
try  the  preceding  autumn. 

That  he  might  not  seem  to  be  idle,  he  sent  up  the 
Sound  a  detachment  of  two  thousand  men  under  Gov 
ernor  Tryon,  who  landed  in  Connecticut,  marched  into 
the  country,  and  destroyed  the  public  stores  at  Dan- 
bury.  They  were  bravely  met  by  the  militia  and  a  few 
Continental  troops,  who  harassed  them  on  their  march, 
and  pursued  them  back  to  their  boats.  In  the  ren 
counters  with  the  enemy  on  their  retreat,  General 
Wooster  and  General  Arnold  were  wounded.  The 
former  died  of  his  wounds. 

At  length  General  Howe  enlarged  his  force  at  Bruns- 
wic,  and  began  to  build  a  bridge  there,  so  constructed 
as  to  be  laid  on  flat-boats,  which  it  was  supposed  he 
intended  to  transport  over  land  to  the  Delaware,  and  use 
in  crossing  that  river.  Meantime  General  Washington 
collected  at  Morristown  the  troops,  which  had  been 
enlisted  into  the  new  army  in  Virginia  and  the  middle 
States,  and  ordered  those  from  the  eastward  to  assem 
ble  at  Peekskill  on  the  Hudson.  The  want  of  arms, 
hitherto  severely  felt,  was  opportunely  supplied  by  the 
arrival  of  two  vessels  from  France,  containing  twenty- 
four  thousand  muskets. 

Near  the  end  of  May  he  drew  his  main  army  to  a 
very  strong  position  at  Middlebrook,  only  nine  miles 
from  Brunswic,  and  prepared  to  contest  the  passage 
of  the  enemy,  should  they  attempt  to  move  towards 
the  Delaware.  On  the  13th  of  June,  the  British  army 
marched  from  Brunswic,  commanded  by  Sir  William 
Howe  in  person,  and  stretched  itself  several  miles  into 
the  country,  well  fortified  on  the  right  at  Brunswic, 


;ET.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  245 

and  secured  in  front  by  the  Rariton,  and  on  the  left 
by  the  Millstone.  This  position  was  occupied  six  days. 
The  object  of  this  manoeuvre  was  to  bring  on  a  general 
action.  Washington  was  too  cautious,  however,  to  be 
tempted  into  such  a  snare  at  a  great  disadvantage  with 
his  raw  troops,  but  he  determined  to  defend  his  ground 
in  any  event.  Not  choosing  to  run  the  hazard  of  an 
attack,  General  Howe  returned  with  his  whole  army 
to  Brunswic,  and  in  a  short  time  evacuated  that  place 
and  retreated  to  Amboy.  Three  regiments,  detached 
under  General  Greene,  fell  upon  his  rear,  pursued  him 
as  far  as  Piscataway,  and  did  considerable  execution. 
Washington  then  advanced  towards  the  enemy  with  his 
main  force  to  Quibbletown.  Finding  him  thus  drawn 
from  his  strong  post,  Sir  William  Howe  marched  sud 
denly  into  the  country  with  all  his  troops  seven  or  eight 
miles  to  Westfield,  evidently  seeking  to  turn  the  Ameri 
can  left,  and  gain  the  high  grounds.  To  counteract  this 
attempt,  Washington  retired  again  to  Middlebrook ;  and 
the  only  result  of  these  movements  was  some  smart  skir 
mishing  between  the  advanced  parties  of  the  two  armies, 
with  little  loss  on  either  side.  Thus  foiled  in  all  his 
manoeuvres  for  bringing  on  a  general  engagement,  Sir 
William  Howe  crossed  over  to  Staten  Island,  using  for 
that  purpose  the  floating  bridge  constructed  at  Bruns 
wic,  and  entirely  evacuated  the  Jerseys. 

The  very  next  day  Washington  received  the  first 
intelligence,  that  Burgoyne  was  approaching  Ticonde- 
roga  with  a  formidable  army.  For  some  time  it  had 
also  been  reported  by  spies  and  deserters,  that  a  fleet 
of  large  vessels  and  transports  was  preparing  in  the 
harbour  of  New  York,  with  the  apparent  object  of  an 
expedition  by  water.  At  first  it  was  not  doubted,  that 
this  armament  was  destined  against  Philadelphia.  But 
the  news  from  the  north  cast  a  cloud  of  uncertainty 

u* 


246 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 


over  all  the  enemy's  schemes.  It  now  seemed  more 
probable,  that  concerted  operations  between  Howe  and 
Burgoyne  were  in  view,  and  that  the  former  would 
speedily  ascend  the  Hudson  to  form  a  junction  with 
the  latter.  The  fitting  out  of  the  fleet,  it  was  supposed, 
might  have  the  double  aim  of  a  feint  to  deceive  the 
Americans  into  a  belief  that  some  distant  operation  by 
sea  was  intended,  and  of  actually  preparing  to  transport 
troops  up  the  Hudson.  It  was  likewise  conjectured, 
that  an  attack  on  New  England  was  meditated,  with 
the  view  of  creating  a  diversion  in  favor  of  Burgoyne; 
and  this  was  in  fact  a  part  of  Howe's  original  plan, 
which  he  abandoned  in  consequence  of  the  deficiency 
of  his  reinforcements  from  Europe. 

This  state  of  things  was  peculiarly  embarrassing  to 
Washington.  While  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  watch 
every  point,  it  was  still  more  so,  that  he  should  be  at 
hand  to  meet  the  blow  wherever  it  should  be  struck. 
The  great  object,  at  which  the  British  had  been  aiming 
from  the  beginning  of  the  war,  namely,  a  possession 
of  Hudson's  River  and  the  communication  with  Canada, 
thus  separating  the  eastern  and  southern  States,  was 
so  important,  that  he  could  not  doubt  this  to  be  the 
special  intent  of  Burgoyne's  expedition ;  and  yet  he 
had  seen  so  many  evidences  of  General  Howe's  designs 
upon  Philadelphia,  that  he  was  unable  to  relinquish 
his  conviction  of  their  reality.  The  immediate  danger, 
however,  was  on  the  Hudson,  to  guard  against  which 
he  despatched  two  regiments  to  Peekskill,  and  prepared 
to  follow  with  his  whole  army. 

This  movement  required  caution  and  delay ;  for,  should 
he  withdraw  his  force  too  soon  from  the  centre  of 
Jersey,  Sir  William  Howe  might  land  his  troops  at 
South  Amboy,  and  march  to  Philadelphia  before  he 
could  be  overtaken.  But,  when  it  was  known,  that 


^Er.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  247 

the  enemy  had  actually  embarked  on  board  (he  fleet, 
Washington  moved  slowly  towards  the  Highlands  by 
way  of  Morristown  and  Ramapo,  advancing  as  far  as  the 
Clove,  and  at  the  same  time  detaching  Lord  Stirling 
with  a  division  to  Peekskill.  At  this  juncture  the  fleet 
dropped  down  to  the  Hook  and  went  to  sea.  Waiting 
no  longer  than  to  be  convinced  of  the  absolute  departure 
of  the  fleet,  he  immediately  began  to  retrace  his  steps. 
The  two  divisions  under  Sullivan  and  Stirling,  which 
had  crossed  the  Hudson  to  Peekskill,  were  recalled, 
and  the  army  pursued  various  routes  to  the  banks  of 
the  Delaware.  There  he  resolved  to  stay  till  he  should 
receive  further  intelligence  of  the  British  fleet;  for  it 
was  still  possible  that  it  might  return  to  New  York  and 
ascend  the  Hudson. 

News  soon  came,  however,  that  it  had  been  seen  at 
the  Capes  of  the  Delaware,  and  its  destination  was 
then  thought  to  be  no  longer  doubtful.  The  army 
marched  to  Germantown,  where  it  would  be  in  readiness 
to  defend  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  General 
himself  hastened  forward  to  Chester.  He  there  learned 
that  the  fleet  had  left  the  Capes  and  steered  eastward. 
All  his  calculations  were  again  baffled;  for  it  was  naturally 
inferred  from  the  course  taken  by  the  fleet,  that  General 
Howe  would  either  go  directly  back  to  New  York,  or 
to  some  place  on  the  coast  of  New  England,  and 
cooperate  with  Burgoyne.  Till  this  point  was  settled 
by  certain  information,  nothing  could  be  done.  The 
army  continued  at  Germantown,  prepared  to  march 
at  a  moment's  warning,  except  Sullivan's  division  and 
some  other  regiments,  which  were  ordered  to  take 
post  in  New  Jersey. 

During  this  suspense  General  Washington  passed 
two  or  three  days  in  Philadelphia,  holding  conferences 
with  committees  and  members  of  Congress.  It  was 


248  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

here  that  he  had  his  first  interview  with  the  Marquis 
de  Lafayette.  The  enthusiastic  zeal  with  which  that 
young  nobleman  had  embraced  the  American  cause, 
his  romantic  adventures  in  leaving  his  own  country  and 
crossing  the  Atlantic,  and  the  incidents  which  befell 
him  on  his  arrival,  are  well  known;  and  the  part  he 
acted  during  the  war,  his  influence  in  gaining  effectual 
aid  from  the  French  government,  his  deep  and  lasting 
attachment  to  Washington,  the  ardor  and  consistency 
with  which  he  adhered  to  the  interests  of  his  adopted 
country  to  the  end  of  his  life,  and  the  affection  which 
the  people  of  that  country  have  ever  manifested  for  his 
person  and  character,  all  conspire  to  make  the  day  on 
which  he  entered  the  service  one  of  the  most  remark 
able  in  the  revolution. 

"  When  Lafayette  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  he  put  his 
letters  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Lovell,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs.  He  called  the  next  day 
at  the  Hall  of  Congress,  and  Mr.  Lovell  came  out  to 
him  and  said,  that  so  many  foreigners  had  offered 
themselves  for  employment,  that  Congress  was  embar 
rassed  with  their  applications,  and  he  was  sorry  to 
inform  him  there  was  very  little  hope  of  his  success. 
Lafayette  suspected  his  papers  had  not  been  read,  and 
he  immediately  sat  down  and  wrote  a  note  to  the 
President  of  Congress,  in  which  he  desired  to  be  per 
mitted  to  serve  in  the  American  army  on  two  conditions; 
first,  that  he  should  receive  no  pay ;  secondly,  that  he 
should  act  as  a  volunteer.  These  terms  were  so  dif 
ferent  from  those  demanded  by  other  foreigners,  and 
presented  so  few  obstacles  on  the  ground  of  an  inter 
ference  with  American  officers,  that  they  were  at  once 
accepted.  His  rank,  zeal,  perseverance,  and  disin 
terestedness  overcame  every  objection,  and  he  was 


JET.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  249 

appointed  a  major-general  in  the  American  army,  more 
than  a  month  before  he  had  reached  the  age  of  twenty. 
"  Washington  was  expected  shortly  in  Philadelphia, 
and  the  young  general  concluded  to  await  his  arrival 
before  he  went  to  head-quarters.  The  first  introduction 
was  at  a  dinner  party,  where  several  members  of 
Congress  were  present.  When  they  were  about  to 
separate,  Washington  took  Lafayette  aside,  spoke  to 
him  very  kindly,  complimented  him  upon  the  noble 
spirit  he  had  shown,  and  the  sacrifices  he  had  made,  in 
favor  of  the  American  cause,  and  then  told  him  that  he 
should  be  pleased  if  he  would  make  the  quarters  of  the 
Commander-in-chief  his  home,  establish  himself  there 
whenever  he  thought  proper,  and  consider  himself  at 
all  times  as  one  of  his  family ;  adding,  in  a  tone  of 
pleasantry,  that  he  could  not  promise  him  the  luxuries 
of  a  court,  or  even  the  conveniences,  which  his  former 
habits  might  have  rendered  essential  to  his  comfort, 
but,  since  he  had  become  an  American  soldier,  he 
would  doubtless  contrive  to  accommodate  himself  to 
the  character  he  had  assumed,  and  submit  with  a  good 
grace  to  the  customs,  manners,  and  privations  of  a 
republican  army.  If  Lafayette  was  made  happy  by  his 
success  with  Congress,  his  joy  was  redoubled  by  this 
flattering  proof  of  friendship  and  regard  on  the  part  of 
the  Commander-in-chief.  His  horses  and  equipage 
were  immediately  sent  to  camp ;  and  ever  afterwards, 
even  when  he  had  the  command  of  a  division,  he  kept 
up  his  intimacy  at  head-quarters,  and  enjoyed  all  the 
advantages  of  a  member  of  the  General's  family.  The 
day  after  the  dinner,  Washington  inspected  the  fortifi 
cations  in  the  Delaware  River,  and  invited  Lafayette  to 
accompany  him." ' 

*  See  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  V.  p.  454 ;  Appendix.     Lafayette's 
appointment  took  place  on  the  31st  of  July. 

VOL.  i.  32 


250 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 


For  several  days  nothing  was  heard  of  the  fleet,  till 
it  was  seen  again  near  the  coast  about  sixteen  leagues 
south  of  the  Capes  of  Delaware.  This  was  a  proof, 
that  it  was  really  bound  to  the  southward  ;  and,  as  ten 
days  passed  without  any  other  intelligence,  the  opinion 
began  to  prevail,  that  it  was  gone  to  Charleston.  So 
thoroughly  was  this  belief  impressed  upon  Washington 
and  his  officers,  that  a  council  decided  it  to  be  expe 
dient  to  march  towards  the  Hudson,  and  either  act 
against  Burgoyne,  or  attack  New  York.  This  decision 
was  approved  by  Congress ;  but,  the  very  day  on  which 
the  army  was  to  march,  an  express  arrived  with  in 
telligence,  that  the  fleet  was  coming  up  the  Chesa 
peake  Bay,  and  had  already  ascended  two  hundred 
miles  from  its  mouth.  All  uncertainty  was  now  at  an 
end.  No  one  doubted  the  designs  of  Sir  William 
Howe  against  Philadelphia,  though,  as  Washington  said, 
the  route  he  had  chosen  was  "a  very  strange  one." 
The  detachments  were  recalled  from  New  Jersey, 
where  Sullivan  had  employed  them  in  an  unsuccessful 
enterprise  against  Staten  Island,  and  the  whole  army 
marched  to  Wilmington. 

The  reconnoitring  parties  soon  reported  the  enemy 
to  have  landed  below  the  Head  of  Elk.  The  American 
troops  were  posted  at  Red  Clay  Creek,  a  few  miles 
beyond  Wilmington,  the  pickets  being  advanced  to 
Christiana  Bridge.  There  was  constant  skirmishing 
between  the  light  parties  of  the  opposing  armies,  in 
which  the  Americans  behaved  with  spirit,  gained  some 
advantages,  and  took  about  sixty  prisoners.  When 
General  Howe  had  landed  all  his  men,  artillery,  and 
baggage,  his  movements  indicated  an  intention  to  out 
flank  the  American  right;  and  Washington  retired  from 
his  position  at  Red  Clay  Creek,  crossed  the  Brandy- 
wine,  and  took  possession  of  the  high  ground  near 


jEr.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  251 

Chad's  Ford.  His  right  wing,  so  posted  as  to  guard 
the  fords  above,  was  commanded  by  General  Sullivan ; 
and  the  Pennsylvania  militia,  under  General  Armstrong, 
were  stationed  on  the  left  about  two  miles  below. 

At  the  same  time  the  British  advanced  to  Kennet 
Square,  seven  miles  from  Chad's  Ford.  At  daybreak, 
on  the  morning  of  the  llth  of  September,  Sir  William 
Howe  put  his  army  in  motion  in  two  divisions ;  one,  un 
der  Knyphausen  taking  the  direct  road  to  Chad's  Ford ; 
the  other,  led  by  Lord  Cornwallis,  moving  along  the 
Lancaster  road,  which  ran  for  several  miles  nearly  par 
allel  with  the  Brandywine  River.  Sir  William  Howe  was 
with  this  division.  As  soon  as  Knyphausen's  advanced 
parties  approached  near  Chad's  Ford,  they  were  attacked 
by  General  Maxwell  with  a  body  of  light  troops,  and 
a  very  sharp  rencounter  ensued;  but  the  enemy's 
columns  pressed  forward,  and  Maxwell  was  compelled 
to  retire.  From  this  time  Knyphausen  kept  up  a  heavy 
fire  of  artillery,  which  was  returned  across  the  river; 
but  he  made  no  serious  attempt  to  pass  the  ford. 
Parties  went  over  and  skirmished,  and  there  was  brisk 
firing  at  different  points,  without  much  execution  on 
either  side.  It  was  the  plan  of  the  Hessian  general  to 
amuse  the  Americans  in  front,  till  Cornwallis  should 
have  time  to  gain  their  right  flank  and  rear. 

This  design  was  early  suspected  by  Washington,  and 
he  waited  with  extreme  anxiety  for  intelligence  from 
the  patroles,  who  had  been  sent  to  watch  the  roads 
leading  to  the  fords,  which  were  all  guarded  as  high  up 
as  the  fork  of  the  Brandywine,  six  or  seven  miles 
above  Chad's  Ford.  At  length,  between  eleven  and 
twelve  o'clock,  a  message  came  from  General  Sullivan, 
stating  that  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  had  been  dis 
covered  marching  towards  the  upper  fords.  Wash 
ington  ordered  Sullivan  to  push  over  the  river  and 


252  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

meet  that  division,  while  he  crossed  and  attacked  Knyp- 
hausen  in  front.  Before  this  order  could  be  executed, 
counter  information  was  received.  This  contradiction 
and  uncertainty  caused  the  order  to  be  suspended.  A 
little  after  two  o'clock,  however,  all  doubt  was  removed. 
Having  taken  a  wide  circuit  of  seventeen  miles  and 
crossed  two  branches  of  the  Brandywine  above  the 
fork,  Cornwallis  had  gained  the  heights  near  Birming 
ham  meeting-house,  within  two  miles  of  Sullivan's  right 
flank.  Sullivan  marched  with  the  three  divisions  under 
his  command,  being  his  own,  Stephen's,  and  Stirling's, 
and  began  to  form  his  troops  for  action;  but,  before 
the  arrangement  could  be  completed,  Cornwallis  opened 
the  attack  with  such  impetuosity,  that  after  a  short  re 
sistance  the  right  of  the  American  line  was  broken,  the 
remainder  thrown  into  confusion,  and  the  whole  forced 
to  a  precipitate  retreat.  Some  of  them  rallied,  and  took 
another  stand,  where  they  maintained  a  short  and  spir 
ited  conflict,  till  again  driven  by  a  greatly  superior  force 
from  their  ground. 

The  firing  in  this  quarter  was  the  signal  for  Knyphau- 
sen  to  cross  the  river,  and   assault  the  American  in- 
trenchments  at  Chad's  Ford.     He  was  met  by  General 
Wayne,  who  defended  the  post  with  his  usual  gallantry ; 
but,  at  the  head  of  a  single  division  only,  he  was  in  no 
condition  to  withstand  half  the  British  army.     General 
Greene  with  another  division  had  removed  to  a  central 
point  between  Chad's  Ford  and  Sullivan's  scene  of  action, 
where  he  could  give  support  to  either  party  as  circum- 
tances  might  require.     Covering  Sullivan's  retreat,  and 
eizing  a  pass  about  a  mile  from  Dilworth,  he  checked 
the  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  and  sustained  a  warm  en 
gagement  till  dark.     The   firing   then   ceased.      The 
ish  remained  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  the  Ameri 
cans  retreated  m  much  disorder  by  different  routes  to 


JET.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  253 

Chester,  where  they  all  arrived  in  the  course  of  the 
night. 

The  numbers  engaged  in  this  action  have  never  been 
accurately  ascertained.  Chief  Justice  Marshall  esti 
mates  the  British  army,  when  it  landed,  at  eighteen 
thousand  men,  healthy  and  well  supplied  with  all  the 
implements  of  war.  He  supposes  the  American  army, 
including  militia,  amounted  to  fifteen  thousand;  but, 
from  sickness  and  other  causes,  he  thinks  the  effec 
tive  strength  on  the  day  of  battle  was  not  more  than 
eleven  thousand.  Sir  William  Howe  reported  his  loss 
to  be  ninety  killed,  four  hundred  and  eighty-eight 
wounded,  and  six  missing.  He  stated  that  about  three 
hundred  Americans  were  killed,  six  hundred  wounded, 
and  four  hundred  taken.  This  could  be  only  a  con 
jectural  estimate,  since  General  Washington  made  no 
return  of  his  loss  to  Congress ;  such  a  return  being 
impracticable  in  the  disconnected  and  moving  condition 
of  his  army.  The  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  while  dis 
mounted  and  endeavouring  to  rally  the  troops,  was 
wounded  in  the  leg,  which  caused  him  to  retire  from 
active  service  for  two  months. 

The  expediency  of  fighting  this  battle  with  a  force 
so  much  inferior,  and  under  many  disadvantages,  has 
been  questioned  by  foreign  writers.  If  the  subject 
be  viewed  in  a  military  light  only,  there  may  per 
haps  be  just  grounds  for  criticism.  But  it  should  be 
differently  regarded.  General  Washington  knew  the 
expectation  of  the  country  and  of  Congress;  and  he 
was  persuaded,  that  a  defeat  would  be  less  injurious  in 
its  effects  on  the  public  mind,  than  the  permitting  of 
the  enemy  to  march  to  Philadelphia  without  opposition. 
He  doubtless  hoped  to  make  a  better  resistance ;  which 
he  would  have  done,  if  he  had  not  been  deceived  by 
contradictory  intelligence  in  the  time  of  battle,  against 

VOL.  I.  V 


254  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

which  no  foresight  could  guard.  Although  some  of 
his  troops  behaved  ill,  yet  others,  and  the  larger  part, 
fought  with  signal  bravery,  and  inspired  him  and  them 
selves  with  a  confidence,  which  could  have  been  pro 
duced  only  by  the  trial. 

The  day  after  the  action  he  retreated  to  Philadelphia, 
and  encamped  near  Germantown.  So  far  from  being 
dismayed  by  the  late  disaster,  Congress  were  inspirited 
to  new  exertions,  and  resolved  to  strengthen  the  army 
and  bring  together  all  the  means  of  defence  in  their 
power.  Fifteen  hundred  Continental  troops  were  or 
dered  down  from  General  Putnam's  command  on  the 
Hudson,  and  the  militia  in  Pennsylvania  and  the  ad 
joining  States  were  summoned  to  join  the  main  army 
with  all  possible  despatch.  Anticipating  the  necessity 
of  removing  from  Philadelphia,  Congress  again  invested 
General  Washington  with  extraordinary  powers.  He 
was  authorized  to  suspend  officers,  who  should  misbe 
have,  and  fill  up  vacancies ;  to  take  provisions  and  other 
articles  for  the  subsistence  and  comfort  of  the  army 
within  seventy  miles  of  head-quarters,  paying  or  giving 
certificates  for  the  same ;  and  to  remove,  or  secure  for 
the  benefit  of  the  owners,  all  goods  and  effects,  which 
might  be  serviceable  to  the  enemy.  This  last  clause 
was  of  special  importance ;  as  a  great  number  of  dis 
affected  persons  in  and  around  Philadelphia  would  take 
no  pains  to  withdraw  their  property,  preferring  that  it 
should  fall  into  the  hands  and  contribute  to  the  sup 
plies  of  the  enemy. 

After  allowing  his  men  one  day  for  rest  and  refresh 
ment,  Washington  returned  across  the  Schuylkill,  and 
took  the  Lancaster  road  leading  to  the  left  of  "the  Brit- 

i  army,  fully  determined  to  offer  battle.     This  bold 

tep,  taken  before  the  enemy  had  left  the  field  of  action 

at  the  Brandywine,  was  a  proof  that  the  late  repulse 


jE-r.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  255 

had  in  no  degree  unsettled  his  own  resolution,  or 
clamped  the  ardor  of  his  troops.  The  two  armies  met 
twenty-three  miles  from  Philadelphia,  and  an  engage 
ment  was  actually  begun  between  the  advanced  parties, 
when  a  heavy  rain  came  on  and  rendered  both  armies 
totally  unfit  to  pursue  the  contest.  Washington  retired 
to  the  Yellow  Springs,  but  was  not  followed  by  the 
British ;  and  he  finally  passed  over  the  Schuylkill  at 
Parker's  Ford.  The  account  of  these  movements  is 
best  related  in  his  own  words. 

"  The  enemy,"  he  says,  "  by  a  variety  of  perplexing 
manoeuvres  through  a  country  from  which  I  could  not 
derive  the  least  intelligence  (being  to  a  man  disaffected), 
contrived  to  pass  the  Schuylkill  last  night  at  the  Fat- 
land  and  other  fords  in  the  neighbourhood  of  it.  They 
marched  immediately  towards  Philadelphia,  and  I  im 
agine  their  advanced  parties  will  be  near  that  city  to 
night.  They  had  so  far  got  the  start  before  I  received 
certain  intelligence  that  any  considerable  number  had 
crossed,  that  I  found  it  in  vain  to  think  of  overtaking 
their  rear,  with  troops  harassed  as  ours  had  been  with 
constant  marching  since  the  battle  of  Brandywine. 

"When  I  last  recrossed  the  Schuylkill,  it  was  with 
a  firm  intent  of  giving  the  enemy  battle  wherever  I 
should  meet  them ;  and  accordingly  I  advanced  as  far 
as  the  Warren  Tavern  upon  the  Lancaster  road,  near 
which  place  the  two  armies  were  upon  the  point  of 
coming  to  a  general  engagement,  but  were  prevented 
by  a  most  violent  flood  of  rain,  which  continued  all  the 
day  and  following  night.  When  it  held  up,  we  had 
the  mortification  to  find  that  our  ammunition,  which  had 
been  completed  to  forty  rounds  a  man,  was  entirely 
ruined ;  and  in  that  situation  we  had  nothing  left  for  it, 
but  to  find  out  a  strong  piece  of  ground,  which  we 
could  easily  maintain  till  we  could  get  the  arms  put  in 


256  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

order,  and  a  recruit  of  ammunition.  Before  this  could 
be  fully  effected,  the  enemy  marched  from  their  position 
near  the  White  Horse  Tavern,  down  the  road  leading  to 
the  Swedes'  Ford.  I  immediately  crossed  the  Schuyl- 
kill  above  them,  and  threw  myself  full  in  their  front, 
hoping  to  meet  them  on  their  passage,  or  soon  after 
they  had  passed  the  river.  The  day  before  yesterday 
they  were  again  in  motion,  and  marched  rapidly  up  the 
road  leading  towards  Reading.  This  induced  me  to 
believe  that  they  had  two  objects  in  view ;  one  to  get 
round  the  right  of  the  army,  the  other  perhaps  to  de 
tach  parties  to  Reading,  where  we  had  considerable 
quantities  of  military  stores.  To  frustrate  those  inten 
tions,  I  moved  the  army  up  on  this  side  of  the  river  to 
this  place,  determined  to  keep  pace  with  them  ;  but 
early  this  morning  I  received  intelligence,  that  they  had 
crossed  the  fords  below.  Why  I  did  not  follow  imme 
diately,  I  have  mentioned  in  the  former  part  of  my 
letter;  but  the  strongest  reason  against  being  able  to 
make  a  forced  march  is  the  want  of  shoes.  Messieurs 
Carroll,  Chase,  and  Penn,  who  were  some  days  with 
the  army,  can  inform  Congress  in  how  deplorable  a 
situation  the  troops  are,  for  want  of  that  necessary  ar 
ticle.  At  least  one  thousand  men  are  barefooted,  and 
have  performed  the  marches  in  that  condition." 

Congress    adjourned    first   to    Lancaster,   and   then 
to  Yorktown  in   Pennsylvania,  where  they  continued 

ght  months,  till   Philadelphia  was  evacuated  by  the 

enemy.    Immediately  after  the  British  entered  the  city, 

Howe  went  out  of  the  Chesapeake  with  his  fleet 

and  came  round  into  the  Delaware,  intending  to  force 

rong  defences  in  that  river,  and  ascend  to  Phila- 

To  aid  in  this  undertaking  a  detachment  of 

troops  was  stationed  on  the  left  bank  of  the 

nver  m   New  Jersey.     The  larger  part   of  the  army 


jE-r.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  257 

was  encamped  at  Germantown,  the  remainder  being  in 
the  city. 

In  this  divided  state  of  Sir  William  Howe's  forces, 
Washington  conceived  the  plan  of  attacking  him  by 
surprise.  The  British  encampment  extended  across  the 
village  of  Germantown,  and  at  right  angles  with  the 
main  road.  The  American  army  was  near  Skippack 
Creek,  about  fourteen  miles  distant.  At  seven  o'clock, 
in  the  evening  of  the  3d  of  October,  the  march  began, 
and  by  the  order  of  battle  the  troops  were  to  approach 
the  enemy  by  four  routes,  it  being  expected  that  the 
whole  would  arrive  nearly  at  the  same  time.  The  di 
visions  of  Sullivan  and  Wayne,  flanked  by  Conway's 
brigade,  were  to  enter  the  town  by  the  road  leading  to 
the  enemy's  centre ;  while  Armstrong,  with  the  Penn  < 
sylvania  militia,  was  to  take  the  road  on  the  right  near 
the  Schuylkill,  and  gain  their  left  and  rear.  The  divis 
ions  of  Greene  and  Stephen,  flanked  by  McDou gall's 
brigade,  were  to  make  a  circuit  on  the  American  left, 
and  attack  the  British  right  wing,  while  the  Maryland 
and  Jersey  militia,  under  Smallwood  and  Forman,  were 
to  move  down  by  a  road  still  farther  to  the  left,  and  fall 
upon  their  right  flank  and  rear.  The  plan  was  ex 
tremely  well  concerted,  and  the  surprise  was  complete. 
The  attack  commenced  between  daybreak  and  sunrise. 
At  first  the  action  was  very  warm  in  the  centre,  and 
afterwards  on  the  American  left,  and  every  thing  seemed 
to  promise  success ;  but  the  Americans  were  ultimately 
obliged  to  retreat,  and  leave  the  enemy  in  possession 
of  the  ground.  Washington  speaks  of  this  event  as 
follows,  in  a  letter  to  his  brother. 

"After  the  enemy  had  crossed  the  Schuylkill,  we 
took  the  first  favorable  opportunity  of  attacking  them. 
This  was  attempted  by  a  night's  march  of  fourteen 
miles  to  surprise  them,  which  we  effectually  did,  so  far 

VOL.  i.  33  v* 


258  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

as  to  reach  their  guards  before  they  had  notice  of  our 
coming ;  and,  if  it  had  not  been  for  a  thick  fog,  which 
rendered  it  so  dark  at  times  that  we  were  not  able  to 
distinguish  friend  from  foe  at  the  distance  of  thirty 
yards,  we  should,  I  believe,  have  made  a  decisive  and 
glorious  day  of  it.  But  Providence  designed  it  other 
wise  ;  for,  after  we  had  driven  the  enemy  a  mile  or  two, 
after  they  were  in  the  utmost  confusion  and  flying  be 
fore  us  in  most  places,  after  we  were  upon  the  point, 
as  it  appeared  to  everybody,  of  grasping  a  complete 
victory,  our  own  troops  took  fright  and  fled  with  pre 
cipitation  and  disorder.  How  to  account  for  this,  I 
know  not ;  unless,  as  I  before  observed,  the  fog  repre 
sented  their  own  friends  to  them  for  a  reinforcement  of 
the  enemy,  as  we  attacked  in  different  quarters  at  the 
same  time,  and  were  about  closing  the  wings  of  our 
army  when  this  happened.  One  thing,  indeed,  con 
tributed  not  a  little  to  our  misfortune,  and  that  was  a 
want  of  ammunition  on  the  right  wing,  which  began 
the  engagement,  and  in  the  course  of  two  hours  and 
forty  minutes,  which  time  it  lasted,  had,  many  of  them, 
expended  the  forty  rounds,  that  they  took  into  the  field. 
After  the  engagement  we  removed  to  a  place  about 
twenty  miles  from  the  enemy,  to  collect  our  forces 
together,  to  take  care  of  our  wounded,  get  furnished 
with  necessaries  again,  and  be  in  a  better  posture, 
either  for  offensive  or  defensive  operations.  We  are 
now  advancing  towards  the  enemy  again,  being  at  this 
time  within  twelve  miles  of  them. 

"Our  loss  in  the  late  action  was,  in  killed,  wounded, 
and  missing,  about  one  thousand  men,  but,  of  the  miss 
ing,  many,  I  dare  say,  took  advantage  of  the  times,  and 
deserted.  General  Nash  of  North  Carolina  was  wound 
ed,  and  died  two  or  three  days  after.  Many  valuable 
officers  of  ours  were  also  wounded,  and  some  killed 


jE-r.45.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  259 

In  a  word,  it  was  a  bloody  day.  Would  to  Heaven  I 
could  add,  that  it  had  been  a  more  fortunate  one 
for  us." 

General  Howe  reported  his  loss  to  be  seventy-one 
killed,  four  hundred  and  fifty  wounded,  and  fourteen 
missing.  The  American  loss,  as  stated  by  Dr.  Gordon 
on  the  authority  of  the  Board  of  War,  was  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  killed,  five  hundred  and  twenty-one 
wounded,  and  about  four  hundred  prisoners.  In  the 
midst  of  the  action,  six  companies  of  the  fortieth  British 
regiment,  commanded  by  Colonel  Mulgrave,  took  pos 
session  of  Chew's  House,  a  strong  stone  building,  which 
they  barricaded  and  defended  with  so  much  obstinacy, 
as  to  retard  for  some  time  the  advance  of  the  second 
line  of  the  Americans,  intended  to  support  the  centre ; 
and,  during  this  delay,  Sullivan's  division,  which  had 
been  closely  engaged  in  front,  having  mostly  expended 
its  ammunition,  began  to  retreat,  and,  falling  back  upon 
the  second  line,  threw  it  into  disorder.  This  circum 
stance,  added  to  the  dense  fog,  is  supposed  to  have 
contributed  much  to  the  unfortunate  issue  of  the  day. 

But  the  battle  of  German  town  was  not  without  its 
good  effects.  It  revived  the  hopes  of  the  country  by 
proving,  that,  notwithstanding  the  recent  successes  of 
the  enemy,  neither  the  spirit,  resolution,  and  valor  of 
the  troops,  nor  the  energy  and  confidence  of  the  Com 
mander  had  suffered  any  diminution.  They  were  as 
prompt  and  eager  to  meet  their  adversaries  in  battle,  as 
at  the  beginning  of  the  campaign.  Considered  in  its 
political  relations,  the  event  was  not  less  important. 
When  the  American  Commissioners  in  Paris  had  their 
first  interview  with  Count  de  Vergennes  to  converse 
on  a  treaty  of  alliance,  after  complimenting  them  on  the 
favorable  prospects  in  America,  and  the  conduct  of  the 
American  troops,  he  added,  "that  nothing  struck  him 


2*50 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 


so  much  as  General  Washington's  attacking  and  giving 
battle  to  General  Howe's  army;  that  to  bring  an  army, 
i  used  within  a  year,  to  this,  promised  every  thing." 
It  has  been  commonly  supposed,  that  Burgoyne's  defeat 
was  the  turning  point  with  the  French  government  in 
joining  the  United  States  against  England,  and  proba 
bly  it  was ;  but  the  above  fact,  recorded  by  one  of  the 
Comm'ssioners  at  the  time,  shows  that  the  operations 
of  Washington's  army  had  their  due  weight  in  the 

rcale. 

The  British  fleet  having  entered  the  Delaware,  every 
exertion  was  made  to  remove  the  obstructions  in  the 
river,  and  drive  the  Americans  from  their  fortified  posts. 
By  the  activity  of  the  small  naval  armament  under  Com 
modore  Hazelwood,  and  the  brave  defence  of  Red 
Bank  and  Fort  Mifflin,  these  efforts  were  resisted  for 
more  than  six  weeks,  when  a  vastly  superior  force,  both 
by  land  and  water,  compelled  an  evacuation  of  those 
places,  and  opened  a  passage  for  the  enemy's  shipping 
to  Philadelphia. 

Washington  returned  to  his  former  station  after  the 
battle  of  Germantown,  and  in  a  few  days  encamped 
in  a  strong  position  at  Whitemarsh,  fourteen  miles  from 
Philadelphia.  General  Greene  was  ordered  with  a  de 
tachment  into  New  Jersey  to  operate  against  Cornwal- 
lis,  who  had  passed  over  with  a  large  body  of  troops 
to  aid  in  reducing  Fort  Mercer  at  Red  Bank.  The 
Marquis  de  Lafayette  was  a  volunteer  under  Greene, 
and  distinguished  himself  in  a  skirmish  with  the  enemy 
at  Gloucester  Point,  although  his  wound  was  not  yet  en 
tirely  healed.  No  event  of  importance  occurred.  The 
British  recrossed  the  river  to  Philadelphia,  and  Greene 
joined  the  main  army  at  Whitemarsh.  A  reinforcement 
likewise  arrived  from  the  north,  consisting  of  Morgan's 
rifle  corps  and  part  of  the  New  Hampshire  and  Massa- 


jE-r.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  261 

chusetts  troops;  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne,  and  the 
relinquishment  by  the  British  of  their  temporary  acqui 
sitions  in  the  Highlands,  rendering  their  services  no 
longer  necessary  in  that  quarter. 

Sir  William  Howe,  having  received  an  accession  to 
his  strength  by  several  regiments  from  New  York, 
thought  a  good  opportunity  presented  itself  for  trying 
his  fortune  in  another  battle,  if  he  could  find  the  Amer 
icans  in  such  a  condition  as  to  attack  them  to  advantage. 
He  marched  out  of  the  city  with  twelve  thousand  men, 
in  the  evening  of  the  4th  of  December,  and  the  next 
morning  took  post  at  Chesnut  Hill,  about  three  miles 
from  the  right  of  the  American  encampment.  Wash 
ington  sent  out  light  troops  to  skirmish,  but  resolved  to 
wait  for  the  general  attack  on  the  ground  he  had  cho 
sen.  This  was  an  adventure,  which  General  Howe 
was  not  inclined  to  hazard.  After  manoeuvring  three 
days  in  the  front  and  on  the  flanks  of  the  American 
lines,  seeking  for  an  advantage  which  his  opponent  wat? 
careful  not  to  give,  he  retreated  suddenly  to  Philadel 
phia,  having  lost  in  the  different  rencounters  twenty  men 
killed,  sixty -three  wounded,  and  thirty-three  missing. 

The  season  being  far  advanced,  and  the  troops  worn 
down  by  the  hard  service  of  the  campaign,  it  was 
thought  necessary  to  make  immediate  preparations  for 
winter-quarters.  Many  of  the  soldiers  were  suffering 
extremely  for  the  want  of  clothes  and  shoes ;  and  even 
the  supplies  of  provision  and  forage  were  obtained  with 
difficulty.  So  great  was  the  disaffection  of  the  inhab 
itants,  particularly  after  the  British  entered  Philadelphia, 
that  the  larger  portion  of  them  refused  to  sell  their 
produce  to  the  American  contractors,  some  perhaps 
through  fear  of  the  enemy,  others  from  a  sincere  attach 
ment  to  the  royal  cause;  and  even  the  well-affected 
were  unwilling  to  part  with  their  property  upon  so 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 


feeble  a  security  as  the  certificates  given  on  the  author 
ity  of  Congress.  With  his  usual  delicacy  and  caution, 
Washington  was  reluctant  to  exercise  the  powers  with 
which  he  was  intrusted  to  obtain  supplies  from  the 
people  by  forcible  means.  The  soundest  policy  forbade 
this  practice,  as  long  as  it  could  possibly  be  avoided. 
It  alienated  friends,  and  added  a  new  motive  for  disaf 
fection. 

"I  confess,"  said  he,  in  writing  to  the  President  of 
Congress,  "  I  have  felt  myself  greatly  embarrassed  with 
respect  to  a  vigorous  exercise  of  military  power.  An 
ill-placed  humanity,  perhaps,  and  a  reluctance  to  give 
distress,  may  have  restrained  me  too  far;  but  these 
were  not  all.  I  have  been  well  aware  of  the  prevalent 
jealousy  of  military  power,  and  that  this  has  been  con 
sidered  as  an  evil  much  to  be  apprehended,  even  by 
the  best  and  most  sensible  among  us.  Under  this  idea, 
1  have  been  cautious,  and  wished  to  avoid  as  much 
as  possible  any  act  that  might  increase  it.  However, 
Congress  may  be  assured,  that  no  exertions  of  mine, 
as  far  as  circumstances  will  admit,  shall  be  wanting  to 
provide  our  own  troops  with  supplies  on  the  one  hand, 
and  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  getting  them  on  the 
other.  At  the  same  time  they  must  be  apprized,  that 
many  obstacles  have  arisen  to  render  the  former  more 
precarious  and  difficult  than  they  usually  were,  from  the 
change  in  the  commissary's  department,  at  a  very  criti 
cal  and  interesting  period.  I  should  be  happy,  if  the 
civil  authority  in  the  several  States,  through  the  recom 
mendations  of  Congress,  or  their  own  mere  will,  seeing 
the  necessity  of  supporting  the  army,  would  always 
adopt  the  most  spirited  measures,  suited  to  the  end. 
The  people  at  large  are  governed  much  by  custom. 
To  acts  of  legislation  or  civil  authority  they  have  ever 
been  taught  to  yield  a  willing  obedience,  without  rea- 


jfcx.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHTNGTON.  263 

soning  about  their  propriety ;  on  those  of  military  power, 
whether  immediate  or  derived  originally  from  another 
source,  they  have  ever  looked  with  a  jealous  or  sus 
picious  eye."  And  again;  "It  will  never  answer  to 
procure  supplies  of  clothing  or  provision  by  coercive 
measures.  The  small  seizures  made  of  the  former  a 
few  days  ago,  in  consequence  of  the  most  pressing  and 
absolute  necessity,  when  that,  or  to  dissolve,  was  the 
alternative,  excited  the  greatest  alarm  and  uneasiness 
even  among  our  best  and  warmest  friends.  Such  pro 
cedures  may  give  a  momentary  relief;  but,  if  repeated, 
will  prove  of  the  most  pernicious  consequence.  Be 
sides  spreading  disaffection,  jealousy,  and  fear  among 
the  people,  they  never  fail,  even  in  the  most  veteran 
troops  under  the  most  rigid  and  exact  discipline,  to 
raise  in  the  soldiery  a  disposition  to  licentiousness,  to 
plunder  and  robbery,  difficult  to  suppress  afterwards, 
and  which  has  proved  not  only  ruinous  to  the  inhab 
itants,  but,  in  many  instances,  to  armies  themselves.  I 
regret  the  occasion  that  compelled  us  to  the  measure 
the  other  day ;  and  shall  consider  it  among  the  greatest 
of  our  misfortunes,  if  we  should  be  under  the  necessity 
of  practising  it  again." 

These  sentiments  were  not  more  the  dictates  of  pol 
icy,  than  of  wisdom  and  humanity.  He  adhered  to 
them  through  the  war,  and  in  no  case  resorted  to  coer 
cive  measures  for  procuring  supplies,  till  every  other 
method  had  proved  unavailing.  And,  in  the  deference 
he  paid  to  the  rights  of  property,  he  was  equally  scrupu 
lous,  whether  it  belonged  to  persons  suspected  of  disaf 
fection,  or  to  avowed  and  active  friends.  While  the  for 
mer  committed  no  positive  acts  of  hostility,  but  remained 
quietly  at  their  homes,  he  considered  them  amenable  to 
the  civil  authorities  alone  for  their  opinions  and  conduct, 
and  not  within  the  pale  of  military  coercion. 


264 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 


The  officers  differed  widely  in  regard  to  the  best 
mode  of  disposing  of  the  army  for  the  winter.  Some 
advised  that  it  should  be  quartered  at  Wilmington; 
others  recommended  the  valley  of  Tredyfin,  a  few 
miles  west  of  the  Schuylkill,  as  the  place  of  canton 
ment  ;  while  others  preferred  a  line  of  detached  posts 
extending  from  Lancaster  to  Reading.  The  matter  was 
largely  discussed  in  a  council  of  war,  and  elaborate 
arguments  in  writing  were  given  for  each  of  these 
dispositions. 

The  opinions  of  the  officers  were  so  various  and  con 
tradictory,  that  the  Commander  was  finally  obliged  to 
act  according  to  his  own  judgment,  and  on  his  own 
responsibility.  He  decided  to  establish  a  fortified  en 
campment  at  Valley  Forge,  about  twenty  miles  from 
Philadelphia.  The  ground  was  covered  with  woods, 
and  bounded  on  one  side  by  the  Schuylkill,  and  on  the 
others  by  ridges  of  hills.  He  examined  the  site  in 
person,  and  designated  the  particular  parts  in  which 
each  regiment  was  to  be  quartered.  The  army  marched 
to  this  place,  and,  on  the  18th  of  December,  orders 
were  issued  for  building  huts.  Trees  were  felled  for 
this  purpose,  and  the  huts  were  constructed  with  logs, 
the  dimensions  of  each  being  sixteen  feet  by  fourteen. 
One  hut  was  assigned  to  twelve  privates,  and  one  to 
a  smaller  number  of  officers  according  to  their  rank. 
A  general  officer  was  the  sole  tenant  of  a  hut.  These 
structures  were  arranged  in  parallel  lines  where  the 
shape  of  the  ground  would  admit,  and,  when  the  en 
campment  was  completed,  it  had  the  appearance  of  a 
town  with  streets  and  avenues.  Troops  from  the  same 
State  inhabited  the  same  street  or  quarter.  The  whole 
encampment  was  surrounded  on  the  land  side  by  in- 
trenchments ;  and  a  bridge  was  thrown  across  the  river 
to  open  a  communication  with  the  country  in  that 


jET.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  265 

direction.  Here  the  army  remained  till  the  following 
June.  A  detachment  was  also  stationed  at  Wilmington, 
to  protect  the  State  of  Delaware  .from  the  incursions 
of  the  enemy's  foraging  parties. 

The  command  of  the  American  armies,  and  the  re 
sponsibilities  attending  that  high  office,  were  not  the 
only  causes  of  vexation,  which  at  this  time  harassed 
the  mind  of  Washington.  Attempts  were  made  by  his 
public  adversaries,  and  by  secret  foes  wearing  the  mask 
of  friendship,  to  destroy  his  influence  and  ruin  his 
character. 

A  pamphlet  was  published  in  London,  containing  a 
series  of  letters,  purporting  to  have  been  written  by  him 
in  the  summer  of  1776,  and  with  his  signature  attached 
to  them.  It  was  stated  in  the  preface,  that,  when  Fort 
Lee  was  evacuated,  General  Washington's  servant  was 
left  behind  indisposed ;  that  in  his  possession  was  a 
small  portmanteau  belonging  to  the  General,  in  which, 
among  other  things  of  trifling  value,  were  the  drafts  of 
several  private  letters  to  Mrs.  Washington,  Mr.  Lund 
Washington,  and  Mr.  Custis ;  and  that  these  had  been 
transmitted  to  England  by  an  officer  into  whose  hands 
they  had  fallen.  This  fiction  was  contrived  to  deceive 
the  public  into  a  belief  of  the  genuineness  of  the  letters, 
although  in  reality  not  one  of  General  Washington's 
servants,  nor  a  single  article  of  his  baggage,  was  taken 
by  the  enemy  in  the  whole  course  of  the  war.  But 
the  tenor  of  the  letters  was  the  most  insidious  part  of 
the  fabrication.  Washington  is  represented  as  express 
ing  sentiments  totally  at  variance  with  his  conduct,  and 
as  deprecating  the  misguided  zeal  and  rashness  of  Con 
gress  in  declaring  independence,  and  pushing  the  op 
position  to  Great  Britain  to  so  perilous  an  extremity. 
The  letters  were  reprinted  in  New  York,  and  indus 
triously  circulated  in  various  forms  through  the  agency 

VOL.  i.  34  w 


266 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1777. 


of  disaffected  persons.  The  disguise  was  too  flimsy  to 
cover  so  nefarious  a  purpose.  Whatever  credit  they 
may  have  gained  in  England,  they  could  have  no  influ 
ence  on  his  countrymen,  who  understood  his  character. 

The  author  of  these  spurious  epistles  was  never 
publicly  known.  They  were  written  with  considerable 
art,  and  by  a  person  acquainted  with  many  particulars 
of  General  Washington's  family  concerns.  It  is  proba 
ble,  also,  that  parts  of  intercepted  letters  actually  written 
by  him  were  interwoven.  He  never  thought  the  sub 
ject  worthy  of  his  notice,  till  near  the  end  of  his  presi 
dency,  when  a  new  edition  of  these  same  forgeries  was 
palmed  upon  the  public  to  gratify  the  spleen  of  a  ma 
lignant  party  spirit,  and  to  effect  a  purpose  even  more 
infamous  than  the  one  contemplated  by  their  original 
author.  He  then  declared  them,  in  a  letter  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  to  be  spurious  and  false. 

Whilst  the  enemies  of  his  country  were  thus  em 
ployed  in  scattering  the  seeds  of  detraction  and  false 
hood,  the  agents  of  faction  were  secretly  at  work,  both  in 
the  army  and  in  Congress,  to  disparage  and  undermine 
his  reputation.  This  conspiracy  has  been  called  Con- 
waifs  Cabal,  from  the  name  of  the  individual  who  acted 
the  most  conspicuous  part.  The  other  prominent  lead 
ers  were  General  Gates  and  General  Mifflin.  The 
causes  and  origin  of  the  disaffection  of  these  officers 
to  the  Commander-in-chief  have  not  been  explained. 
When  they  joined  the  service,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
war,  they  professed  to  be  his  friends,  and  probably  were 
such.  It  was  mainly  at  his  instance,  that  General  Gates 
received  his  first  appointment.  Being  an  Englishman 
by  birth,  some  of  the  members  of  Congress  had  scruples 
on  the  subject,  thinking  their  cause  would  be  safest  in 
the  charge  of  native  Americans,  both  on  account  of 
their  influence  over  the  people,  and  of  the  ardor  and 


^T.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  267 

sincerity  of  their  patriotism.  These  scruples  were 
waved,  however,  in  favor  of  Gates  and  Charles  Lee, 
and  in  each  case  at  the  solicitation  of  Washington,  who 
had  confidence  in  their  attachment  to  American  liberty, 
and  believed  important  aid  might  be  derived  from  their 
military  skill  and  experience. 

The  first  symptoms  of  discontent  are  supposed  to 
have  been  manifested  at  Cambridge.  Gates  was  ad 
jutant-general  of  the  army,  with  the  rank  of  brigadier. 
Mifflin  went  there  as  aid-de-camp  to  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  by  whom,  under  the  authority  of  Congress,  he 
was  appointed  quartermaster-general,  with  the  rank  of 
colonel.  After  the  organization  of  the  first  Continental 
army,  Gates  applied  for  the  command  of  a  brigade,  and 
Mifflin  of  a  regiment.  These  requests  were  declined 
by  Washington,  on  the  ground,  in  the  first  place,  that 
the  duties  of  their  offices  required  their  whole  attention, 
and,  in  the  next,  that  such  an  indulgence  would  interfere 
with  the  just  claims  of  other  officers.  This  refusal  is 
thought  to  have  given  an  offence,  that  was  not  forgotten. 
It  is  certain,  that,  after  the  army  marched  from  Cam 
bridge,  General  Gates  made  interest  with  Congress  to 
be  employed  at  a  distance  from  Washington's  immediate 
command,  and  continued  to  do  so ;  and  the  correspon 
dence  with  him  on  the  part  of  Gates,  made  necessary 
by  his  official  relation  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  so  far 
from  being  cordial  and  friendly,  was  marked  with  "  an 
air  of  design,  a  want  of  candor  in  many  instances,  and 
even  of  politeness."  These  are  the  words  of  Wash 
ington,  contained  in  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress 
three  years  after  the  army  left  Cambridge,  and  they  are 
verified  by  the  correspondence  since  published. 

Conway,  by  birth  an  Irishman,  had  been  in  the 
French  service  from  his  youth,  and  founded  his  claim 
to  consideration  on  the  circumstance  of  his  being  an 


268 


LIFE   OP    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 


officer  of  thirty  years'  experience.  He  joined  the  army 
at  Morristown,  having  the  rank  of  brigadier,  by  the 
appointment  of  Congress.  Of  all  the  men  in  the 
world  he  was  the  last  to  conciliate  the  favor  of  Wash 
ington.  Boastful,  presumptuous,  and  intriguing,  bent 
on  pushing  his  fortune,  and  looking  only  to  personal 
aggrandizement,  he  was  unprincipled  in  regard  to  the 
means  and  reckless  of  consequences.  Abundant  proofs 
of  these  traits  of  character  and  of  sinister  aims  were  ex 
hibited  during  the  campaign ;  and,  when  it  was  rumored 
that  Conway  was  to  be  promoted,  Washington  wrote 
to  a  member  of  Congress  a  letter  of  strong  remon 
strance  against  it,  assigning  his  reasons  without  reserve. 
The  success  of  the  northern  army,  in  the  capture  of 
Burgoyne,  was  the  signal  for  the  malecontents  to  assume 
a  bolder  attitude  in  prosecuting  their  machinations. 
Anonymous  letters  were  sent  to  the  President  of  Con 
gress  and  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  filled  with  insin 
uations,  complaints,  and  exaggerated  statements,  and 
ascribing  all  the  misfortunes  of  the  campaign  to  the  in 
capacity,  or  ill-timed  Fabian  policy,  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief.  It  was  affirmed,  with  as  much  effrontery  as 
falsehood,  that  his  force  had  been  three  or  four  times 
as  large  as  that  opposed  to  him  ;  and  no  pains  were 
spared  to  make  it  appear,  that  all  his  plans  and  opera 
tions  evinced  a  want  of  military  knowledge,  judgment, 
and  decision. 

These  artifices,  though  practised  in  secret  for  a  time, 
were  well  known  to  Washington.  His  scrutinizing  ob 
servation  easily  penetrated  the  designs  of  those,  who 
acted  under  the  cloak  of  a  pretended  attachment;  and 
his  real  friends,  moved  not  less  by  a  sense  of  duty  to 
their  country,  than  of  justice  to  him,  took  care  to  put 
him  on  his  guard,  and  to  acquaint  him  with  the  intrigues 
of  the  cabal,  as  far  as  they  could  be  ascertained  from 


JET.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  269 

overt  acts,  or  inferred  from  less  obvious  indications. 
The  affair  was  at  length  brought  to  his  notice  in  a  defi 
nite  shape.  When  Colonel  Wilkinson,  one  of  Gates's 
aids-de-camp,  was  on  his  way  from  Saratoga  to  Con 
gress,  as  bearer  of  despatches  announcing  the  capitu 
lation  of  Burgoyne,  he  stopped  at  the  quarters  of  Lord 
Stirling,  who  was  then  at  Reading.  In  a  free  conver 
sation  while  there,  Wilkinson  repeated  part  of  a  let 
ter,  which  Gates  had  received  from  Conway,  contain 
ing  strictures  on  the  management  of  the  army  under 
Washington,  accompanied  with  disparaging  reflections. 
Prompted  by  patriotism  and  friendship,  Lord  Stirling 
communicated  to  him  an  extract  from  the  letter  as 
repeated  by  Wilkinson.  A  correspondence  on  the  sub 
ject  followed  between  Washington,  Gates,  and  Conway. 
The  genuineness  of  the  extract  was  denied,  but  the 
letter  itself  was  never  produced.  Two  or  three  persons 
afterwards  saw  it  in  confidence,  among  whom  was  Mr. 
Laurens,  President  of  Congress ;  and,  although  the 
words  proved  not  to  be  exactly  the  same,  yet  the  tenor 
and  spirit  of  the  letter  were  accurately  reported.  The 
transaction,  and  the  incidents  springing  from  it,  could 
not  long  be  concealed  from  the  officers  of  the  army. 
Rumors  respecting  them  went  abroad,  and  the  public 
sentiment  was  expressed  in  a  tone  so  unequivocal  and 
decided,  as  to  discourage  the  instigators;  and  their 
schemes  were  abandoned,  before  they  had  produced 
any  of  the  fatal  mischiefs,  which  must  inevitably  have 
followed,  if  their  ambitious  hopes  had  been  realized. 

There  is  no  reason  to  suppose,  that  any  of  the 
officers  were  directly  implicated  in  the  cabal,  except 
Gates,  Mifflin,  and  Conway.  That  a  considerable  party 
in  Congress  favored  the  projects  of  these  men  is  evi 
dent  from  the  proceedings  of  that  body  for  several 
months.  After  the  capitulation  at  Saratoga,  Gates  for- 

w* 


270  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

warded  the  official  account  of  the  event  to  Congress, 
without  communicating  the  intelligence  in  any  shape  to 
the  Commander-in-chief,  which  his  duty  as  an  officer 
and  the  common  rules  of  courtesy  required  him  to  do ; 
and  Congress  never  intimated  their  dissatisfaction  with 
this  breach  of  decorum  and  marked  disrespect  to  the 
commander  of  their  armies,  whose  authority  they  were 
bound  to  support.  Nearly  at  the  same  time  Congress 
instituted  a  new  Board  of  War,  to  which  were  granted 
large  powers,  and  of  which  Gates  and  Mifflin  were 
appointed  members,  Gates  being  placed  at  its  head. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  this  board  was  a  projected 
expedition  to  Canada,  planned  by  Gates,  and  approved 
by  Congress,  without  consulting  Washington  in  the 
least  of  its  particulars.  The  first  intimation  he  had  of 
it  was  in  a  letter  from  the  Board  of  War,  enclosing 
another  to  Lafayette,  informing  him  of  his  being  ap 
pointed  to  the  command  of  the  expedition.  It  was  the 
design  of  this  stroke  of  policy  to  bring  over  Lafayette 
to  the  interests  of  the  faction.  They  had  little  knowl 
edge  of  his  character.  He  was  not  to  be  deceived  nor 
cajoled.  He  carried  the  letter  to  Washington,  told  him 
that  he  saw  through  the  artifice,  and  should  decline. 
Washington  replied,  that  he  knew  not  the  object  of  the 
expedition,  nor  how  it  was  to  be  carried  into  effect,  but 
the  appointment  was  an  honorable  one,  which  would 
place  him  in  a  conspicuous  station,  where  he  would  in 
any  event  acquit  himself  with  credit ;  for,  if  the  enter 
prise  should  fail,  he  was  persuaded  his  conduct  would 
be  such  as  to  save  him  from  faults  and  screen  him  from 
censure,  and  the  responsibility  would  rest  with  its  pro 
jectors.  Yielding  to  this  advice,  he  acceded  to  the  pro 
posal,  went  to  Albany,  where  he  had  been  promised  that 
troops  and  every  thing  necessary  should  be  provided, 
and,  after  waiting  there  three  months,  his  patience  being 


,ET.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  271 

exhausted  and  all  his  hopes  defeated,  as  the  Board  of 
War  did  nothing  to  fulfil  their  promise  or  promote 
the  expedition,  he  returned  to  the  camp  at  Valley 
Forge.* 

And  it  might  here  be  recorded  to  the  honor  of  La 
fayette,  if  indeed  his  whole  career  in  America  was  not 
a  noble  monument  to  his  honor,  his  generosity,  and 
unwavering  fidelity  to  every  trust  reposed  in  him,  that 
from  the  very  first  he  resisted  every  attempt  that  was 
made  by  the  flatteries  of  Conway,  and  the  artifices  of 
others,  to  bring  him  into  the  league.  In  the  earliest 
stage  of  the  cabal,  before  it  had  been  whispered  to  the 
public,  he  wrote  to  Washington,  stating  his  opinion  of 
Conway,  and  his  fears  for  the  unhappy  consequences 
that  might  flow  from  his  conduct.  "  I  need  not  tell 
you,"  said  he,  "how  sorry  I  am  at  what  has  hap 
pened  ;  it  is  a  necessary  result  of  my  tender  and  re 
spectful  friendship  for  you,  which  is  as  true  and  candid 
as  the  other  sentiments  of  my  heart,  and  much  stronger 
than  so  new  an  acquaintance  might  seem  to  admit. 
But  another  reason  for  my  concern  is  my  ardent  and 

*  Before  Lafayette  commenced  his  journey  to  Albany,  he  rode  to  York- 
town,  for  the  purpose  of  making  arrangements  with  the  Board  of  War. 
As  soon  as  he  arrived,  he  called  on  General  Gates,  whom  he  found  sur 
rounded  by  his  friends  seated  at  a  dinner-table.  They  greeted  him  with 
much  cordiality.  He  joined  them  at  the  table,  the  wine  passed  round, 
and  several  toasts  were  given.  Determined  not  to  act  under  disguise, 
and  to  take  the  first  opportunity  of  letting  his  sentiments  be  known,  he 
called  to  them,  just  as  they  were  about  to  rise,  and  observed  that  one 
toast  had  been  omitted,  which  he  would  propose.  The  glasses  were  filled, 
and  he  gave  as  a  toast,  "The  Commander-in-chief  of  the  American 
armies."  It  is  needless  to  say,  that  it  was  coldly  received ;  and  it  is 
possible,  that  this  early  and  bold  avowal  of  his  predilections  had  some 
influence  in  damping  the  ardor,  with  which  the  leaders  of  the  faction  had 
planned  this  abortive  Canada  expedition.  Conway  was  appointed  second 
in  command ;  but  Lafayette  insisted  that  the  Baron  de  Kalb,  in  whom 
he  had  confidence,  should  be  one  of  the  officers,  which  was  granted,  but 
not  without  evident  reluctance.  Baron  de  Kalb,  being  higher  in  rank 
than  Conway,  was  thus  the  second  in  command,  and  Conway  the  third. 


272 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 


perhaps  enthusiastic  wish  for  the  happiness  and  liberty 
of  this  country.  I  see  plainly  that  America  can  defend 
herself,  if  proper  measures  are  taken;  but  I  begin  to 
fear  that  she  may  be  lost  by  herself  and  her  own  sons." 
And  again  in  conclusion  he  added ;  "  My  desire  of  de 
serving  your  approbation  is  strong ;  and,  whenever  you 
shall  employ  me,  you  can  be  certain  of  my  trying  every 
exertion  in  my  power  to  succeed.  I  am  now  bound  to 
your  fate,  and  I  shall  follow  it  and  sustain  it,  as  well 
by  my  sword  as  by  all  the  means  in  my  power."  To 
this  pledge  he  was  ever  true.* 

Standing  firm  in  his  integrity,  Washington  took  no 
pains  to  counteract  these  machinations  of  his  enemies, 
and,  whatever  may  have  been  his  regret  and  indigna 
tion  at  such  evidences  of  ingratitude  and  perfidy,  he 
did  not  allow  them  to  disturb  his  equanimity,  or  to  turn 
him  in  the  least  degree  from  his  lofty  purpose  of  serving 
his  country  in  the  sphere  allotted  to  him  with  the  dis 
interestedness,  diligence,  and  ardor,  that  characterized 
his  public  life  in  every  vicissitude  of  events.  In  a  letter 

*  The  following  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Lafayette  to  Baron 
Steuben,  while  the  faction  was  at  its  height,  affords  an  additional  proof  of 
his  warm  and  generous  friendship  for  Washington.  It  was  dated  at 
Albany,  on  the  12th  of  March,  1778.  Baron  Steuben  had  recently  ar 
rived  in  the  country. 

"Permit  me,"  said  Lafayette,  «to   express   my  satisfaction   at   your 

having  seen  General  Washington.     No  enemies  to  that  great  man  can 

)imd,  except  among  the  enemies  to  his  country ;  nor  is  it  possible 

for  any  man  of  a  noble  spirit  to  refrain  from  loving  the  excellent  qualities 

f  his  heart.    I  think  I  know  him  as  well  as  any  person,  and  such  is  the 

which  I  have  formed  of  him.     His  honesty,  his  frankness,  his  sen- 

ity,  Ins  virtue,  to  the  full  extent  in  which  this  word  can  be  understood, 

e  all  praise.    It  is  not  for  me  to  judge  of  his  military  talents; 

>ut,  ac     rdmg  to  my  imperfect  knowledge  of  these  matters,  his  advice  in 

always  appeared  to  me  the  best,  although  his  modesty  pre- 

ictimes  from  sustaining  it;  and  his  predictions  have  gen- 

Mly  been  fulfilled.    I  am  the  more  happy  in  giving  you  this  opinion  of 

lend,  with  all  the  sincerity  which  I  feel,  because  some  persons  may 

perhaps  attempt  to  deceive  you  on  this  point." 


jET.45.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  273 

to  President  Laurens,  who  had  enclosed  to  him  an 
anonymous  communication  of  a  very  insidious  tendency, 
which  he  had  received,  and  which  the  writer  designed 
for  Congress,  Washington  wrote  as  follows. 

"  I  cannot  sufficiently  express  the  obligation  I  feel  to 
you,  for  your  friendship  and  politeness  upon  an  occasion 
in  which  I  am  so  deeply  interested.  I  was  not  unap- 
prized,  that  a  malignant  faction  had  been  for  some  time 
forming  to  my  prejudice ;  which,  conscious  as  I  am  of 
having  ever  done  all  in  my  power  to  answer  the  impor 
tant  purposes  of  the  trust  reposed  in  me,  could  not  but 
give  me  some  pain  on  a  personal  account.  But  my 
chief  concern  arises  from  an  apprehension  of  the  dan 
gerous  consequences,  which  intestine  dissensions  may 
produce  to  the  common  cause. 

"  As  I  have  no  other  view  than  to  promote  the  public 
good,  and  am  unambitious  of  honors  not  founded  in 
the  approbation  of  my  country,  I  would  not  desire  in 
the  least  degree  to  suppress  a  free  spirit  of  inquiry  into 
any  part  of  my  conduct,  that  even  faction  itself  may 
deem  reprehensible.  The  anonymous  paper  handed  to 
you  exhibits  many  serious  charges,  and  it  is  my  wish 
that  it  should  be  submitted  to  Congress.  This  I  am 
the  more  inclined  to,  as  the  suppression  or  concealment 
may  possibly  involve  you  in  embarrassments  hereafter, 
since  it  is  uncertain  how  many  or  who  may  be  privy 
to  the  contents. 

"My  enemies  take  an  ungenerous  advantage  of  me. 
They  know  the  delicacy  of  my  situation,  and  that  mo 
tives  of  policy  deprive  me  of  the  defence  I  might  other 
wise  make  against  their  insidious  attacks.  They  know 
I  cannot  combat  their  insinuations,  however  injurious, 
without  disclosing  secrets,  which  it  is  of  the  utmost 
moment  to  conceal.  But  why  should  I  expect  to  be 
exempt  from  censure,  the  unfailing  lot  of  an  elevated 

VOL.  i.  35 


274  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

station?  Merit  and  talents,  with  which  I  can  have  no 
pretensions  of  rivalship,  have  ever  been  subject  to  it. 
My  heart  tells  me,  that  it  has  been  my  unremitted  aim 
to  do  the  best  that  circumstances  would  permit ;  yet  I 
may  have  been  very  often  mistaken  in  my  judgment 
of  the  means,  and  may  in  many  instances  deserve  the 
imputation  of  error." 

To  what  extent  the  members  of  Congress  were  con 
cerned  in  this  affair,  i'  would  be  difficult  now  to  decide. 
Names  have  been  mentioned,  but  without  such  a  clear 
statement  of  facts  as  to  fix  a  direct  charge  upon  any 
individual.  The  proceedings  of  Congress  show,  that 
the  faction  had  supporters  in  that  body ;  but  who  they 
were,  or  what  precise  objects  they  had  in  view,  cannot 
now  be  ascertained  from  the  testimony  hitherto  made 
public.  The  first  aim  of  the  cabal  was,  no  doubt,  to 
disgust  Washington  and  cause  him  to  resign.  It  is 
probable,  that  Gates's  immediate  coadjutors  in  the  army 
looked  to  him  as  the  successor,  and  that  Gates  flattered 
himself  with  this  illusive  dream.  The  dissatisfied  mem 
bers  of  Congress,  it  is  more  likely,  had  their  eyes  upon 
Charles  Lee,  who  was  soon  to  be  exchanged. 

Conway  was  the  victim  of  his  ambition  and  intrigues. 
Being  wounded  by  an  American  officer  in  a  duel,  he 
wrote  to  General  Washington  while  he  thought  himself 
near  his  end,  expressing  sorrow  for  his  past  conduct. 
"My  career  will  soon  be  over,"  said  he;  "therefore 
justice  and  truth  prompt  me  to  declare  my  last  senti 
ments.  You  are  in  my  eyes  the  great  and  good  man. 
May  you  long  enjoy  the  love,  veneration,  and  esteem 
of  these  States,  whose  liberties  you  have  asserted  by 
your  virtues."  This  confession,  dictated  at  a  solemn 

>ment  by  a  corroding  conscience,  although  it  may  be 
deemed  an  apology  for  personal  injuries,  cannot  atone 
for  the  guilt  of  having  endeavoured,  in  a  time  of  public 


jET.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  275 

danger  and  distress,  to  kindle  the  flame  of  discord  in 
a  country,  whose  liberties  he  had  offered  to  vindicate, 
and  whose  cause  he  was  pretending  to  serve.  He 
unexpectedly  recovered  of  his  wound,  and  returned  to 
France,  leaving  a  name  which  few  will  envy,  and  an 
example  which  no  one  will  be  ambitious  to  imitate, 
who  reflects  how  soon  a  crime  may  be  followed  by  a 
just  retribution. 


276  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  [1778. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Sufferings  of  the  Army  at  Valley  Forge.  — New  Arrangements  con 
certed  with  a  Committee  of  Congress.— Half-pay  granted  to  the  Offi 
cers  for  a  term  of  years.  —  Proceedings  in  regard  to  Lord  North's  con 
ciliatory  Bills.  —  Arrival  of  the  French  Treaties  of  Alliance  and  Com 
merce. —  Comparative  Strength  of  the  British  and  American  Armies. — 
Discussions  respecting  an  Attack  on  Philadelphia.  —  Plans  of  the  Ene 
my.  —  Evacuation  of  Philadelphia.  —  The  Army  crosses  the  Delaware. 
—  Battle  of  Monmouth. —  Arrest  and  Trial  of  General  Lee. —  Arrival 
of  the  French  Fleet  under  Count  d'Estaing.  —  Plans  for  combined 
Operations  between  the  Fleet  and  the  American  Army.  —  Failure  of 
an  Attempt  against  the  Enemy  at  Rhode  Island. — Cantonments  of  the 
Army  for  the  Winter.  —  Exchange  of  Prisoners.  —  Congress.  —  Project 
of  an  Expedition  to  Canada. 

THE  winter  at  Valley  Forge  is  memorable  in  the 
history  of  the  war.  Owing  to  changes  in  the  quarter 
master's  and  commissary's  departments,  according  to  a 
scheme  planned  by  Congress  contrary  to  the  judgment 
of  Washington,  the  army  had  been  wretchedly  sup 
plied,  and  at  no  time  were  the  sufferings  of  the  troops 
so  great,  as  they  were  for  a  few  weeks  after  they  went 
into  winter-quarters.  Hardly  were  the  huts  begun, 
when  information  was  received,  that  a  party  of  the 
enemy  had  left  Philadelphia,  with  the  apparent  design 
of  foraging  and  drawing  subsistence  from  the  country. 
Several  regiments  were  ordered  to  be  in  readiness  to 
march,  when  it  was  discovered  that  they  had  no  pro 
visions,  and  that  a  dangerous  mutiny  was  on  the  point 
of  breaking  out.  The  only  remedy  was  to  send  parties 
abroad  to  collect,  wherever  they  could  find  it,  as  much 
provision  as  would  satisfy  the  pressing  wants  of  the 
soldiers. 

The  same  wants  recurred  at  different  times  through 
the  winter.  On  one  occasion  General  Washington 


4JT.45.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  277 

wrote ;  "  For  some  days  there  has  been  little  less  than 
a  famine  in  camp.  A  part  of  the  army  have  been  a 
week  without  any  kind  of  flesh,  and  the  rest  three  or 
four  days.  Naked  and  starving  as  they  are,  we  cannot 
enough  admire  the  incomparable  patience  and  fidelity 
of  the  soldiery,  that  they  have  not  been  ere  this  excited 
by  their  sufferings  to  a  general  mutiny  and  dispersion. 
Strong  symptoms,  however,  of  discontent  have  appeared 
in  particular  instances ;  and  nothing  but  the  most  active 
efforts  everywhere  can  long  avert  so  shocking  a  catas 
trophe."  Such  was  the  scarcity  of  blankets,  that  many 
of  the  men  were  obliged  to  sit  up  all  night  by  the 
fires,  without  covering  to  protect  them  while  taking 
the  common  refreshment  of  sleep;  and  in  numerous 
instances  they  were  so  scantily  clad,  that  they  could 
not  leave  their  huts.  Although  the  officers  were  better 
provided,  yet  none  was  exempt  from  exposures,  priva 
tions,  and  hardships.* 

Notwithstanding  this  deplorable  condition  of  the  army, 
there  were  not  wanting  those,  who  complained  of  its 
inactivity,  and  insisted  on  a  winter  campaign.  When 
the  encampment  was  begun  at  Valley  Forge,  the  whole 
number  of  men  in  the  field  was  eleven  thousand  and 
ninety-eight,  of  whom  two  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  ninety-eight  were  unfit  for  duty,  "being  barefoot 
and  otherwise  naked."  In  making  this  statement  to 
Congress,  and  alluding  to  a  memorial  of  the  legislature 
of  Pennsylvania,  Washington  said;  "We  find  gentle 
men,  without  knowing  whether  the  army  was  really  go 
ing  into  winter-quarters  or  not,  reprobating  the  measure 

*  Mrs.  Washington  joined  her  husband  at  Valley  Forge  in  February, 
Writing  a  month  afterwards  to  Mrs.  Mercy  Warren,  the  historian  of 
the  revolution,  she  said ;  "  The  General's  apartment  is  very  small ;  he 
has  had  a  log  cabin  built  to  dine  in,  which  has  made  our  quarters  much 
more  tolerable  than  they  were  at  first." 

VOL.  I.  X 


278  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

as  much  as  if  they  thought  the  soldiers  were  made  of 
stocks  or  stones,  and  equally  insensible  of  frost  and 
snow ;  and  moreover,  as  if  they  conceived  it  easily  prac 
ticable  for  an  inferior  army,  under  the  disadvantages  I 
have  described  ours  to  be,  which  are  by  no  means 
exaggerated,  to  confine  a  superior  one,  in  all  respects 
well-appointed  and  provided  for  a  winter's  campaign, 
within  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  to  cover  from  dep 
redation  and  waste  the  States  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Jersey.  But  what  makes  this  matter  still  more  extra 
ordinary  in  my  eye  is,  that  these  very  gentlemen, — 
who  were  well  apprized  of  the  nakedness  of  the  troops 
from  ocular  demonstration,  who  thought  their  own  sol 
diers  worse  clad  than  others,  and  who  advised  me  near 
a  month  ago  to  postpone  the  execution  of  a  plan  I  was 
about  to  adopt,  in  consequence  of  a  resolve  of  Congress, 
for  seizing  clothes,  under  strong  assurances  that  an 
ample  supply  would  be  collected  in  ten  days  agreeably 
to  a  decree  of  the  State  (not  one  article  of  which,  by 
the  by,  is  yet  come  to  hand),  —  should  think  a  winter's 
campaign,  and  the  covering  of  these  States  from  the 
invasion  of  an  enemy,  so  easy  and  practicable  a  busi 
ness.  I  can  assure  those  gentlemen,  that  it  is  a  much 
easier  and  less  distressing  thing  to  draw  remonstrances 
in  a  comfortable  room  by  a  good  fireside,  than  to  oc 
cupy  a  cold,  bleak  hill,  and  sleep  under  frost  and  snow, 
without  clothes  or  blankets.  However,  although  they 
seem  to  have  little  feeling  for  the  naked  and  distressed 
soldiers,  I  feel  superabundantly  for  them,  and,  from  my 
soul,  I  pity  those  miseries,  which  it  is  neither  in  my 
power  to  relieve  nor  prevent." 

After  the  immediate  wants  of  the  army  in  camp  were 
provided  for,  he  next  employed  his  thoughts  in  devis 
ing  a  new  and  improved  system  for  the  future.  The 
experience  of  three  campaigns  had  proved  the  necessity 


Mi.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  279 

of  radical  and  extensive  changes  in  the  plans  hitherto 
pursued,  both  in  regard  to  the  organization  and  disci 
pline  of  the  army,  and  to  the  methods  of  obtaining 
supplies.  He  deemed  the  subject  to  be  of  the  utmost 
importance,  and  one  upon  the  due  adjustment  of  which 
would  depend  not  only  the  efficiency,  but  even  the  ex 
istence,  of  a  Continental  military  force.  That  he  might 
act  upon  the  soundest  principles,  and  with  all  the  aids 
that  could  be  collected  from  the  knowledge  and  re 
flections  of  others,  he  requested  the  general  officers 
to  state  their  sentiments  in  writing.  The  result  was  a 
series  of  elaborate  essays,  containing  such  facts,  dis 
cussions,  and  opinions,  as  the  judgment  and  military 
skill  of  the  writers  enabled  them  to  present. 

Moved  by  the  earnest  solicitations  of  Washington, 
Congress  at  the  same  time  took  the  subject  into  con 
sideration.  Their  debates  finally  terminated  in  the  ap 
pointment  of  a  ^committee  of  five  members  of  their 
body,  who  were  instructed  to  repair  to  the  camp  at 
Valley  Forge,  and  invested  with  ample  powers  to  confer 
with  the  Commander,  and  digest  in  concert  with  him 
such  a  system  as  would  correct  existing  abuses,  lead  to 
salutary  reforms,  and  put  the  army  on  the  footing  he 
desired.  When  the  committee  arrived  in  camp,  he  laid 
before  them  a  memoir,  drawn  up  with  great  care,  repre 
senting  in  detail  the  defects  of  previous  arrangements, 
and  containing  an  outline  of  a  new  and  improved  sys 
tem.  The  committee  continued  in  camp  three  months, 
and  then  returned  to  Congress  and  presented  a  report, 
which  was  in  the  main  adopted. 

On  one  point,  however,  which  Washington  consid 
ered  not  more  equitable  in  itself,  than  essential  to  the 
continuance  of  an  army,  there  was  great  difference 
of  opinion  among  the  members  of  Congress.  Hitherto 
there  had  been  no  provision  made  for  the  officers  after 


280  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

the  war  should  end,  and  no  other  inducement  offered 
to  them  than  their  common  wages  while  in  actual  ser 
vice.  Numerous  complaints  and  resignations  convinced 
Washington,  that  this  motive,  even  when  strengthened 
by  ambition  and  patriotism,  was  not  enough.  He  pro 
posed  half-pay  for  life,  after  the  close  of  the  war,  or 
some  other  permanent  provision. 

"If  my  opinion  be  asked,"  said  he  in  a  letter  to 
Congress,  "with  respect  to  the  necessity  of  making 
this  provision  for  the  officers,  I  am  ready  to  declare, 
that  I  do  most  religiously  believe  the  salvation  of  the 
cause  depends  upon  it,  and,  without  it,  your  officers  will 
moulder  to  nothing,  or  be  composed  of  low  and  illiterate 
men,  void  of  capacity  for  this  or  any  other  business. 
To  prove  this,  I  can  with  truth  aver,  that  scarce  a  day 
passes  without  the  offer  of  two  or  three  commissions ; 
and  my  advices  from  the  eastward  and  southward  are, 
that  numbers  who  had  gone  home  on  furlough  mean 
not  to  return,  but  are  establishing  themselves  in  more 
lucrative  employments.  Let  Congress  determine  what 
will  be  the  consequence  of  this  spirit. 

"  Personally,  as  an  officer,  I  have  no  interest  in  their 
decision,  because  I  have  declared,  and   I  now  repeat 
it,  that  I  never  will  receive  the  smallest  benefit  from 
the  half-pay  establishment;  but,  as  a  man  who  fights 
under  the  weight  of  a  proscription,  and  as  a  citizen, 
who  wishes  to  see  the  liberty  of  his  country  established 
upon  a  permanent  foundation,  and  whose  property  de 
pends  upon  the  success  of  our  arms,  I  am  deeply  in- 
*ted.    But,  all  this   apart,  and  justice   out  of  the 
quc  tion,  upon  the  single  ground  of  economy  and  public 
saving,  I  will  maintain  the  utility  of  it;  for  I  have  not 
least  doubt,  that,  until  officers  consider  their  com- 
ions  in  an  honorable  and  interested  point  of  view, 
and  are  afraid  to  endanger  them  by  negligence   and 


&T.46.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  281 

inattention,  no  order,  regularity,  or  care,  either  of  the 
men  or  public  property,  will  prevail." 

Finding  that  the  proposition  was  opposed  in  Con 
gress,  upon  principles  which  seemed  to  him  erroneous 
and  impolitic,  he  wrote  to  one  of  the  members  in  terms 
still  more  earnest. 

"The  officers  will  not  be  persuaded,"  he  observed, 
"  to  sacrifice  all  views  of  present  interest,  and  encoun 
ter  the  numerous  vicissitudes  of  war,  in  the  defence 
of  their  country,  unless  she  will  be  generous  enough 
on  her  part  to  make  a  decent  provision  for  their  future 
support.  I  do  not  pronounce  absolutely,  that  we  shall 
have  no  army  if  the  establishment  fails,  but  the  army 
which  we  may  have  will  be  without  discipline,  without 
energy,  incapable  of  acting  with  vigor,  and  destitute 
of  those  cements  necessary  to  promise  success  on  the 
one  hand,  or  to  withstand  the  shocks  of  adversity  on 
the  other.  It  is  indeed  hard  to  say  how  extensive  the 
evil  may  be,  if  the  measure  should  be  rejected,  or 
much  longer  delayed.  I  find  it  a  very  arduous  task 
to  keep  the  officers  in  tolerable  humor,  and  to  protract 
such  a  combination  for  quitting  the  service,  as  might 
possibly  undo  us  for  ever. 

"  The  difference  between  our  service  and  that  of  the 
enemy  is  very  striking.  With  us,  from  the  peculiar, 
unhappy  situation  of  things,  the  officer,  a  few  instances 
excepted,  must  break  in  upon  his  private  fortune  for 
present  support,  without  a  prospect  of  future  relief. 
With  them,  even  companies  are  esteemed  so  honor 
able  and  so  valuable,  that  they  have  sold  of  late  from 
fifteen  to  twenty-two  hundred  pounds  sterling;  and  I 
am  credibly  informed,  that  four  thousand  guineas  have 
been  given  for  a  troop  of  dragoons.  You  will  readily 
determine  how  this  difference  will  operate;  what  ef 
fects  it  must  produce.  Men  may  speculate  as  they 

VOL.  i.  36  x  * 


282  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

will;  they  may  talk  of  patriotism;  they  may  draw  a 
few  examples,  from  ancient  story,  of  great  achieve 
ments  performed  by  its  influence ;  but  whoever  builds 
upon  them,  as  a  sufficient  basis  for  conducting  a  long 
and  bloody  war,  will  find  himself  deceived  in  the  end. 
We  must  take  the  passions  of  men  as  nature  has  given 
them,  and  those  principles  as  a  guide,  which  are  gen 
erally  the  rule  of  action.  I  do  not  mean  to  exclude 
altogether  the  idea  of  patriotism.  I  know  it  exists, 
and  I  know  it  has  done  much  in  the  present  contest. 
But  I  will  venture  to  assert,  that  a  great  and  lasting 
war  can  never  be  supported  on  this  principle  alone. 
It  must  be  aided  by  a  prospect  of  interest,  or  some 
reward.  For  a  time  it  may,  of  itself,  push  men  to  ac 
tion,  to  bear  much,  to  encounter  difficulties ;  but  it  will 
not  endure  unassisted  by  interest." 

These  representations,  so  judicious  and  forcible,  could 
not  fail  to  have  some  influence  even  on  the  minds  of 
those,  who  were  the  most  decided  in  their  hostility  to 
the  measure.  But  they  did  not  produce  entire  convic 
tion,  and  the  subject  met  with  difficulties  and  delays. 
One  party  thought,  or  professed  to  think,  that  Congress 
had  no  power  to  act  in  such  a  matter,  and  proposed  to 
refer  it  to  the  State  legislatures ;  another  was  haunted 
with  the  fear  of  a  standing  army,  a  privileged  class,  and 
a  pension  list;  and  another  could  see  no  difference 
between  the  sacrifices  of  the  officers,  in  defending  their 
country,  and  of  private  citizens,  whose  property  was 
plundered,  ravaged,  and  destroyed  by  the  enemy.  Af 
ter  much  discussion,  the  plan  of  half-pay  for  life  was 
carried,  but  by  so  small  a  majority  that  the  vote  was 
reconsidered,  and  a  compromise  was  effected.  By  the 
ultimate  decision,  the  officers  were  to  receive  half-pay 
the  term  of  seven  years,  and  a  gratuity  of  eighty 
dollars  was  to  be  given  to  each  non-commissioned 


^T.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  283 

officer  and  soldier,  who  should  continue  in  the  service 
to  the  end  of  the  war. 

While  this  subject  was  under  discussion,  Washington 
saw  with  deep  concern  the  jealousy  of  the  army,  which 
was  manifested  in  Congress,  and  its  unhappy  influence 
on  their  deliberations.  In  other  countries  this  prejudice 
exists  against  standing  armies  only  in  times  of  peace, 
and  this  because  the  troops  are  a  distinct  body  from  the 
citizens,  having  few  interests  in  common  with  them,  and 
little  other  means  of  support  than  what  flows  from  their 
military  employment.  But  "it  is  our  policy,"  said  he, 
"  to  be  prejudiced  against  them  in  time  of  war,  though 
they  are  citizens,  having  all  the  ties  and  interests  of 
citizens,  and  in  most  cases  property  totally  unconnected 
with  the  military  line."  So  heavily  did  this  subject 
weigh  upon  his  mind,  that  he  unburdened  himself  freely 
in  a  letter  to  a  member  of  Congress,  and  used  all  his 
endeavours  to  promote  harmony,  union,  and  a  national 
feeling  among  those  on  whom  the  safety  of  the  republic 
depended,  whether  acting  in  a  civil  or  military  capacity. 

"If  we  would  pursue  a  right  system  of  policy,"  he 
observed,  "  in  my  opinion,  there  should  be  none  of  these 
distinctions.  We  should  all,  Congress  and  army,  be 
considered  as  one  people,  embarked  in  one  cause,  in 
one  interest ;  acting  on  the  same  principle,  and  to  the 
same  end.  The  distinction,  the  jealousies  set  up,  or  per 
haps  only  incautiously  let  out,  can  answer  not  a  single 
good  purpose.  They  are  impolitic  in  the  extreme. 
Among  individuals  the  most  certain  way  to  make  a  man 
your  enemy  is  to  tell  him  you  esteem  him  such.  So 
with  public  bodies;  and  the  very  jealousy,  which  the 
narrow  politics  of  some  may  affect  to  entertain  of  the 
army,  in  order  to  a  due  subordination  to  the  supreme 
civil  authority,  is  a  likely  means  to  produce  a  contrary 
effect;  to  incline  it  to  the  pursuit  of  those  measures, 


284 


LIFE   OP   WASHINGTON.  [1778. 


which  they  may  wish  it  to  avoid.  It  is  unjust,  because 
no  order  of  men  in  the  Thirteen  States  has  paid  a 
more  sacred  regard  to  the  proceedings  of  Congress 
than  the  army;  for  without  arrogance  or  the  smallest 
deviation  from  truth  it  may  be  said,  that  no  history  now 
extant  can  furnish  an  instance  of  an  army's  suffering 
such  uncommon  hardships  as  ours  has  done,  and 
bearing  them  with  the  same  patience  and  fortitude. 
To  see  men,  without  clothes  to  cover  their  nakedness, 
without  blankets  to  lie  on,  without  shoes  (for  the  want 
of  which  their  marches  might  be  traced  by  the  blood 
from  their  feet),  and  almost  as  often  without  provisions 
as  with  them,  marching  through  the  frost  and  snow, 
and  at  Christmas  taking  up  their  winter- quarters  with 
in  a  day's  march  of  the  enemy,  without  a  house  or  hut 
to  cover  them  till  they  could  be  built,  and  submitting 
without  a  murmur,  is  a  proof  of  patience  and  obedience, 
which  in  my  opinion  can  scarce  be  paralleled." 

Bound  by  strong  ties  of  attachment  to  the  army,  or* 
the  good  or  ill  fortunes  of  which  his  own  reputation  so 
much  depended,  he  spared  no  efforts  to  redress  its 
grievances,  maintain  its  rights,  and  mitigate  its  suffer 
ings  ;  but  he  was  prompt  and  inflexible-  in  checking  the 
least  disposition  to  encroach  on  the  civil  power,  or  to 
claim  privileges,  however  reasonable  in  themselves,  which 
the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  country  rendered  it 
hazardous  or  inexpedient  to  grant.  Considering  the 
materials  of  the  army,  composed  of  freemen  brought 
together  and  held  together  almost  without  the  aid  of  law 
or  of  authority  in  any  supreme  head,  unaccustomed  to 
a  soldier's  life,  impatient  under  discipline,  and  constantly 
exposed  to  extraordinary  privations  and  distresses,  it 
may  truly  be  said,  that  no  commander  ever  had  a  more 
difficult  task  to  perform  in  discharging  the  duties  of  his 
station ;  and  this  in  addition  to  the  labor  and  responsi- 


JET.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  285 

bility  of  suggesting  to  Congress  the  important  measures, 
which  they  were  to  adopt  in  regard  to  military  affairs, 
the  vexation  of  seeing  his  plans  thwarted  by  prejudice 
and  party  dissensions,  and  the  anxiety  he  never  ceased 
to  feel  on  account  of  the  divided  counsels,  apathy,  an 
tipathies,  and  local  predilections,  which  were  manifested 
both  in  Congress  and  in  the  State  legislatures. 

About  the  middle  of  April  arrived  in  New  York  a 
draft  of  what  were  called  Lord  North's  Conciliatory 
Bills,  containing  a  new  project  by  him  submitted  to 
Parliament  for  settling  the  differences  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States.  This  movement  was 
prompted  by  the  apprehension,  that  France  would  soon 
acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  latter,  and  join 
in  the  war  against  England.  Governor  Tryon,  to  whom 
the  draft  of  the  bills  was  sent,  had  it  immediately  re 
printed  in  New  York,  and  took  measures  -to  disperse 
copies  of  it  as  extensively  as  possible  in  the  country, 
which,  he  said,  was  done  in  obedience  to  "  his  Majesty's 
command."  Copies  were  enclosed  by  him  to  General 
Washington,  with  a  polite  request  that  he  would  aid 
in  circulating  them,  "  that  the  people  at  large  might  be 
acquainted  with  the  favorable  disposition  of  Great  Brit 
ain  towards  the  American  colonies."  Washington  sent 
them  to  Congress. 

As  to  the  tenor  of  the  bills,  it  is  enough  to  say,  that 
the  terms  held  out  were  such  as  would  undoubtedly 
have  been  accepted  in  the  first  stages  of  the  contro 
versy.  Important  changes  had  since  occurred.  The 
Americans  had  declared  themselves  an  independent 
nation.  They  had  shed  their  blood,  expended  their 
means,  and  endured  the  miseries  of  a  three  years'  war, 
in  defence  of  the  rights  they  claimed,  and  the  character 
they  had  assumed.  It  was  no  part  of  the  British  min 
istry's  plan  to  treat  with  the  American  States  as  an 


286 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 


independent  power.  They  were  to  go  back  to  their 
old  condition  as  colonies,  be  favored  with  certain  privi 
leges,  and,  relieved  from  the  burden  of  self-government, 
to  trust  their  liberties  again  to  the  parental  guardian 
ship  of  the  mother  country.  Till  the  remembrance 
of  the  past  should  be  obliterated,  these  proffers  were 
not  likely  to  gain  the  confidence  or  change  the  senti 
ments  of  those,  who  had  taken  the  lead  in  opposition 
after  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  causes,  and  of  the 
grounds  on  which  they  stood,  and  who  had  already 
risked  much  and  labored  hard  to  secure  the  political 
existence  and  prosperity  of  their  country,  by  establish 
ing  them  on  the  firm  basis  of  union  and  freedom. 

Yet  it  was  feared  there  were  some,  who,  weary  of 
the  war,  or  disheartened  at  the  prospect  of  its  continu 
ance,  might  be  soothed  with  the  voice  of  conciliation, 
and  thus  become  cold  supporters  of  the  popular  cause, 
if  not  decided  advocates  for  peace  on  the  terms  pro 
posed.  To  prevent  this  consequence,  as  far  as  the 
weight  of  his  judgment  would  go,  Washington  ex 
pressed  his  own  opinions  in  very  decided  language  to 
a  member  of  Congress  only  two  days  after  he  learned 
the  contents  of  the  conciliatory  bills.  "  Nothing  short 
of  independence,  it  appears  to  me,  can  possibly  do.  A 
peace  on  other  terms  would,  if  I  may  be  allowed  the 
expression,  be  a  peace  of  war.  The  injuries  we  have 
received  from  the  British  nation  were  so  unprovoked, 
and  have  been  so  great  and  so  many,  that  they  can 
never  be  forgotten.  Besides  the  feuds,  the  jealousies, 
the  animosities,  that  would  ever  attend  a  union  with 
them;  besides  the  importance,  the  advantages,  which 
we  should  derive  from  an  unrestricted  commerce ;  our 
fidelity  as  a  people,  our  gratitude,  our  character  as  men, 
are  opposed  to  a  coalition  with  them  as  subjects,  but  in 
case  of  the  last  extremity.  Were  we  easily  to  accede 


jET.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  287 

to  terms  of  dependence,  no  nation,  upon  future  occa 
sions,  let  the  oppressions  of.  Britain  be  ever  so  flagrant 
and  unjust,  would  interpose  for  our  relief;  or,  at  most, 
they  would  do  it  with  a  cautious  reluctance,  and  upon 
conditions  most  probably  that  would  be  hard,  if  not 
dishonorable  to  us."  Fortunately,  the  subject  appeared 
hi  the  same  light  to  Congress.  As  soon  as  the  drafts 
of  Lord  North's  bills  were  received,  they  were  referred 
to  a  committee,  upon  whose  report  a  short  discussion 
ensued;  and  it  was  unanimously  resolved,  that  the 
terms  offered  were  totally  inadequate,  and  that  no  ad 
vances  on  the  part  of  the  British  government  for  a 
peace  would  be  met,  unless,  as  a  preliminary  step,  they 
either  withdrew  their  armies  and  fleets,  or  acknowledged 
unequivocally  the  independence  of  the  United  States. 
At  the  same  time  the  bills  were  published  in  connex 
ion  with  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  and  circulated 
throughout  the  country. 

The  three  commissioners,  Lord  Carlisle,  Governoi 
Johnstone,  and  William  Eden,  sent  over  from  England 
to  negotiate  the  business  of  conciliation,  did  not  arrive 
in  Philadelphia  till  six  weeks  after  the  drafts  of  the 
bills  were  published  by  Governor  Tryon.  Two  ol  the 
commissioners,  Johnstone  and  Eden,  were  the  beaiers 
of  private  letters  of  introduction  to  General  Washington 
from  his  friends  in  England,  and  also  of  many  other 
letters  to  gentlemen  of  high  political  standing.  To  all 
appearance  the  olive  branch  was  fairly  held  out.  The 
secretary  to  the  commission  was  Dr.  Ferguson,  the 
celebrated  professor  of  moral  philosophy  in  Edinburgh. 
On  the  first  landing  of  the  commissioners,  they  de 
spatched  their  letters  to  Washington's  camp,  and  re 
quested  a  passport  for  Dr.  Ferguson  to  go  to  Yorktown, 
where  Congress  was  then  sitting,  and  present  in  person 
the  papers  they  had  brought.  This  matter  being  wholly 


288  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

of  a  civil  nature,  he  did  not  think  himself  authorized 
to  give  such  a  passport,  without  the  direction  of  Con 
gress,  and  he  forwarded  to  them  the  application.  Im 
patient  at  the  delay,  or  fearing  a  positive  refusal  from 
Congress  to  receive  the  papers,  the  commissioners 
immediately  sent  them  through  the  usual  medium  of  a 
flag  to  the  President.  The  reception  they  met  with 
may  be  imagined  from  the  manner  in  which  Lord 
North's  bills  had  been  disposed  of.  The  door  to  any 
kind  of  compromise  on  the  principles  laid  down  in  those 
bills  had  been  effectually  closed,  and  Congress  adhered 
to  their  first  resolution.  The  commissioners  remained 
several  months  in  the  country,  made  various  attempts 
to  gain  their  object,  as  well  by  art  and  address  as  by 
official  intercourse,  and  at  last  went  back  to  England 
baffled  and  disappointed,  if  indeed  they  ever  had  any 
real  hope  of  success,  which  may  be  doubted. 

Meantime  an  important  event  occurred,  which  dif 
fused  universal  joy  in  America.  The  King  of  France 
recognised  the  independence  of  the  United  States  in 
a  formal  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  and  in  a  treaty 
of  defensive  alliance,  both  signed  in  Paris  on  the  6th 
of  February,  by  M.  Gerard  on  the  part  of  France,  and 
by  the  American  commissioners,  Franklin,  Deane,  and 
Lee.  It  was  of  course  expected,  that  this  procedure 
would  bring  on  a  war  between  England  and  France, 
and  the  parties  mutually  agreed  not  to  lay  down  their 
arms  till  the  independence  of  the  United  States  should 
be  assured  by  a  treaty  at  the  termination  of  the  war. 
The  messenger,  who  brought  the  news  of  this  auspi 
cious  event,  and  who  was  likewise  the  bearer  of  the 
treaties,  arrived  in  Yorktown  on  the  2d  of  May,  ten 
days  after  Congress  had  passed  their  resolves  respect 
ing  Lord  North's  bills.  This  last  fact  is  worthy  of 
remark,  as  it  shows  that  the  transactions  in  France, 


jET.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  289 

being  then  unknown,  had  no  influence  in  producing 
those  resolves.  The  treaties  were  immediately  ratified 
by  Congress. 

The  army  participated  in  the  rejoicings  everywhere 
manifested  on  this  occasion.  A  day  was  set  apart  for 
a  public  celebration  in  camp.  It  began  in  the  morning 
with  religious  services,  and  a  discourse  to  each  of  the 
brigades  by  one  of  its  chaplains.  Then  followed  mili 
tary  parades,  marchings,  and  firings  of  cannon  and 
musketry,  according  to  a  plan  announced  in  the  general 
orders.  The  appearance  was  brilliant  and  the  effect 
imposing.  The  whole  ceremony  was  conducted  with 
perfect  regularity,  and  was  closed  with  an  entertain 
ment,  patriotic  toasts,  music,  and  other  demonstrations 
of  joy. 

The  British  kept  possession  of  Philadelphia  through 
the  winter  and  the  spring  following;  and,  although 
Washington's  camp  was  within  twenty  miles  of  the  city, 
yet  no  enterprise  was  undertaken  to  molest  him  in 
his  quarters.  Foraging  parties  went  out  and  commit 
ted  depredations  upon  the  inhabitants ;  but  they  were 
watched  by  the  Americans,  who  sometimes  met  them 
in  fierce  and  bloody  rencounters.  When  it  was  told 
to  Dr.  Franklin  in  Paris,  that  General  Howe  had  taken 
Philadelphia,  he  sagaciously  replied ;  "  Say  rather,  that 
Philadelphia  has  taken  General  Howe."  This  predic 
tion,  if  such  it  may  be  called,  was  verified  in  the  end. 
The  conquest  gained  at  the  expense  of  a  campaign, 
and  with  a  considerable  loss  of  men,  actually  availed 
nothing.  Philadelphia,  fortified  on  the  land  side  and 
guarded  by  a  formidable  fleet  in  the  river,  afforded  to 
the  British  army  a  resting-place  for  eight  months.  This 
was  the  whole  fruit  of  the  bloodshed  and  victory.  New 
York  would  have  afforded  the  same,  without  the  trouble 
of  a  campaign,  and  at  much  less  cost. 

VOL.  i.  37  Y 


290  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [177S. 

The  number  of  troops  for  the  Continental  army,  ac 
cording  to  the  new  establishment  agreed  upon  by  the 
committee  of  Congress  at  Valley  Forge,  was  to  be  about 
forty  thousand,  besides  artillery  and  horse.  When  a 
council  of  war  was  called,  on  the  8th  of  May,  to  consider 
what  measures  should  be  adopted  for  future  operations, 
it  was  found,  that  the  army,  including  the  detachments 
on  the  North  River  and  at  other  places,  did  not  then 
exceed  fifteen  thousand  men,  nor  was  it  supposed 
that  it  could  soon  be  raised  higher  than  twenty  thou 
sand  effective  men.  The  number  at  Valley  Forge  was 
eleven  thousand  eight  hundred.  The  British  army  in 
New  York  and  Philadelphia,  as  since  ascertained  from 
the  adjutant's  returns,  amounted  to  nearly  thirty  thou 
sand,  of  which  number  nineteen  thousand  five  hundred 
were  in  Philadelphia,  and  ten  thousand  four  hundred 
in  New  York.  There  were  besides  three  thousand 
seven  hundred  at  Rhode  Island;  making  the  whole 
British  army  in  the  middle  and  eastern  States  upwards 
of  thirty- three  thousand. 

These  numbers  are  much  larger  than  was  imagined 
by  the  council  of  war.  They  estimated  the  enemy's 
force  in  Philadelphia  at  ten  thousand,  in  New  York  at 
four  thousand,  and  in  Rhode  Island  at  two  thousand, 
besides  cavalry  and  artillery.  Upon  this  basis  the 
question  was  discussed,  whether  it  was  expedient  to 
take  the  field  and  act  on  the  defensive,  or  wait  till  the 
plans  of  the  enemy  should  become  more  obvious,  and 
then  be  guided  by  circumstances.  There  was  great 
unanimity  in  the  decision.  To  take  the  city  by  storm 
was  impracticable  without  a  vastly  superior  force ;  and 
equally  so  to  carry  it  by  siege  or  blockade,  strongly 

ified  as  it  was  by  nature  and  artificial  works,  and  by 
vessels  of  war.  Militia  might  be  called  out,  but  it  was 
uncertain  in  what  numbers;  and,  however  numerous, 


jET.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  291 

they  could  not  be  depended  on  for  such  an  enterprise. 
In  every  view  of  the  subject,  therefore,  weighty  ob 
jections  presented  themselves  against  any  scheme  of 
offensive  operations. 

It  was  not  long  before  affairs  began  to  put  on  a  new 
aspect.  From  the  intelligence  communicated  by  spies, 
and  from  various  indications,  it  was  suspected,  that  the 
enemy  were  preparing  to  evacuate  Philadelphia.  Sir 
William  Howe,  weary  of  a  service  in  which  he  found 
himself  gradually  losing  the  confidence  of  his  employers 
and  supplying  his  enemies  with  weapons  to  assail  his 
reputation,  and  thinking  his  honors  dearly  bought  at 
such  a  price,  had  asked  to  be  recalled,  and  his  request 
was  granted  by  the  King.  He  was  succeeded,  in  the 
command  of  his  Majesty's  forces  in  America,  by  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  who  had  been  made  knight  of  the  order 
of  the  Bath  during  the  past  year.  The  treaties  between 
France  and  the  United  States  were  regarded  by  the 
court  of  Great  Britain  as  a  declaration  of  war  on  the 
part  of  France,  and  caused  a  change  in  the  plans  of 
the  ministry  for  conducting  the  contest  in  America.  It 
was  resolved  to  make  a  sudden  descent  upon  some 
of  the  French  possessions  in  the  West  Indies.  To  aid 
in  executing  this  project,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  ordered 
to  send  five  thousand  men  from  his  army;  and  also 
three  thousand  more  to  Florida;  and  to  withdraw  the 
remainder  to  New  York.  Another  reason  for  this  last 
movement  was  the  probability,  that  a  French  fleet  would 
soon  appear  at  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware,  and  thus 
blockade  the  shipping  in  that  river,  and  put  in  jeopardy 
the  army,  diminished  as  it  would  be  by  the  departure 
of  the  above  detachments. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  first  intended  to  proceed  by  water 
with  his  whole  army  to  New  York ;  but  this  was  found 
impracticable  for  the  want  of  transports.  He  therefore 


292 


OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 


shipped  his  cavalry,  part  of  the  German  troops,  the 
American  loyalists,  his  provision  train  and  heavy  bag 
gage,  on  board  such  vessels  as  were  in  the  river,  and 
prepared  to  march  through  New  Jersey  with  the  main 
body  of  his  army. 

While  these  preparations  were  making,  with  as  much 
secrecy  as  possible  by  the  British  commander,  Wash 
ington  sent  out  from  Valley  Forge  a  detachment  of  two 
thousand  men  under  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  the 
object  of  which  was  to  cover  the  country  between  the 
Delaware  and  Schuylkill,  to  interrupt  the  communica 
tion  with  Philadelphia,  to  obstruct  the  incursions  of  the 
enemy's  parties,  and  gain  intelligence  of  their  motions 
and  designs.  Lafayette  marched  to  Barren  Hill,  and, 
while  stationed  there,  a  large  part  of  the  British  army 
came  out  by  a  forced  march  in  the  night,  with  the  inten 
tion  of  attacking  him  by  surprise,  and  cutting  off  his 
detachment.  Owing  to  the  negligence,  disobedience, 
or  treachery  of  a  picket  guard,  Lafayette  was  nearly 
surrounded  by  the  enemy  before  he  was  informed  of 
their  approach  ;  but  by  a  very  skilful  manoeuvre,  quickly 
conceived  and  performed  in  a  masterly  manner,  he 
gained  a  ford  and  drew  off  his  whole  detachment  across 
the  Schuylkill,  with  the  loss  of  only  nine  men  killed  and 
taken.  The  enemy  retreated  to  Philadelphia. 

To  obstruct  the  progress  of  the  British  troops,  in  case 
they  should  take  the  route  over  land  to  New  York, 
General  Maxwell  was  ordered  to  cross  the  Delaware 
with  a  brigade,  and  to  act  in  concert  with  General 
Dickinson,  who  commanded  the  New  Jersey  militia.  It 
being  more  and  more  evident,  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
was  preparing  to  move  by  land,  the  opinion  of  the 
general  officers  was  required,  as  to  the  operations  in 
consequence  of  that  event.  The  principal  point  to  be 
considered  was,  whether  the  army  should  pursue  the 


-ffi-r.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  293 

British,  fall  upon  their  rear,  and  bring  on  an  engage 
ment.  Opinions  were  various ;  but  nearly  all  the  officers 
were  opposed  to  an  attack,  on  account  of  the  superiority 
of  the  enemy  in  force  and  discipline.  General  Lee, 
who  had  been  exchanged,  and  had  recently  joined  the 
army,  argued  vehemently  against  such  a  step.  Some 
of  the  officers  agreed  with  him;  others,  who  were  un 
willing  to  advise  a  general  action,  thought  that  the 
enemy  should  at  any  rate  be  harassed  in  their  march, 
and  that  an  engagement,  though  not  to  be  sought, 
should  not  be  avoided  if  circumstances  rendered  it 
expedient. 

The  news  of  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  which 
took  place  in  the  morning  of  the  18th  of  June,  was 
received  while  the  subject  was  still  under  discussion. 
General  Arnold,  who  had  not  yet  entirely  recovered 
from  the  wound  he  received  at  Saratoga,  was  ordered 
to  march  with  a  small  detachment  into  the  city,  and  to 
retain  the  command  there.  General  Lee  and  General 
Wayne,  each  at  the  head  of  a  division,  took  the  road 
to  Coryell's  Ferry,  with  orders  to  halt  on  the  first  strong 
ground  after  passing  the  river.  Washington  followed, 
and  in  six  days  the  whole  army  had  crossed  the  Dela 
ware,  and  arrived  at  Hope  well,  five  miles  from  Prince 
ton.  Detachments  in  the  mean  time  had  been  sent  to 
impede  the  enemy's  march.  Morgan's  corps  of  six 
hundred  men  was  ordered  to  gain  their  right  flank, 
Maxwell's  brigade  to  hang  on  their  left,  and  General 
Scott,  with  fifteen  hundred  chosen  troops,  to  gall  their 
left  flank  and  rear.  To  these  were  joined  the  New 
Jersey  militia  under  General  Dickinson,  and  a  party  of 
volunteers  from  Pennsylvania  commanded  by  General 
Cadwalader. 

After  the  British  had  crossed  the  river  and  landed  at 
Gloucester  Point,  they  marched  by  the  way  of  flad- 


294  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

donfield  and  Mount  Holly,  and  moved  on  slowly  till 
they  came  to  Crosswicks  and  Allen  Town.  Being  en 
cumbered  with  a  long  train  of  wagons  and  bat-horses, 
and  confined  to  a  single  road,  their  line  extended 
nearly  twelve  miles.  It  was  necessary,  also,  to  stop 
and  build  bridges  over  every  stream  and  the  marshy 
ground,  as  the  bridges  had  all  been  destroyed  by  the 
Americans.  These  interruptions  retarded  their  progress. 
Nor  was  it  till  he  reached  Allen  Town,  that  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  decided  what  direction  he  should  take  from 
that  place.  It  was  his  first  purpose  to  proceed  to  the 
Ran  ton,  and  embark  his  troops  at  Brunswic  or  South 
Amboy  for  New  York.  But,  finding  Washington  almost 
in  his  front,  and  deeming  it  imprudent  to  hazard  a  battle 
while  his  army  was  so  much  encumbered,  and  on  such 
ground  as  his  antagonist  might  choose,  he  turned  to 
the  right,  and  took  the  road  leading  to  Monmouth  and 
Sandy  Hook. 

At  this  time  Washington's  army  had  advanced  to 
Kingston.  In  a  council  of  war,  convened  at  Hopewell, 
the  question  was  again  discussed,  as  to  the  mode  of  at 
tacking  the  enemy.  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  force  was  sup 
posed  to  consist  of  nine  or  ten  thousand  effective  men.* 
The  Continental  troops  under  Washington  amounted 
to  a  little  over  twelve  thousand ;  and  there  were  about 
thirteen  hundred  militia.  General  Lee  still  persisted  in 
the  same  sentiments  as  at  first;  and,  as  he  was  now  next 
i  rank  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  and  an  officer  of 

This  was  the  estimate,  but  the  number  must  have  been  consid- 
largc       The  number  of  British  troops   in   Philadelphia  was  up- 
Heen  thousand,  making  a  difference   from  the  estimate  of 
ian  nine  thousand.    There  were  not  transports  enough  in  Phila- 
3  accommodate  this  number,  nor  does  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  his 
s  mention  having  sent  such  a  body  of  troops  by  water.     Nor 

Indies- The  ***•  f°r  that  stati°n 


jET.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  295 

long  experience,  his  opinions  and  arguments  had  great 
weight  in  the  council.  He  seemed  averse  to  any  kind 
of  interference  with  the  enemy ;  but  he  acceded  to  a 
proposal,  in  which  he  was  joined  by  five  others,  that  fif 
teen  hundred  men  should  be  sent  to  hang  on  their  rear. 
Six  general  officers,  namely,  Greene,  Lafayette,  Steu- 
ben,  Wayne,  Duportail,  and  Paterson,  were  for  sending 
twenty-five  hundred  men,  or  at  least  two  thousand,  which 
should  be  followed  by  the  main  army  at  such  a  distance 
as  to  afford  support,  if  it  should  be  necessary.  It  was 
clearly  the  wish  of  these  officers  to  draw  the  enemy  into  a 
general  engagement,  if  it  could  be  done  under  favorable 
circumstances.  Indeed  Greene,  Lafayette,  and  Wayne 
declared  their  sentiments  to  this  effect  in  writing. 

Thus  embarrassed  with  the  divided  opinions  of  his 
officers,  Washington  had  a  delicate  part  to  act.  There 
can  be  no  doubt,  however,  that  his  own  judgment 
strongly  inclined  him  to  seek  an  engagement,  from  the 
time  he  left  Valley  Forge.  The  reputation  of  the  army, 
and  the  expectation  of  the  country,  in  his  view  required 
it ;  and  he  believed  the  chances  of  success  at  least  suf 
ficient  to  authorize  the  attempt.  After  the  council  at 
Hopewell,  therefore,  he  asked  no  further  advice,  but 
proceeded  on  his  individual  responsibility.  He  imme 
diately  ordered  a  detachment  of  one  thousand  men 
under  General  Wayne  to  join  the  troops  already  near 
the  enemy,  and  gave  to  General  Lafayette  the  command 
of  all  the  advanced  parties,  amounting  now  to  about 
three  thousand  eight  hundred  men,  including  militia. 

In  his  instructions  to  Lafayette  he  said;  "You  are 
to  use  the  most  effectual  means  for  gaining  the  enemy's 
left  flank,  and  giving  every  degree  of  annoyance.  For 
these  purposes  you  will  attack  them  as  occasion  may 
require  by  detachment,  and,  if  a  proper  opening  should 
be  given,  by  operating  against  them  with  your  whole 


296 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1778. 


command."  Foreseeing  that  these  orders,  executed 
with  the  spirit  and  ardor  which  characterized  Lafayette, 
would  soon  lead  to  an  action  with  a  large  part  of  the 
enemy's  force,  Washington  prepared  to  sustain  the  ad 
vanced  division,  keeping  within  a  distance  proper  for 
that  purpose. 

General  Lee's  seniority  of  rank  entitled  him  to  the 
command  of  all  the  advanced  detachments;  but,  disap 
proving  the  plans  of  the  Commander-in-chief  and  be 
lieving  they  would  fail,  he  voluntarily  yielded  his  claims 
to  Lafayette.  After  this  arrangement  had  been  made 
with  Washington's  consent,  and  Lafayette  had  marched 
towards  the  enemy,  Lee  changed  his  mind  and  applied 
to  be  reinstated.  As  Lafayette  could  not  with  any 
degree  of  justice  or  propriety  be  recalled,  Washington 
resorted  to  an  expedient,  which  he  hoped  would  pre 
serve  harmony,  although  it  might  not  be  entirely  satis 
factory  to  either  of  the  parties.  He  put  Lee  at  the 
head  of  two  additional  brigades,  with  orders  to  join  the 
advanced  detachments,  when  he  would  of  course  have 
the  command  of  the  whole ;  but  directed  him  at  the 
same  time  to  give  Lafayette  notice  of  his  approach,  and 
to  afford  him  all  the  assistance  in  his  power  for  prose 
cuting  any  enterprise,  which  he  might  already  have 
undertaken  or  planned.  He  wrote  also  to  Lafayette, 
explaining  the  dilemma  into  which  he  was  thrown  by 
the  vacillating  conduct  of  General  Lee,  and  expressing 
a  conviction  that  he  would  cheerfully  acquiesce  in  a 
measure,  which  the  exigency  of  the  occasion  rendered 
necessary. 

While  the  main  army  moved  forward  to  Cranberry, 
and  the  advanced  parties  were  hovering  around  the 
enemy's  flanks  and  rear,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  changed  the 
disposition  of  his  line,  placing  the  baggage  train  in  front, 
and  his  best  troops  in  the  rear.  With  his  army  thus 


jET.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  297 

arranged,  he  encamped  in  a  strong  position  near  Mon- 
mouth  Court-House,  secured  on  nearly  all  sides  by 
woods  and  marshy  grounds.  This  was  his  situation  on 
the  morning  of  the  28th  of  June.  Washington  was  at 
this  time  six  or  seven  miles  distant,  and,  receiving 
intelligence  at  five  o'clock,  that  the  enemy's  front  had 
begun  to  march,  he  instantly  put  the  army  in  motion, 
and  sent  orders  to  General  Lee  by  one  of  his  aids 
to  move  on  and  commence  the  attack,  "unless  there 
should  be  very  powerful  reasons  to  the  contrary,"  ac 
quainting  him  at  the  same  time,  that  he  should  come 
up  as  soon  as  possible  to  his  support. 

After  marching  about  five  miles,  he  was  surprised 
and  mortified  to  learn,  that  the  whole  of  Lee's  division, 
amounting  to  five  thousand  men,  was  by  his  orders 
retreating,  without  having  made  any  opposition  except 
one  fire  from  a  party,  which  had  been  charged  by  the 
enemy's  cavalry.  The  situation  was  the  more  critical 
and  alarming,  as  General  Lee  had  given  no  notice  of 
his  retreat,  but  was  marching  his  troops  into  the  face 
of  the  rear  division,  thus  running  the  hazard  of  throwing 
all  parts  of  the  army  into  confusion  at  the  moment  when 
the  enemy  were  pressing  upon  him  with  unimpeded 
force.* 

*  Lee  had  manoeuvred  near  the  enemy  for  some  time  with  the  ap 
parent  intention  of  attacking  them.  While  thus  engaged,  a  party  of 
British  troops  moved  towards  his  right  flank,  and  so  placed  itself  that 
Lafayette  thought  a  fair  opportunity  offered  for  cutting  it  off.  He  rode 
quickly  up  to  Lee,  and  asked  him  if  an  attack  could  not  be  advantageously 
made  in  that  quarter.  "Sir,"  replied  Lee,  "you  do  not  know  British 
soldiers ;  we  cannot  stand  against  them  ;  we  shall  certainly  be  driven 
back  at  first,  and  we  must  be  cautious."  Lafayette  answered,  that  it 
might  be  so,  but  British  soldiers  had  been  beaten,  and  it  was  to  be  pre 
sumed  they  might  be  beaten  again,  and  at  any  rate  he  was  for  making 
the  trial.  Soon  afterwards  one  of  Washington's  aids  arrived  for  intel 
ligence,  and,  as  he  was  returning,  Lafayette  desired  him  to  say  to  the 
General,  that  his  presence  at  the  scene  of  action  was  extremely  im 
portant.  Before  this  message  reached  him,  the  retreat  had  begun. 

VOL.  i.  38 


298  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778- 

Washington  rode  immediately  to  the  rear  of  the  re 
treating  division,  where  he  found  General  Lee,  and, 
accosting  him  with  a  warmth  in  his  language  and  man 
ner,  which  showed  his  disappointment  and  displeasure, 
he  ordered  the  troops  to  be  formed  and  brought  into 
action.  Lee  promptly  obeyed,  and  with  some  diffi 
culty  the  order  of  battle  was  restored  in  time  to  check 
the  advance  of  the  enemy  before  the  other  division 
came  up. 

A  disposition  of  the  left  wing  and  second  line  of  the 
army  was  then  made  on  an  eminence,  and  partly  in  a 
wood,  covered  by  a  morass  in  front.  This  wing  was 
commanded  by  Lord  Stirling,  who  placed  some  batteries 
of  cannon  in  such  a  manner  as  to  play  upon  the  enemy 
with  great  effect,  and,  aided  by  parties  of  infantry,  to 
put  a  stop  to  their  advance  in  that  direction.  General 
Greene  commanded  the  right  wing,  and  on  the  march 
he  had  been  ordered  to  file  off  and  take  a  road,  which 
would  bring  him  upon  the  enemy's  flank.  On  hearing 
of  the  retreat  he  marched  up  and  took  a  very  advan 
tageous  position  on  the  right.  Being  warmly  opposed 
in  front,  the  enemy  attempted  next  to  turn  the  Ameri 
can  left  flank,  but  were  repulsed  and  driven  back ;  and 
a  similar  movement  to  the  right  was  equally  unsuccess 
ful,  as  they  were  bravely  met  by  the  troops  with  artil 
lery  under  General  Greene.  In  the  mean  time  General 
Wayne  advanced  with  a  body  of  infantry,  and  kept  up 
so  hot  and  well-directed  a  fire  upon  the  enemy's  front, 
that  they  retired  behind  a  marshy  ravine  to  the  ground 
which  they  had  occupied  at  the  beginning  of  the  en- 
.gagement. 

In  this  situation  both  their  flanks  were  secured  by 
woods  and  morasses,  and  they  could  be  approached  in 
front  only  through  a  narrow  pass.  Two  bodies  of 
troops  were  ordered  to  move  round  and  gain  their 


jET.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  299 

right  and  left,  while  the  artillery  should  gall  them  in 
front.  Before  these  movements  could  be  effected,  night 
came  on  and  put  an  end  to  the  action.  Intending  to 
renew  the  contest  in  the  morning,  Washington  directed 
all  the  troops  to  lie  upon  their  arms  in  the  places  where 
they  happened  to  be  stationed  at  dark.  Wrapped  in 
his  cloak,  he  passed  the  night  on  the  field  of  battle 
in  the  midst  of  his  soldiers.  But,  when  the  morning 
dawned,  no  enemy  was  to  be  seen.  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
had  silently  withdrawn  his  troops  during  the  night, 
and  followed  his  baggage  train  on  the  road  leading  to 
Middletown.  As  he  would  have  gained  commanding 
ground,  where  he  might  choose  his  own  position,  be 
fore  he  could  be  overtaken,  and  as  the  troops  had  suf 
fered  exceedingly  from  the  intense  heat  of  the  weather 
and  fatigue,  it  was  not  thought  expedient  to  continue 
the  pursuit. 

This  battle,  though  it  can  hardly  be  said  to  have 
resulted  in  a  victory,  was  nevertheless  honorable  to  the 
American  arms,  and,  after  the  inauspicious  retreat  of  the 
first  division,  was  fought  with  skill  and  bravery.  It 
was  probably  in  all  respects  as  successful  as  Washing 
ton  had  hoped.  Congress  passed  a  unanimous  vote  of 
thanks  to  the  Commander  and  the  army. 

Four  British  officers  and  two  hundred  and  forty-five 
privates  were  left  dead  on  the  field,  and  were  buried 
by  the  Americans.  It  appeared  that  others  were  like 
wise  buried  by  the  enemy,  making  the  whole  number 
of  killed  nearly  three  hundred.  The  American  loss  was 
sixty-nine  killed.  Several  soldiers  on  both  sides  are 
said  to  have  died  in  consequence  of  the  extreme  heat 
of  the  day,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  number  of  Amer 
icans  reported  as  killed  does  not  include  all  that  died 
from  this  cause. 

But  the  loss  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  battle  made  but 


300  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

a  small  part  of  the  diminution  of  his  army  while  march 
ing  through  Jersey.  One  hundred  were  taken  pris 
oners,  and  more  than  six  hundred  deserters  arrived 
in  Philadelphia  within  three  weeks  from  the  time  he 
left  it,  being  drawn  thither  chiefly  by  the  attachments 
they  had  formed  during  eight  months'  residence  in  the 
city.  Others  also  escaped  into  the  country  while  on 
the  march;  so  that  the  army,  when  it  reached  New 
York,  had  suffered  a  reduction  of  at  least  twelve  hun 
dred  men. 

After  the  action,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  proceeded  to 
Sandy  Hook,  where  Lord  Howe's  fleet,  having  come 
round  from  the  Delaware,  was  in  readiness  to  convey 
the  troops  to  New  York.  Washington  marched  to 
Hudson's  River,  crossed  at  King's  Ferry,  and  encamp 
ed  near  White  Plains. 

The  pride  of  General  Lee  was  wounded  by  the 
language,  which  Washington  used  when  he  met  him 
retreating.  The  day  after  the  action,  Lee  wrote  a  letter 
to  Washington,  containing  expressions,  which  no  officer 
could  with  propriety  address  to  his  superior.  This  was 
answered  in  a  tone,  that  rather  tended  to  increase 
than  soothe  his  irritation,  and  he  replied  in  terms  still 
more  offensive.  In  a  subsequent  note,  written  the  same 
day,  he  requested  that  his  case  might  be  referred  to  a 
court-martial.  He  was  accordingly  put  in  arrest,  under 
three  charges;  first,  disobedience  of  orders  in  not  at 
tacking  the  enemy,  agreeably  to  repeated  instructions ; 
secondly,  misbehaviour  before  the  enemy  in  making 
an  unnecessary,  disorderly,  and  shameful  retreat;  third 
ly,  disrespect  to  the  Commander-in-chief  in  two  letters 
written  after  the  action.  A  court-martial  was  sum 
moned,  which  sat  from  time  to  time  for  three  weeks 
while  the  army  was  on  its  march ;  and  finally  declared 
their  opinion,  that  General  Lee  was  guilty  of  all  the 


jE-r.46.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  301 

charges,  and  sentenced  him  to  be  suspended  from  all 
command  in  the  army  of  the  United  States  for  the  term 
of  twelve  months.  In  the  written  opinion  of  the  court, 
the  second  charge  was  modified  by  omitting  the  word 
"  shameful " ;  but  in  all  other  respects  the  charges  were 
allowed  to  be  sustained  by  the  testimony.  Congress 
approved  the  sentence.  General  Lee  left  the  army, 
and  never  joined  it  again.  He  died  four  years  after 
wards  in  Philadelphia. 

Before  the  army  crossed  the  Hudson,  General  Wash 
ington  heard  of  the  arrival  of  Count  d'Estaing  on  the 
coast  with  a  French  fleet,  consisting  of  twelve  ships  of 
the  line  and  four  frigates.  The  admiral  touched  at  the 
Capes  of  the  Delaware,  where  he  was  informed  of  the 
evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  and,  after  despatching  up 
the  river  one  of  his  frigates,  on  board  of  which  was 
M.  Gerard,  the  first  minister  from  France  to  the  United 
States,  he  sailed  for  Sandy  Hook.  No  time  was  lost 
by  General  Washington  in  sending  him  a  letter  of  con 
gratulation,  and  proposing  to  cooperate  with  him  in 
carrying  any  plans  into  execution,  which  might  be  con 
certed  for  attacking  the  enemy.  Colonel  Lauren s,  one 
of  his  aids-de-camp,  was  the  bearer  of  this  letter,  to 
whom  the  Count  was  referred  for  such  information  as 
he  might  wish  to  obtain.  When  it  was  known  that 
the  fleet  had  arrived  at  the  Hook,  Colonel  Hamilton, 
another  confidential  aid,  was  sent  on  board  accompanied 
by  four  skilful  pilots,  and  instructed  to  explain  the 
General's  views  fully  to  Count  d'Estaing. 

If  it  should  be  found  practicable  for  the  French  ves 
sels  to  pass  the  bar,  and  engage  the  British  fleet  then 
at  anchor  within  the  Hook,  it  was  supposed  a  simul 
taneous  attack  on  the  land  side  might  be  made  to 
advantage ;  and  indeed  not  without  a  prospect  of  very 
fortunate  results,  if  the  French  should  be  able  by  a 

VOL.  I.  Z 


302  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

naval  victory  to  enter  the  harbour  and  ascend  to  the 
city.  These  hopes  were  soon  dissipated  by  the  unani 
mous  opinion  of  the  pilots,  that  there  was  not  sufficient 
depth  of  water  to  admit  Count  d'Estaing's  heavy  ships 
over  the  bar,  and  by  their  refusal  to  take  the  respon 
sibility  of  attempting  to  conduct  them  through  the 
channel. 

The  only  enterprise,  that  now  remained,  was  an  attack 
on  the  enemy  at  Rhode  Island,  where   six  thousand 
British   troops   were   stationed,   chiefly   in    garrison   at 
Newport,  and  protected  by  a  few  small  vessels,  bat 
teries,  and  strong  intrenchments.     The  French  squad 
ron   departed    for   that   place,   without    being    molest 
ed  by  Lord  Howe,  whose  force  was  not  such  as  to 
encourage  him  to  go  out  and  give  battle.     Anticipating 
the  French  admiral's  determination,  Washington  pre 
pared   to  lend  all   the   aid   in  his   power  to  make  it 
effectual.     General  Sullivan  was  already  in  Providence, 
at  the  head   of  a  considerable   body   of  Continental 
troops ;  and  he  was  ordered  to  apply  to  the  States  of 
Rhode  Island,  Massachusetts,  and  Connecticut,  for  mili 
tia  enough  to  augment  his  force  to  at  least  five  thousand 
men.    A  detachment  of  two  brigades  marched   from 
the  main  army  under  Lafayette,  who  was  followed  by 
General  Greene.     The  events  of  this  expedition  do  not 
fall  within  the  limits  of  the  present  narrative.     Various 
causes  contributed  to  its  failure,  by  defeating  the  com 
bined   action   of   the   land   and   naval   forces.      Count 
d'Estaing's  fleet,  after  leaving  Newport,  was  so  much 
crippled  by  a  tremendous  storm,  and  a  partial  engage 
ment  at  sea,  that  he  put  in  to  the  harbour  of  Boston  to 
refit,  where  he  remained  till  November. 

The  disagreements,  which  unhappily  existed  between 
the  American  and  French  officers  at  Rhode  Island, 
gave  the  deepest  concern  to  Washington.  In  a  letter 


JET.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  303 

to  Lafayette,  who  had  communicated  the  particulars, 
he  lamented  it  as  a  misfortune,  which  might  end  in  a 
serious  injury  to  the  public  interest ;  and  he  endeavoured 
to  assuage  the  rising  animosity  of  the  parties  by  coun 
sels  equally  creditable  to  his  feelings  as  a  man  and  to 
his  patriotism. 

"I  feel  every  thing,"  said  he,  "that  hurts  the  sen 
sibility  of  a  gentleman,  and  consequently  upon  the 
present  occasion  I  feel  for  you  and  for  our  good  and 
great  allies  the  French.  I  feel  myself  hurt,  also,  at 
every  illiberal  and  unthinking  reflection,  which  may 
have  been  cast  upon  the  Count  d'Estaing,  or  the  con 
duct  of  the  fleet  under  his  command ;  and  lastly,  I  feel 
for  my  country.  Let  me  entreat  you,  therefore,  my 
dear  Marquis,  to  take  no  exception  at  unmeaning  ex 
pressions,  uttered  perhaps  without  consideration,  and 
in  the  first  transport  of  disappointed  hope.  Every 
body,  Sir,  who  reasons,  will  acknowledge  the  advan 
tages  which  we  have  derived  from  the  French  fleet, 
and  the  zeal  of  the  commander  of  it;  but,  in  a  free 
and  republican  government,  you  cannot  restrain  the 
voice  of  the  multitude.  Every  man  will  speak  as  he 
thinks,  or,  more  properly,  without  thinking,  and  conse 
quently  will  judge  of  effects  without  attending  to  the 
causes.  The  censures,  which  have  been  levelled  at 
the  officers  of  the  French  fleet,  would  more  than  prob 
ably  have  fallen  in  a  much  higher  degree  upon  a  fleet 
of  our  own,  if  we  had  one  in  the  same  situation.  It  is 
the  nature  of  man  to  be  displeased  with  every  thing, 
that  disappoints  a  favorite  hope  or  flattering  project; 
and  it  is  the  folly  of  too  many  of  them  to  condemn 
without  investigating  circumstances. 

"  Let  me  beseech  you  therefore,  my  good  Sir,  to 
afford  a  healing  hand  to  the  wound,  that  unintentionally 
has  been  made.  America  esteems  your  virtues  and 


304  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1778, 

your  services,  and  admires  the  principles  upon  which 
you  act.  Your  countrymen  in  our  army  look  up  to  you 
as  their  patron.  The  Count  and  his  officers  consider 
you  as  a  man  high  in  rank,  and  high  in  estimation  here 
and  also  in  France ;  and  I,  your  friend,  have  no  doubt 
but  you  will  use  your  utmost  endeavours  to  restore 
harmony,  that  the  honor,  glory,  and  mutual  interest  of 
the  two  nations  may  be  promoted  and  cemented  in 
the  firmest  manner." 

To  Count  d'Estaing  he  wrote  in  language  not  less 
delicate  and  conciliatory,  nor  less  fitted  to  remove  un 
favorable  impressions. 

In  compliance  with  the  order  from  the  ministry  given 
early  in  the  season,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  detached  five 
thousand  men  to  the  West  Indies  and  three  thousand 
to  Florida;  but  there  was  much  delay  in  fitting  out 
these  expeditions,  and  the  troops  did  not  actually  sail 
till  near  the  end  of  October.  Lord  Howe's  fleet  in  the 
mean  time  had  been  reinforced  by  a  squadron  from  Eu 
rope.  As  neither  the  orders  nor  the  plans  of  the  British 
general  were  known,  it  was  conjectured  that  he  might 
have  in  view  a  stroke  upon  Count  d'Estaing's  fleet 
in  Boston  harbour,  and  perhaps  an  attack  upon  that 
town.  It  is  probable,  also,  that  General  Clinton  gave 
a  currency  to  rumors  of  this  sort,  for  the  purpose  of 
diverting  the  attention  of  the  Americans  from  his  real 
objects.  A  report  gained  credit,  believed  to  have  come 
from  good  authority,  that  New  York  was  to  be  evac 
uated.  Washington  suspected  the  true  origin  of  this 
rumor,  and  could  not  persuade  himself  that  an  eastern 
expedition  was  intended;  yet  the  public  impression 
and  the  conviction  of  some  of  his  officers  were  so 
strong,  as  to  its  reality,  that  he  took  measures  to  guard 
against  it. 

He  established  his  head-quarters  at  Fredericksburg, 


^Er.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  305 

thirty  miles  from  West  Point  near  the  borders  of  Con 
necticut,  and  sent  forward  a  division  under  General 
Gates  to  Danbury.  The  roads  were  repaired  as  far 
as  Hartford,  to  facilitate  the  march  of  the  troops,  and 
three  brigades  were  despatched  to  that  place.  General 
Gates  went  to  Boston,  and  took  command  of  the  eastern 
department,  as  successor  to  General  Heath.  These  op 
erations  kept  the  army  employed  on  the  east  side  of 
the  Hudson  more  than  four  months,  till  it  was  finally 
ascertained  that  the  enemy  had  no  designs  in  that 
direction. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  took  care  to  profit  by  this  diversion 
of  the  American  army.  Foraging  parties  passed  over 
to  New  Jersey,  and  ravaged  the  country.  One  of 
these  parties  attacked  Baylor's  dragoons  in  the  night, 
at  a  short  distance  from  Tappan,  rushing  upon  them 
with  the  bayonet  and  committing  indiscriminate  slaugh 
ter.  A  similar  assault  was  made  upon  Pulaski's  legion 
at  Egg  Harbour.  Both  these  adventures  were  attended 
with  such  acts  of  cruelty  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  as 
are  seldom  practised  in  civilized  warfare.  And  they 
were  not  less  impolitic  than  cruel,  being  regarded  with 
universal  indignation  and  horror  by  the  people,  and  ex 
citing  a  spirit  of  hatred  and  revenge,  which  would  neces 
sarily  react  in  one  form  or  another  upon  their  foes.  In 
fact  this  point  of  policy  was  strangely  misunderstood 
by  the  British,  or  more  strangely  perverted,  at  every 
stage  of  the  contest.  They  had  many  friends  in  the 
country,  whom  it  was  their  interest  to  retain,  and  they 
professed  a  desire  to  conciliate  others ;  yet  they  burned 
and  destroyed  towns,  villages,  and  detached  farm 
houses,  plundered  the  inhabitants  without  distinction, 
and  brought  down  the  savages  with  the  tomahawk  and 
scalping-knife  upon  the  defenceless  frontier  settlements, 
marking  their  course  in  every  direction  with  murder,, 

VOL.  i.  39  z* 


306  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

desolation,  and  ruin.  The  ministry  approved  and  en 
couraged  these  atrocities,  flattering  themselves  that  the 
people  would  sink  under  their  sufferings,  bewail  their 
unhappy  condition,  become  tired  of  the  war,  and  compel 
their  leaders  to  seek  an  accommodation.  The  effect 
was  directly  the  contrary  in  every  instance.  The  peo 
ple  knew  their  rights,  and  had  the  common  feelings 
of  humanity;  and,  when  the  former  were  wantonly  in 
vaded  and  the  latter  outraged,  it  was  natural  that 
their  passions  should  be  inflamed,  and  that  they  who 
were  at  first  pacifically  inclined  should  be  roused  to 
resistance  and  retaliation.  If  the  British  cabinet  had 
aimed  to  defeat  its  own  objects,  and  to  consolidate  the 
American  people  into  a  united  phalanx  of  opposition, 
it  could  not  have  chosen  or  pursued  more  effectual 
methods. 

The  campaign  being  closed,  General  Washington 
prepared  to  put  the  army  into  winter-quarters.  Nine 
brigades  were  stationed  on  the  west  side  of  Hudson's 
River,  exclusive  of  the  garrison  at  West  Point.  One 
of  these  was  near  Smith's  Clove,  where  it  could  serve 
as  a  reinforcement  to  West  Point,  should  this  be  neces 
sary;  one  at  Elizabethtown ;  and  the  other  seven  at 
Middlebrook,  which  place  was  likewise  selected  for 
head-quarters.  Six  brigades  were  cantoned  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Hudson  and  at  West  Point,  as  fol 
lows  ;  one  at  West  Point,  two  at  the  Continental  Vil 
lage,  a  post  between  Fishkill  and  West  Point,  and  three 
in  the  vicinity  of  Danbury  in  Connecticut.  The  artil 
lery  was  at  Pluckemin.  A  line  of  cantonments  was 
thus  formed  around  New  York  from  Long  Island  Sound 
to  the  Delaware,  so  disposed  as  to  afford  security  to 
the  country,  and  to  reinforce  each  other  in  case  of  an 
excursion  of  the  enemy  to  any  particular  point.  The 
other  important  objects  intended  by  this  disposition 


jEi-.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  307 

were  the  comfort,  discipline,  and  easy  subsistence  of 
the  troops.  General  Putnam  commanded  at  Danbury, 
and  General  McDougall  in  the  Highlands.  In  the  ex 
pectation  that  the  British  detachments,  which  sailed 
from  New  York,  might  act  in  the  winter  against  South 
Carolina  and  Georgia,  General  Lincoln  was  sent  by 
order  of  Congress  to  take  the  command  of  the  southern 
department. 

The  four  regiments  of  cavalry  were  widely  separated  ; 
one  being  at  Winchester  in  Virginia,  another  at  Fred 
eric  in  Maryland,  a  third  at  Lancaster  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  a  fourth  at  Durham  in  Connecticut.  These  can 
tonments  were  chosen  apparently  with  a  view  to  the 
convenience  of  procuring  forage. 

The  exchange  of  prisoners  continued  to  be  a  trouble 
some  and  perplexing  subject.  Arrangements  had  been 
made  with  Sir  William  Howe,  before  he  left  Philadel 
phia,  by  which  exchanges  to  a  certain  extent  had  been 
effected.  But  new  difficulties  arose  in  regard  to  what 
were  called  the  Convention  Troops.  Although  Con 
gress  had  ratified  the  convention  of  Saratoga,  yet  for 
various  reasons  they  did  not  permit  Burgoyne's  army 
to  embark  for  Europe  according  to  the  terms  of  that 
convention.  Washington  had  no  concern  with  this  af 
fair,  except  to  execute  the  orders  of  Congress.  These 
troops  being  thus  retained  in  the  country,  it  was  finally 
agreed,  on  the  part  of  the  British  commander,  that  they 
should  be  exchanged  for  American  prisoners  in  his 
hands.  But  the  conditions  prescribed  by  Congress  were 
such,  that  it  was  a  long  time  before  the  object  was 
attained.  They  proposed  that  officers  of  equal  rank 
should  first  be  exchanged;  next,  superior  officers  for 
an  equivalent  number  of  inferior;  and  if,  after  all  the 
officers  of  the  enemy  should  be  exchanged,  there  should 
still  be  a  surplus  of  American  officers  among  the  pris- 


308  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

oners,  they  were  to  be  exchanged  for  an  equivalent 
number  of  privates  of  the  convention  troops. 

This  principle  was  objected  to  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
on  two  grounds;  first,  it  separated  the  officers  from 
the  corps  to  which  they  were  attached ;  and,  secondly, 
it  gave  an  advantage  to  the  Americans,  inasmuch  as 
their  officers  could  go  immediately  into  active  service, 
whereas  the  British  officers  must  remain  idle  till  the 
privates  constituting  the  corps  to  which  they  belonged 
should  be  released.  Congress  did  not  choose  to  relax 
from  their  resolves,  and  the  business  of  exchange  was 
a  perpetual  source  of  vexation.  In  short,  the  interests 
of  the  two  parties  were  so  much  at  variance,  that  it 
was  not  easy  to  reconcile  them.  The  difficulty  of  pro 
curing  soldiers  in  Europe,  and  the  great  expense  of 
bringing  them  over  and  maintaining  them,  rendered 
every  man  of  vastly  more  importance  to  the  British 
army,  than  in  the  American  ranks,  which  could  be  filled 
up  with  militia  when  the  occasion  required.  Hence 
the  British  general  was  always  extremely  solicitous  to 
procure  the  exchange  of  his  private  soldiers,  and  Con 
gress  equally  averse  to  gratifying  him  in  this  point. 
There  was  another  reason,  which  operated  with  con 
siderable  weight  on  both  sides.  The  British  prisoners 
were  mostly  German  troops,  who  had  no  affection  for 
the  cause  in  which  they  were  engaged,  and  who,  while 
in  the  country  under  a  loose  system  of  military  disci 
pline,  had  many  facilities  and  temptations  to  desert. 

There  was  another  cause  of  anxiety  in  the  breast  of 
Washington,  which  began  now  to  be  felt  more  seriously 
than  at  any  former  period  of  the  war.  The  men  of 
talents  and  influence,  who  had  taken  the  lead  and 
combined  their  strength  in  raising  the  standard  of  in 
dependence,  had  gradually  withdrawn  from  Congress, 
till  that  body  was  left  small  in  number,  and  compara- 


JET.46.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  309 

tively  feeble  in  counsels  and  resource.  For  the  year 
past,  the  number  of  delegates  present  had  seldom  aver 
aged  over  thirty,  and  sometimes  it  was  under  twenty- 
five.  Whole  States  were  frequently  unrepresented; 
and  indeed  it  was  seldom,  that  every  State  was  so  fully 
represented  as  to  entitle  it  to  a  vote.  And  at  no  time 
were  private  jealousies  and  party  feuds  more  rife  or 
mischievous  in  their  effects.  These  symptoms  were 
alarming  to  every  true  friend  of  his  country,  who  re 
flected  on  their  tendency,  and  they  filled  the  mind  of 
Washington  with  deep  concern.  To  those,  in  whom 
he  had  confidence,  he  laid  open  his  fears,  and  endeav 
oured  to  awaken  a  sense  of  the  public  danger.  His 
sentiments  and  his  apprehensions  are  forcibly  express 
ed  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Benjamin  Harrison  of  Virginia. 

"  It  appears  as  clear  to  me,"  he  said,  "  as  ever  the  sun 
did  in  its  meridian  brightness,  that  America  never  stood 
in  more  eminent  need  of  the  wise,  patriotic,  and  spirited 
exertions  of  her  sons  than  at  this  period ;  and,  if  it  is 
not  a  sufficient  cause  for  general  lamentation,  my  mis 
conception  of  the  matter  impresses  it  too  strongly  upon 
me,  that  the  States,  separately,  are  too  much  engaged 
in  their  local  concerns,  and  have  too  many  of  their 
ablest  men  withdrawn  from  the  general  council,  for  the 
good  of  the  common  weal.  In  a  word,  I  think  our 
political  system  may  be  compared  to  the  mechanism 
of  a  clock,  and  that  we  should  derive  a  lesson  from  it ; 
for  it  answers  no  good  purpose  to  keep  the  smaller 
wheels  in  order,  if  the  greater  one,  which  is  the  support 
and  prime  mover  of  the  whole,  is  neglected. 

"  How  far  the  latter  is  the  case,  it  does  not  become 
me  to  pronounce ;  but,  as  there  can  be  no  harm  in  a 
pious  wish  for  the  good  of  one's  country,  I  shall  offer 
it  as  mine,  that  each  State  would  not  only  choose,  but 
absolutely  compel  their  ablest  men  to  attend  Congress ; 


310  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

and  that  they  would  instruct  them  to  go  into  a  thorough 
investigation  of  the  causes  that  have  produced  so  many 
disagreeable  effects  in  the  army  and  country;  in  a 
word,  that  public  abuses  should  be  corrected.  Without 
this,  it  does  not  in  my  judgment  require  the  spirit  of 
divination  to  foretell  the  consequences  of  the  present 
administration;  nor  to  how  little  purpose  the  States 
individually  are  framing  constitutions,  providing  laws, 
and  filling  offices  with  the  abilities  of  their  ablest  men. 
These,  if  the  great  whole  is  mismanaged,  must  sink  in 
the  general  wreck,  which  will  carry  with  it  the  remorse 
of  thinking  that  we  are  lost  by  our  own  folly  and 
negligence,  or  by  the  desire  perhaps  of  living  in  ease 
and  tranquillity  during  the  expected  accomplishment 
of  so  great  a  revolution,  in  the  effecting  of  which  the 
greatest  abilities,  and  the  most  honest  men,  our  American 
world  affords,  ought  to  be  employed. 

"It  is  much  to  be  feared,  my  dear  Sir,  that  the 
States,  in  their  separate  capacities,  have  very  inadequate 
ideas  of  the  present  danger.  Many  persons,  removed 
far  distant  from  the  scene  of  action,  and  seeing  and 
hearing  such  publications  only,  as  flatter  their  wishes, 
conceive  that  the  contest  is  at  an  end,  and  that  to  regu 
late  the  government  and  police  of  their  own  State  is  all 
that  remains  to  be  done ;  but  it  is  devoutly  to  be  wish 
ed,  that  a  sad  reverse  of  this  may  not  fall  upon  them 
like  a  thunder-clap,  that  is  little  expected.  I  do  not 
mean  to  designate  particular  States.  I  wish  to  cast  no 
reflections  upon  any  one.  The  public  believe  (and,  if 
they  do  believe  it,  the  fact  might  almost  as  well  be  so), 
that  the  States  at  this  time  are  badly  represented,  and 
that  the  great  and  important  concerns  of  the  nation  are 
horribly  conducted,  for  want  either  of  abilities  or  ap 
plication  in  the  members,  or  through  the  discord  and 
party  views  of  some  individuals.  That  they  should  be 


^T  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  311 

so,  is  to  be  lamented  more  at  this  time  than  formerly, 
as  we  are  far  advanced  in  the  dispute,  and,  in  the  opin 
ion  of  many,  drawing  to  a  happy  period ;  we  have  the 
eyes  of  Europe  upon  us,  and  I  am  persuaded  many 
political  spies  to  watch,  who  discover  our  situation  and 
give  information  of  our  weaknesses  and  wants." 

The  conquest  of  Canada  was  always  a  favorite  pro 
ject  with  Congress ;  and  at  this  time,  when  the  British 
forces  were  divided  by  being  employed  against  the 
French  in  the  West  Indies,  it  was  thought  that  a  good 
opportunity  offered  itself  for  turning  the  arms  of  the 
United  States  against  that  province.  After  the  termina 
tion  of  the  affair  at  Rhode  Island,  the  Marquis  de  Lafay 
ette  went  to  Philadelphia,  and  obtained  a  furlough  from 
Congress,  with  the  intention  of  returning  to  France  on 
a  short  visit.  In  concert  with  him  a  plan  was  formed 
of  an  attack  on  Canada,  which  was  to  be  the  principal 
object  of  the  ensuing  campaign,  and  the  basis  of  which 
was  a  cooperation  with  a  French  fleet  and  army.  La 
fayette  was  to  have  full  instructions  for  arranging  the 
matter  with  the  court  of  Versailles,  aided  by  the  coun 
sel  and  support  of  Dr.  Franklin,  then  the  American 
plenipotentiary  in  France. 

The  plan  was  on  a  very  large  scale.  Attacks  were 
to  be  made  by  the  American  army  at  three  points  far 
distant  from  each  other,  namely,  Detroit,  Niagara,  and 
by  way  of  the  Connecticut  River;  while  a  French  fleet 
should  ascend  the  St.  Lawrence,  with  four  or  five 
thousand  troops,  and  act  against  Quebec.  The  scheme 
was  discussed,  matured,  and  approved  with  much  una 
nimity  in  Congress,  and  then  sent  to  Washington  with 
the  request  that  he  would  communicate  his  sentiments. 
He  replied  in  a  long  despatch,  entering  minutely  into 
the  subject,  and  showing  that  the  plan  was  impractica 
ble;  that  it  required  resources  in  troops  and  money, 


312  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

which  were  not  to  be  had  ;  that  it  would  involve  Con 
gress  in  engagements  to  their  ally,  which  it  would  be 
impossible  to  fulfil ;  and  that  it  was  in  itself  so  extensive 
and  complicated,  as  to  hold  out  no  reasonable  hope 
of  success,  even  with  all  the  requisite  means  of  pur 
suing  it. 

Such  was  his  opinion  in  a  military  view.     But  the 
subject  presented  itself  to  him  in  another  aspect,  in 
which  he   thought   it   deserved    special    consideration. 
Canada  formerly  belonged  to  France,  and   had   been 
severed  from  her  in  a  manner,  which,  if  not  humiliating 
to  her  pride,  contributed  nothing  to  her  glory.     Would 
she  not  be  eager  to  recover  this  lost  province  ?     If  it 
should  be  conquered  with  her  aid,  would  she  not  claim 
it  at  the  peace  as  rightfully  belonging  to  her,  and  be 
able  to  advance  plausible  reasons  for  such  a  demand  ? 
Would  not  the  acquisition  itself  hold  out  a  strong  temp 
tation  1  The  territory  abounded  in  supplies  for  the  use 
of  her  Islands,  it  opened  a  wide  field  of  commerce  with 
the  Indian  nations,  it  would  give  her  the  command  of 
posts  on  this  continent  independent  of  the  precarious 
good  will  of  an  ally,  it  would  put  her  in  a  condition  to 
engross  the  whole  trade  of  Newfoundland,  and  above 
all,  it  would  afford  her  facilities  for  awing  and  controlling 
the  United  States,  "the  natural  and  most  formidable 
rival  of  every  maritime  power  in  Europe."     He  added, 
"France,  acknowledged  for  some  time  past  the  most 
powerful  monarchy  in  Europe   by  land,   able   now  to 
dispute  the  empire  of  the  sea  with  Great  Britain,  and, 
if  joined  with  Spain,    I  may   say,  certainly   superior, 
possessed  of  New  Orleans  on   our  right,  Canada   on 
our  left,   and  seconded    by   the   numerous    tribes   of 
Indians  in  our  rear  from   one   extremity  to  the  other, 
a  people  so  generally  friendly  to  her,  and   whom  she 
knows  so  well  how  to  conciliate,  would,  it  is  much  to 


JET.  46.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  313 

be  apprehended,  have  it  in  her  power  to  give  law  to 
these  States." 

These  sentiments,  he  said,  did  not  grow  out  of  any 
distrust  of  the  good  faith  of  France  in  the  alliance  she 
had  formed.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  willing  to  enter 
tain  and  cherish  the  most  favorable  impressions,  in 
regard  to  her  motives  and  aims.  "But,"  he  added 
again,  "  it  is  a  maxim,  founded  on  the  universal  expe 
rience  of  mankind,  that  no  nation  is  to  be  trusted 
farther  than  it  is  bound  by  its  interest ;  and  no  prudent 
statesman  or  politician  will  venture  to  depart  from  it. 
In  our  circumstances  we  ought  to  be  particularly  cau 
tious  ;  for  we  have  not  yet  attained  sufficient  vigor  and 
maturity  to  recover  from  the  shock  of  any  false  step, 
into  which  we  may  unwarily  fall.  If  France  should 
even  engage  in  the  scheme,  in  the  first  instance,  with 
the  purest  intentions,  there  is  the  greatest  danger,  that, 
in  the  progress  of  the  business,  invited  to  it  by  circum 
stances,  and  perhaps  urged  on  by  the  solicitations  and 
wishes  of  the  Canadians,  she  would  alter  her  views." 
In  short,  allowing  all  his  apprehensions  to  be  unfound 
ed,  he  was  still  reluctant  to  multiply  national  obliga 
tions,  or  to  give  to  any  foreign  power  claims  of  merit 
for  services  performed  beyond  what  was  absolutely  in 
dispensable. 

The  observations  and  reasonings  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief  were  so  far  operative  on  Congress,  as  to  induce 
them  at  once  to  narrow  their  scheme,  though  not  en 
tirely  to  give  it  up.  They  participated  in  the  general 
opinion,  that  the  war  with  France  would  necessarily 
employ  the  British  fleet  and  troops  in  other  parts  of  the 
world,  and  that  they  would  soon  evacuate  the  towns 
on  the  seacoast  of  the  United  States.  In  this  event, 
they  thought  an  expedition  against  Canada  should  still 
be  the  object  of  the  campaign,  and  that  preparations 

VOL.  i.  40  AA 


314  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

should  accordingly  be  made.  They  requested  General 
Washington  to  write  to  Dr.  Franklin,  and  the  Marquis 
de  Lafayette,  who  was  then  at  Boston,  ready  to  depart 
for  Europe,  and  state  to  them  such  details  as  might 
be  laid  before  the  French  court,  in  order  that  event 
ual  measures  might  be  taken  for  cooperation  in  case 
an  armament  should  be  sent  to  Quebec  from  France. 
The  plan  in  this  shape,  however,  was  not  more  satis 
factory  to  him,  than  in  its  original  form.  He  saw  no 
reason  for  supposing  the  British  would  evacuate  the 
States,  and  he  believed  a  system  of  operations  built 
upon  that  basis  would  fail.  At  any  rate  he  was  not 
prepared  to  hazard  the  responsibility  of  drawing  the 
French  government  into  a  measure  so  full  of  uncer 
tainty,  and  depending  on  so  many  contingencies. 

The  army  being  now  in  winter-quarters,  and  his 
presence  with  it  not  being  essential,  he  suggested  the 
expediency  of  a  personal  interview  with  the  members 
of  Congress,  in  which  his  sentiments  could  be  more 
fully  explained  than  by  writing.  This  proposition  was 
approved.  He  arrived  in  Philadelphia  on  the  24th  of 
December,  and,  after  several  discussions  between  him 
and  a  committee  of  Congress,  the  Canada  scheme  was 
wholly  laid  aside. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  as  connected  with  the  above 
suspicions  on  political  grounds,  that  the  French  govern 
ment  was  decidedly  opposed  to  an  expedition  against 
Canada.  The  French  minister  in  the  United  States 
was  instructed,  before  he  left  France,  not  to  favor  any 
projects  of  conquest;  and  it  was  the  policy  of  the 
court  of  Versailles,  that  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia  should 
remain  in  the  power  of  Great  Britain.  The  reasons 
for  this  policy  may  not  be  obvious ;  but  the  fact  is  un 
questionable.  It  is  to  be  considered,  however,  that 
France  had  by  treaty  pledged  herself  to  carry  on 


^ET.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  315 

the  war,  till  the  independence  of  the  United  States 
should  be  secured;  but  she  had  not  engaged  to  fight 
for  conquests,  nor  for  the  extension  of  the  territories  of 
the  United  States  beyond  their  original  limits.  Such 
an  engagement  would  have  bound  her  to  continue  the 
war  indefinitely,  with  no  other  object  than  to  gratify  the 
ambition  or  enmity  of  her  ally,  while  every  motive  of 
interest  and  of  national  honor  might  prompt  her  to  seek 
for  peace.  It  was  evident,  too,  that  the  pride  of  Eng 
land,  humbled  by  conceding  the  independence  of  her 
revolted  colonies,  would  never  brook  the  severance  of 
her  other  provinces  by  the  direct  agency  of  France. 
All  conquests  thus  made,  therefore,  would  perplex  the 
negotiations  for  peace,  and  might  involve  France  in  a 
protracted  war,  without  the  least  prospect  of  advan 
tage  to  herself.  Hence  she  resolved  to  adhere  strictly 
to  her  pledge  in  the  treaty  of  alliance.  But,  although 
the  French  minister  in  America  was  instructed  not  to 
hold  out  encouragement  of  cooperation  in  plans  of 
conquest,  yet  he  was  at  the  same  time  directed  not 
to  throw  any  obstacles  in  the  way ;  thus  leaving  the 
United  States  to  decide  and  act  for  themselves.  Should 
they  gain  conquests  by  their  own  strength,  these  might 
reasonably  be  claimed  by  them  in  a  treaty  of  peace, 
without  embarrassing  the  relations  between  France  and 
England. 


316  LIFE   OP    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Conferences  with  a  Committee  of  Congress,  and  Plans  for  the  next  Cam 
paign.  —  Sullivan's  Expedition  against  the  Indians.  —  The  Enemy  com 
mence  a  predatory  Warfare.  — The  Burning  of  New  Haven,  Fairfield, 
and  Norwalk.  —  Stony  Point  stormed  and  taken.  —  Successful  Enter 
prise  against  Paulus  Hook. — Washington's  Interviews  with  the  French 
Minister.  —  Plans  proposed  for  cooperating  with  Count  d'Estaing. — 
The  Army  goes  into  Winter-quarters.  —  Depreciation  of  the  Currency, 
and  its  Effects.  —  Arrival  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  with  the  Intel 
ligence  that  a  French  Armament  was  on  its  Way  to  the  United  States. 

—  The  Army  takes  a  Position  near  Hudson's  River. — The    French 
Squadron  arrives  at  Newport.  —  Count  de  Rocharnbeau's  Instructions. 

—  French  Fleet  blockaded.—  Interview  between  General  Washington 
and  the  French  Commander  at  Hartford.  —  The  Treason  of  Arnold. 

—  Plans  for  attacking  New  York. 


GENERAL  Washington  remained  in  Philadelphia  about 
five  weeks,  holding  conferences  with  a  committee  of 
Congress,  and  making  arrangements  for  the  campaign 
of  1779.  He  suggested  three  plans,  with  remarks  on 
the  mode  of  executing  them,  and  the  probable  result 
of  each.  The  first  plan  had  in  view  an  attempt  to 
drive  the  enemy  from  their  posts  on  the  seacoast ;  the 
second,  an  attack  on  Niagara,  and  an  offensive  position 
in  that  quarter ;  and,  by  the  third,  it  was  proposed  to 
hold  the  army  entirely  on  the  defensive,  except  such 
operations  as  would  be  necessary  to  chastise  the  In 
dians,  who  had  committed  depredations  on  the  frontiers 
during  the  past  year,  and  who,  emboldened  by  success, 
might  be  expected  to  repeat  their  ravages. 

After  mature  deliberation,  and  taking  into  the  account 
the  exhausted  state  of  the  country  in  regard  both  to 
pecuniary  resources  and  supplies  for  an  army,  it  was 
decided  to  adopt  the  third  plan  as  the  best  suited  to 
circumstances,  the  least  expensive,  and  perhaps  the 


jET.46.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  317 

most  beneficial  in  its  ultimate  effects.  It  would  afford 
an  opportunity  to  retrench  the  heavy  charges  of  the 
war,  and  to  pursue  a  system  of  economy  imperiously 
demanded  by  the  financial  embarrassments  in  which 
Congress  had  become  involved,  and  thus  enable  them 
to  do  something  for  the  relief  of  public  credit,  and  for 
restoring  the  value  of  the  currency,  which  was  fast  sink 
ing  into  disrepute,  unsettling  prices,  and  threatening 
ruin  to  almost  every  branch  of  industry.  It  would  also 
give  repose  to  the  country,  and,  by  leaving  a  larger 
number  of  laborers  to  cultivate  the  soil,  contribute  to 
increase  the  supplies  so  much  wanted  for  the  comfort 
of  the  people,  as  well  as  for  the  subsistence  of  the 
army. 

This  plan  had  its  disadvantages.  The  inactivity  in 
military  operations  might  be  thought  to  imply  weakness, 
and  thus  injure  the  credit  of  the  nation  with  foreign 
powers,  dispirit  the  people  at  home,  give  confidence  to 
the  disaffected,  and  afford  leisure  for  the  factious  and 
discontented  to  foment  divisions.  These  inconven 
iences  were,  nevertheless,  in  the  opinion  of  General 
Washington,  more  than  balanced  by  other  considera 
tions  ;  and  he  recommended  the  defensive  system,  pre 
ferring  what  he  deemed  the  greatest  public  good  to  the 
glory  that  might  be  acquired  by  large  military  enter 
prises,  even  with  a  fair  prospect  of  success.  After  the 
alliance  with  France,  and  especially  after  the  indications 
given  by  Spain  of  an  approaching  war  between  that 
power  and  England,  he  had  no  doubt  that  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States  would  be  secured  at  the 
peace,  whenever  it  should  happen.  It  was  evident, 
moreover,  that  England,  being  thus  employed  by  her 
European  foes,  could  not  enlarge  her  army  to  a  formi 
dable  extent  in  America.  In  his  view,  therefore,  it  was 
not  expedient  to  exhaust  the  country  and  multiply  the 

AA* 


318  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

calamities  of  war  by  extraordinary  exactions  for  military 
undertakings,  which,  although  they  might  annoy  the 
enemy  and  perhaps  drive  them  from  one  post  to  an 
other,  could  not  hasten  the  desired  end,  depending  as 
it  now  did  mainly  on  events  beyond  the  control  of  the 
United  States.  By  an  ambitious  chieftain,  aiming  only 
to  aggrandize  himself  and  establish  his  power,  the  sub 
ject  might  have  been  regarded  in  a  different  light ;  but 
the  designs  and  actions  of  Washington  centred  in  no 
bler  objects,  the  freedom,  tranquillity,  and  happiness  of 
his  country,  in  which  he  was  to  participate  equally  with 
every  other  citizen,  neither  seeking  nor  expecting  any 
other  preeminence  than  that  of  having  been  an  instru 
ment  in  the  hand  of  Providence  for  effecting  so  great  a 
good  in  so  just  a  cause,  nor  any  other  reward  than  the 
consciousness  of  having  done  his  duty,  and  the  enjoy 
ment  in  common  with  his  countrymen  of  the  benefits 
flowing  from  his  services. 

Having  completed  all  the  necessary  arrangements 
with  Congress,  he  returned  to  head-quarters  at  Mid- 
dlebrook.  The  infantry  of  the  Continental  army  was 
organized  for  the  campaign  in  eighty-eight  battalions, 
apportioned  to  the  several  States  according  to  the  ratio 
hitherto  assumed.  There  were  four  regiments  of  cav 
alry  and  forty-nine  companies  of  artillery. 

As  the  term  of  service,  for  which  a  large  number  of 
the  troops  had  been  engaged,  would  expire  in  a  few 
weeks,  the  business  of  recruiting  was  begun  without 
delay.  The  irregular,  and  in  some  cases  enormous, 
bounties  given  by  the  States  had  operated  in  such  a 
manner,  as  almost  to  defeat  any  attempt  to  enlist  soldiers 
in  camp.  Even  those,  who  intended  to  reenlist,  were 
lured  away  by  the  prospect  of  State  bounties,  and  were 
thus  absent  from  the  army  till  they  could  go  home  and 
come  back  with  the  new  recruits.  This  evil  was 


.ET.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  319 

partially  remedied  by  a  resolve  of  Congress,  making  it 
the  business  of  each  State  to  fill  up  its  quota  and  pay 
the  bounties,  giving  credit  to  such  State  for  the  Conti 
nental  bounty  of  every  soldier  enlisted  in  its  quota. 
Whether  the  soldier  was  enlisted  in  camp  or  at  home, 
the  same  rule  applied,  so  that  it  equalized  the  bounties 
throughout  the  line  of  a  particular  State.  But  the 
States  themselves  gave  various  bounties,  causing  an 
inequality  among  the  different  lines ;  and  for  this  there 
was  no  remedy,  except  a  uniform  system  in  all  the 
States,  which  was  never  pursued.  The  Continental 
bounty  was  raised  to  two  hundred  dollars,  besides  land 
and  clothing ;  and  in  several  instances  the  State  bounty 
was  much  larger.  The  value  of  labor  had  risen  so 
much  during  the  war,  partly  from  an  increased  demand, 
and  partly  from  the  depreciation  of  the  currency,  that 
a  soldier  could  obtain,  in  almost  any  other  service, 
higher  wages  than  the  amount  of  his  pay  and  bounty 
in  the  army. 

The  objects  of  the  campaign  not  requiring  so  large 
a  number  of  men  in  the  field  as  on  former  occasions,  it 
was  intended  to  bestow  the  more  attention  upon  their 
discipline  and  practical  skill.  Baron  Steuben,  trained 
in  the  wars  and  under  the  eye  of  Frederic  the  Great, 
had  been  appointed  inspector-general  of  the  army  the 
year  before.  He  wrote  a  system  of  tactics,  which  was 
published,  adopted,  and  put  in  practice.  His  services 
were  of  great  importance,  both  as  an  experienced  of 
ficer,  and  as  a  successful  teacher  of  his  system,  by 
which  the  discipline  of  the  army  was  much  improved, 
and  the  discordant  exercises  and  evolutions  of  the  troops 
from  different  States  were  reduced  to  method  and 
uniformity. 

The  winter  and  the  spring  passed  away  without  the 
occurrence  of  any  remarkable  event.  The  British  re- 


320  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

mained  within  their  lines  at  New  York,  showing  no 
disposition  for  hazardous  adventures,  and  apparently 
making  no  preparation  for  any  enterprise  of  magnitude 
into  the  country. 

General  Washington  in  the  mean  time  turned  his 
thoughts  to  the  fitting  out  of  an  expedition  against  the 
Indians.  The  confederated  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations, 
except  the  Oneidas  and  a  few  of  the  Mohawks,  in 
fluenced  by  Sir  John  Johnson  and  British  agents  from 
Canada,  became  hostile  to  the  United  States,  although 
at  first  they  pretended  to  a  sort  of  neutrality.  Joined 
by  a  band  of  Tories,  and  persons  of  abandoned  prin 
ciples  collected  from  various  parts,  they  fell  upon  the 
frontier  settlements,  and  waged  the  most  cruel  and  de 
structive  war  against  the  defenceless  and  unoffending 
inhabitants.  The  massacres  at  Cherry  Valley  and  Wy 
oming  had  filled  every  breast  with  horror,  and  hu 
manity  cried -aloud  for  vengeance  on  the  perpetrators 
of  such  deeds  of  atrocity.  To  break  up  these  hordes 
of  banditti,  or  at  all  events  to  drive  them  back  and  lay 
waste  their  territories,  was  the  object  of  the  expedition. 

Four  thousand  Continental  troops  were  detached  for 
the  purpose,  who  were  joined  by  militia  from  the  State 
of  New  York  and  independent  companies  from  Penn 
sylvania.  The  command  of  the  whole  was  given  to 
General  Sullivan.  Three  thousand  men  rendezvoused 
at  Wyoming,  where  General  Sullivan  first  established 
his  head-quarters,  and  from  which  place  he  proceeded 
up  the  Susquehanna  River  into  the  Indian  country. 
At  the  same  time  General  James  Clinton  advanced 
with  another  division  from  the  Mohawk  River,  by  way 
of  Otsego  Lake  and  the  east  branch  of  the  Susque 
hanna,  and  formed  a  junction  with  Sullivan  near  the 
fork,  where  the  two  main  branches  of  the  river  unite. 
The  army,  then  amounting  to  about  five  thousand  men 


jET.47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  321 

including  militia,  marched  into  the  wilderness  towards 
the  Indian  settlements.  It  was  met  and  opposed  by  a 
body  of  Tories  and  Indians,  who  were  soon  routed 
and  driven  back.  There  was  no  other  encounter,  ex 
cept  slight  skirmishes  with  small  parties.  Sullivan  pur 
sued  a  circuitous  route  as  far  as  the  Genesee  River, 
destroying  all  the  villages,  houses,  corn,  and  provisions, 
which  fell  in  his  way.  Every  habitation  was  deserted, 
the  Indians  having  retired  with  their  families  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Niagara,  where  they  were  protected 
and  supplied  by  a  British  garrison.  The  purpose  of  the 
expedition  being  attained,  the  army  retraced  its  steps 
down  the  Susquehanna  to  Wyoming,  and  arrived  there 
after  an  absence  of  a  little  more  than  two  months. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  early  in  the  spring  sent  a  detach 
ment  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  men  to  Virginia, 
commanded  by  General  Mathews.  They  landed  at 
Portsmouth,  sacked  the  town,  marched  to  Suffolk,  de 
stroyed  a  magazine  of  provisions  in  that  place,  burnt 
the  village  and  several  detached  private  houses,  and 
seized  large  quantities  of  tobacco.  Many  vessels  were 
likewise  captured,  others  were  burnt  and  sunk,  and 
much  plunder  was  taken.  With  this  booty  they  re 
turned  to  New  York.  The  enterprise  was  executed 
in  conformity  with  orders  from  the  ministry,  who,  after 
the  ill  success  of  their  commissioners,  had  adopted  the 
policy  of  a  predatory  warfare  on  the  seacoast,  with  the 
design  of  destroying  the  towns,  ships,  and  magazines, 
conceiving,  as  expressed  by  Lord  George  Germain, 
"that  a  war  of  this  sort,  carried  on  with  spirit  and 
humanity,  would  probably  induce  the  rebellious  prov 
inces  to  return  to  their  allegiance,  or  at  least  prevent 
their  sending  out  that  swarm  of  privateers,  the  success 
of  which  had  encouraged  them  to  persevere  in  their 
revolt." 

VOL.  I.  41 


322  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

When  the  squadron  returned  from  Virginia,  it  was 
immediately  joined  by  other  vessels  having  on  board  a 
large  body  of  troops,  all  of  which  sailed  up  Hudson's 
River.  This  expedition  was  conducted  by  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  in  person,  and  his  first  object  was  to  take  the 
posts  at  Stony  Point  and  Verplanck's  Point,  situate  on 
opposite  sides  of  the  Hudson,  where  the  Americans 
had  thrown  up  works  to  protect  King's  Ferry,  the  main 
channel  of  communication  between  the  eastern  and 
middle  States.  Should  circumstances  favor  so  bold  an 
experiment,  he  intended  next  to  endeavour  to  force  his 
way  into  the  Highlands,  make  himself  master  of  the 
fortifications  and  strong  passes,  and  thus  secure  the 
command  of  the  Hudson. 

Being  informed  of  the  preparations  in  New  York, 
and  penetrating  the  designs  of  the  British  commander, 
Washington  was  at  hand  in  time  to  prevent  the  exe 
cution  of  the  second  part  of  the  scheme.  By  rapid 
marches  he  drew  his  troops  from  their  cantonments  in 
New  Jersey,  and  placed  them  in  such  positions  as  to 
discourage  Sir  Henry  Clinton  from  attempting  any  thing 
further,  than  the  capture  of  the  two  posts  above  men 
tioned,  which  were  in  no  condition  to  resist  a  formi 
dable  fleet  and  an  army  of  more  than  six  thousand 
men.  After  this  event,  which  happened  on  the  1st  of 
June,  Clinton  withdrew  his  forces  down  the  river,  and 
at  length  to  New  York,  leaving  a  strong  garrison  at 
each  of  the  posts,  with  orders  to  extend  and  complete 
the  works  begun  by  the  Americans ;  and  also  directing 
such  a  number  of  armed  vessels  and  boats  to  remain 
ihere,  as  would  be  necessary  to  furnish  supplies  and 
contribute  to  their  defence. 

General  Washington  removed  his  head-quarters  to 
New  Windsor,  a  few  miles  above  West  Point,  distribut 
ing  his  army  chiefly  in  and  near  the  Highlands,  but 


jE-r.47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  323 

stationing  a  force  on  each  side  of  the  river  below,  suf 
ficient  to  check  any  sudden  incursion  of  the  enemy. 

The  system  of  devastation  and  plunder  was  vigor 
ously  pursued.  About  the  beginning  of  July  a  detach 
ment  of  two  thousand  six  hundred  men,  under  Governor 
Tryon,  sailed  from  New  York  into  Long  Island  Sound. 
They  first  landed  at  New  Haven,  plundered  the  in 
habitants  indiscriminately,  and  burnt  the  stores  on  the 
wharfs.  This  being  done,  they  embarked,  and  landed 
at  Fairfield  and  Norwalk,  which  towns  were  reduced 
to  ashes.  Dwelling-houses,  shops,  churches,  school- 
houses,  and  the  shipping  in  the  harbours,  were  de 
stroyed.  The  soldiers  pillaged  without  restraint,  com 
mitting  acts  of  violence,  and  exhibiting  the  horrors  of 
war  in  some  of  their  most  revolting  forms.  It  does  not 
appear  that  there  were  troops,  magazines,  or  public 
property  in  either  of  the  towns.  The  waste  and  dis 
tress  fell  on  individuals,  who  were  pursuing  the  ordinary 
occupations  of  life.  The  people  rallied  in  self-defence, 
and  a  few  were  killed ;  but  the  enemy  retired  to  their 
vessels  before  the  militia  could  assemble  in  large  num 
bers. 

The  British  commander  hoped  that  this  invasion  of 
Connecticut  would  draw  away  the  American  army  from 
the  Highlands  to  a  position  where  he  might  bring  on 
an  engagement  under  favorable  circumstances.  Wash 
ington's  habitual  caution  guarded  him  against  allowing 
such  an  advantage.  On  the  contrary,  while  the  ene 
my's  forces  were  thus  divided,  he  resolved  to  attack 
the  strong  post  at  Stony  Point.  "The  necessity  of 
doing  something  to  satisfy  the  expectations  of  the  peo 
ple  and  reconcile  them  to  the  defensive  plan,  which  he 
was  obliged  to  pursue,  the  value  of  the  acquisition  in 
itself,  with  respect  to  the  men,  artillery,  and  stores, 
which  composed  the  garrison,  the  effect  it  would  have 


324  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

upon  the  successive  operations  of  the  campaign,  and 
the  check  it  would  give  to  the  depredations  of  the 
enemy,"  were,  as  he  said,  the  motives  which  prompted 
him  to  this  undertaking.  He  reconnoitred  the  post 
himself,  and  instructed  Major  Henry  Lee,  who  was  sta 
tioned  near  it  with  a  party  of  cavalry,  to  gain  all  the 
information  in  his  power  as  to  the  condition  of  the 
works  and  the  strength  of  the  garrison. 

The  enterprise  was  intrusted  to  General  Wayne, 
who  commanded  a  body  of  light  infantry  in  advance 
of  the  main  army,  where  he  was  placed  to  watch  the 
movements  of  the  enemy,  to  prevent  their  landing,  and 
to  attack  separate  parties  whenever  opportunities  should 
offer.  Having  procured  all  the  requisite  information, 
and  determined  to  make  the  assault,  Washington  com 
municated  general  instructions  to  Wayne  in  writing  and 
conversation,  leaving  the  rest  to  the  well-tried  bravery 
and  skill  of  that  gallant  officer. 

The  night  of  the  15th  July  was  fixed  on  for  the 
attack.  After  a  march  of  fourteen  miles  during  the 
afternoon,  the  party  arrived  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of 
the  enemy  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening.  The  works 
were  then  reconnoitred  by  the  commander  and  the 
principal  officers,  and  at  half  past  eleven  the  whole 
moved  forward  in  two  columns  to  the  assault.  The  van 
of  the  right  column  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
volunteers  with  unloaded  muskets  and  fixed  bayonets, 
preceded  by  twenty  picked  men  to  remove  the  abatis 
and  other  obstructions.  One  hundred  volunteers,  pre 
ceded  likewise  by  twenty  men,  composed  the  van  of  the 
Positive  orders  were  given  not  to  fire,  but  to 
rely  wholly  on  the  bayonet,  which  orders  were  faithfully 
obeyed.  A  deep  morass  in  front  of  the  enemy's  works, 
and  a  double  row  of  abatis,  retarded  their  progress; 
but  these  obstacles  were  soon  overcome  by  the  ardor  of 


vEr.47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  325 

the  troops,  and  the  assault  began  about  twenty  minutes 
after  twelve.  From  that  time  they  pushed  forward  in 
the  face  of  a  tremendous  fire  of  musketry  and  of  can 
non  loaded  with  grape-shot,  and  both  columns  met  in 
the  centre  of  the  enemy's  works,  each  arriving  nearly 
at  the  same  instant.  General  Wayne,  who  advanced 
with  the  right  column,  received  a  slight  wound  in  the 
head,  and  was  supported  into  the  works  by  his  aids- 
de-camp. 

The  assault  was  successful  in  all  its  parts.  The 
number  of  prisoners  was  five  hundred  and  forty-three, 
and  the  number  killed  on  the  side  of  the  enemy  was 
sixty-three.  Of  the  assailing  party  fifteen  were  killed, 
and  eighty-three  wounded.  Several  cannons  and  mor 
tars  of  various  sizes,  a  large  number  of  muskets,  shells, 
shot,  and  tents,  and  a  proportional  quantity  of  stores, 
were  taken.  The  action  is  allowed  to  have  been  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  of  the  revolution.  Congress  pass 
ed  resolves  complimentary  to  the  officers  and  privates, 
granting  specific  rewards,  and  directing  the  value  of  all 
the  military  stores  taken  in  the  garrison  to  be  divided 
among  the  troops  in  proportion  to  the  pay  of  the  officers 
and  men.  ,  Three  different  medals  were  ordered  to  be 
struck,  emblematical  of  the  action,  and  awarded  respec 
tively  to  General  Wayne,  Colonel  Fleury,  and  Colonel 
Stewart.  Congress  also  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to 
General  Washington  "for  the  vigilance,  wisdom,  and 
magnanimity,  with  which  he  had  conducted  the  military 
operations  of  the  States,"  and  especially  as  manifested 
in  his  orders  for  the  late  attack. 

It  was  his  first  intention,  if  the  storming  of  Stony 
Point  should  prove  successful,  to  make  an  immediate  at 
tempt  against  Verplanck's  Point,  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river.  For  this  purpose  he  had  requested  General 
Wayne  to  forward  the  intelligence  to  head-quarters 

VOL.  I.  BB 


326  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

through  the  hands  of  General  McDougall,  who  com 
manded  at  West  Point,  and  who  would  be  in  readiness 
to  send  down  a  detachment  by  the  way  of  Peekskill  to 
attack  Verplanck's  Point  on  the  land  side,  while  it  was 
cannonaded  from  Stony  Point  across  the  river.  By 
some  misunderstanding,  the  messenger  neglected  to  call 
at  West  Point,  and  thus  several  hours  were  lost  before 
General  McDougall  received  the  intelligence.  To  this 
delay  has  been  ascribed  the  failure  of  the  undertaking 
against  Verplanck's  Point.  From  the  letters  of  General 
McDougall  and  other  officers  written  at  the  time,  how 
ever,  it  is  evident  that  the  want  of  horses  and  con 
veniences  for  the  transportation  of  artillery  was  such, 
as  to  render  it  impossible  in  any  event  to  arrive  at  Ver 
planck's  Point  with  the  adequate  means  of  assault,  be 
fore  the  enemy  had  assembled  a  sufficient  force  to  give 
entire  security  to  the  garrison. 

When  Washington  examined  Stony  Point  after  the 
capture,  he  resolved  to  evacuate  the  post,  remove  the 
cannon  and  stores,  and  destroy  the  works.  Being  ac 
cessible  by  the  enemy's  vessels  of  war,  a  larger  number 
of  men  would  be  required  for  the  defence  than  could 
properly  be  spared  from  the  main  army;  and  at  the 
same  time  it  might  be  necessary  to  hazard  a  general 
action,  which  was  by  no  means  to  be  desired  on  such 
terms  as  would  be  imposed,  and  for  such  an  object. 
Every  thing  was  brought  off,  except  one  heavy  cannon. 
The  enemy  afterwards  reoccupied  the  post,  and  repaired 
the  works. 

About  a  month  after  the  storming  of  Stony  Point, 
another  enterprise  similar  in  its  character,  and  not  less 
daring,  was  executed  by  Major  Henry  Lee.  At  the 
head  of  three  hundred  men,  and  a  troop  of  dismounted 
dragoons,  he  surprised  the  enemy's  post  at  Paulus 
Hook,  opposite  to  New  York,  and  took  one  hundred 


JET.  47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  327 

and  fifty- nine  prisoners,  having  two  only  of  his  party 
killed  and  three  wounded.  The  plan  originated  with 
Major  Lee,  and  great  praise  was  bestowed  upon  him 
for  the  address  and  bravery  with  which  it  was  executed. 
A  medal  of  gold,  commemorative  of  the  event,  was  or 
dered  by  Congress  to  be  struck  and  presented  to  him. 

No  other  events  of  much  importance  happened  in  the 
army  under  Washington's  immediate  command  during 
the  campaign.  The  British  troops  remained  inactive  at 
New  York,  and  the  Americans  held  their  ground  in  the 
Highlands.  In  the  course  of  this  year  the  works  at  West 
Point  and  in  its  vicinity  were  chiefly  constructed.  A 
part  of  the  time  two  thousand  five  hundred  men  were 
on  fatigue  duty  every  day.  Before  the  end  of  July  the 
head-quarters  of  the  Commander-in-chief  were  removed 
to  West  Point,  where  he  continued  for  the  rest  of  the 
season. 

As  few  incidents  of  a  personal  nature  intervene  to 
vary  the  monotony  of  military  operations,  and  of  the 
great  public  affairs  which  occupied  the  thoughts  of 
Washington,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  insert  here  a  letter 
inviting  a  friend  to  dine  with  him  at  head-quarters.  It 
gives  an  idea  of  the  manner  in  which  he  lived,  and 
shows  that  he  could  sometimes  be  playful,  even  when 
oppressed  with  public  cares,  and  in  the  midst  of  the 
harassing  duties  of  his  command.  The  letter  is  ad 
dressed  to  Dr.  Cochran,  surgeon -general  in  the  army, 
and  dated  at  West  Point  on  the  16th  of  August. 
"Dear  Doctor, 

"I  have  asked  Mrs.  Cochran  and  Mrs.  Livingston  to 
dine  with  me  to-morrow ;  but  am  I  not  in  honor  bound 
to  apprize  them  of  their  fare?  As  I  hate  deception, 
even  where  the  imagination  only  is  concerned,  I  will. 
It  is  needless  to  premise,  that  my  table  is  large  enough 
to  hold  the  ladies.  Of  this  they  had  ocular  proof  yes- 


328  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

terday.  To  say  how  it  is  usually  covered,  is  rather 
more  essential;  and  this  shall  be  the  purport  of  my 
letter. 

"  Since  our  arrival  at  this  happy  spot,  we  have  had  a 
ham,  sometimes  a  shoulder  of  bacon,  to  grace  the  head 
of  the  table ;  a  piece  of  roast  beef  adorns  the  foot ;  and 
a  dish  of  beans,  or  greens,  almost  imperceptible,  deco 
rates  the  centre.  When  the  cook  has  a  mind  to  cut 
a  figure,  which  I  presume  will  be  the  case  to-morrow, 
we  have  two  beef- steak  pies,  or  dishes  of  crabs,  in 
addition,  one  on  each  side  of  the  centre-dish,  dividing 
the  space  and  reducing  the  distance  between  dish  and 
dish  to  about  six  feet,  which  without  them  would  be 
near  twelve  feet  apart.  Of  late  he  has  had  the  sur 
prising  sagacity  to  discover,  that  apples  will  make  pies ; 
and  it  is  a  question,  if,  in  the  violence  of  his  efforts,  we 
do  not  get  one  of  apples,  instead  of  having  both  of 
beef-steaks.  If  the  ladies  can  put  up  with  such  en 
tertainment,  and  will  submit  to  partake  of  it  on  plates, 
once  tin  but  now  iron  (not  become  so  by  the  labor  of 
scouring),  I  shall  be  happy  to  see  them ;  and  am,  dear 
Doctor,  yours." 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  disappointed  in  not  receiving  ad 
ditions  to  his  army  from  Europe,  began  to  be  weary  of 
his  situation,  and  to  despair  of  effecting  any  thing  that 
would  either  redound  to  the  glory  of  the  British  arms, 
or  answer  the  expectations  of  his  employers.  On  the 
21st  of  August  he  said,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  George 
Germain,  "  I  now  find  myself  obliged  by  many  cogent 
reasons  to  abandon  every  view  of  making  an  effort  in 
this  quarter.  The  precautions,  which  General  Wash 
ington  has  had  leisure  to  take,  make  me  hopeless  of 
bringing  him  to  a  general  action,  and  the  season  dis 
suades  me  strongly  from  losing  time  in  the  attempt." 
He  informs  the  minister,  that  his  thoughts  are  turned  to 


;ET.47.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  329 

the  south,  that  he  shall  put  New  York  in  a  complete 
state  of  defence,  withdraw  his  troops  from  the  posts 
on  the  Hudson,  and  sail  for  South  Carolina  with  a  large 
part  of  his  army  as  soon  as  the  season  will  permit  him 
to  act  in  that  climate. 

After  Count  d'Estaing  left  the  harbour  of  Boston,  he 
proceeded  to  the  West  Indies,  where  he  operated  during 
the  winter,  took  St.  Vincent  and  Grenada,  and  had  a 
naval  engagement  with  Admiral  Byron's  fleet.  It  was 
expected,  that  he  would  return  to  the  United  States  in 
the  course  of  the  summer,  and  M.  Gerard,  the  French 
minister  in  Philadelphia,  held  several  conferences  with 
a  committee  of  Congress  respecting  a  concerted  plan 
of  action  between  the  French  squadron  and  the  Amer 
ican  forces.  For  the  same  object  M.  Gerard  went  to 
camp,  and  held  interviews  with  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  to  whom  Congress  delegated  the  power  of  ar 
ranging  and  executing  the  whole  business,  in  such  a 
manner  as  his  judgment  and  prudence  should  dictate. 
Various  plans  were  suggested  and  partly  matured ;  but, 
as  the  unfortunate  repulse  of  the  French  and  American 
troops  in  their  assault  on  Savannah,  and  the  subsequent 
departure  of  Count  d'Estaing  from  the  coast,  prevented 
their  being  carried  into  execution,  they  need  not  be 
explained  in  this  place. 

The  intercourse  with  Washington  on  this  occasion 
left  favorable  impressions  on  the  mind  of  the  French 
minister.  In  a  letter  to  Count  de  Vergennes,  written 
from  camp,  he  said ;  "  I  have  had  many  conversations 
with  General  Washington,  some  of  which  have  con 
tinued  for  three  hours.  It  is  impossible  for  me  briefly 
to  communicate  the  fund  of  intelligence,  which  I  have 
derived  from  him;  but  I  shall  do  it  in  my  letters  as 
occasions  shall  present  themselves.  I  will  now  say 
only,  that  I  have  formed  as  high  an  opinion  of  the 

VOL.  I.  42  BB  * 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

powers  of  his  mind,  his  moderation,  his  patriotism,  and 
his  virtues,  as  I  had  before  from  common  report  conceiv 
ed  of  his  military  talents  and  of  the  incalculable  services 
he  has  rendered  to  his  country."  The  same  sentiments 
were  often  repeated  by  the  successor  of  M.  Gerard, 
and  contributed  to  establish  the  unbounded  confidence, 
which  the  French  government  placed  in  the  American 
commander  during  the  war. 

Although  the  plans  of  cooperation  failed,  yet  they 
were  serviceable  in  embarrassing  the  schemes  of  the 
enemy.  As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  Count  d'Estaing 
had  arrived  in  Georgia,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  naturally 
supposed  that  he  would  proceed  northward,  and  unite 
with  Washington  in  a  combined  attack  on  New  York. 
Alarmed  for  his  safety  in  such  an  event,  he  caused 
Rhode  Island  to  be  evacuated,  and  drew  to  New  York 
the  garrison,  which  had  been  stationed  nearly  three 
years  at  that  place,  consisting  at  times  of  about  six 
thousand  men.  Stony  Point  and  Verplanck's  Point 
were  likewise  evacuated.  The  appearance  of  Count 
d'Estaing's  fleet  on  the  coast  retarded  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton's  southern  expedition  till  near  the  end  of  December, 
when,  having  received  reinforcements  from  Europe,  he 
embarked  about  seven  thousand  troops,  and  sailed  for 
South  Carolina  under  the  convoy  of  Admiral  Arbuthnot. 

The  campaign  being  now  at  an  end,  the  army  was 
again  put  into  winter-quarters,  the  main  body  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Morristown,  strong  detachments  at 
West  Point  and  other  posts  near  the  Hudson,  and  the 
cavalry  in  Connecticut  The  head-quarters  were  at 
Morristown.  The  ill  success  of  the  allied  arms  at  Sa 
vannah,  and  the  indications  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  de 
signs  against  South  Carolina,  were  reasons  for  sending 
more  troops  to  General  Lincoln's  army;  and  before 
the  middle  of  December  two  of  the  North  Carolina 


jET.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  331 

regiments  and  the  whole  of  the  Virginia  line  marched 
to  the  south. 

The  winter  set  in  with  so  much  severity,  that  the 
channels  of  transportation  were  closed,  and  the  troops 
were  reduced  to  the  greatest  distress  for  the  want  of 
provisions.  In  this  extremity,  it  was  necessary  to  levy 
supplies  upon  the  inhabitants,  and  send  out  officers  to 
collect  them.  By  their  instructions,  these  officers  were 
first  to  call  on  the  magistrates,  and  solicit  their  aid  in 
procuring  provisions  of  grain  and  cattle,  and  in  appor 
tioning  to  each  person  such  a  quantity  as  he  could  spare 
without  injury  to  his  family.  Certificates  were  then  to 
be  given,  specifying  the  quantity,  leaving  it  optional  with 
the  owner  to  fix  the  price  by  a  fair  valuation  on  the 
spot,  or  to  receive  the  market  price  at  the  time  the  cer 
tificates  should  be  paid.  If  this  plan  proved  unsuccess 
ful,  the  officers  were  to  proceed  according  to  the  usual 
method  of  military  impressments.  There  was  no  occa 
sion,  however,  for  this  latter  measure.  By  the  zeal  and 
activity  of  the  magistrates,  cooperating  with  the  good 
disposition  of  the  inhabitants,  a  sufficient  quantity  of 
voluntary  supplies  was  soon  brought  to  the  camp. 

A  descent  upon  Staten  Island  by  a  party  under  Lord 
Stirling,  a  retaliatory  incursion  of  the  enemy  into  New 
Jersey  at  Elizabethtown,  and  a  skirmish  near  White 
Plains,  were  the  only  military  events  during  the  winter. 

The  army  for  the  campaign  in  1780  was  nominally 
fixed  by  Congress  at  thirty-five  thousand  two  hundred 
and  eleven  men.  Each  State  was  required  to  furnish 
its  quota  by  the  first  day  of  April.  No  definite  plan 
was  adopted  for  the  campaign,  as  the  operations  must 
depend  on  circumstances  and  the  strength  and  condi 
tion  of  the  enemy. 

One  of  the  greatest  evils  which  now  afflicted  the 
country,  and  which  threatened  the  most  alarming  con- 


332  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

sequences,  was  the  depreciation  of  the  currency.  Des 
titute  of  pecuniary  resources,  and  without  the  power 
of  imposing  direct  taxes,  Congress  had,  early  in  the 
war,  resorted  to  the  expedient  of  paper  money.  For 
a  time,  while  the  quantity  was  comparatively  small,  its 
credit  was  good;  but  in  March,  1780,  the  enormous 
amount  of  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars  had  been 
issued,  no  part  of  which  had  been  redeemed.  At  this 
time  forty  paper  dollars  were  worth  only  one  in  specie. 
Prices  rose  as  the  money  sank  in  value,  and  every 
branch  of  trade  was  unsettled  and  deranged.  The 
effect  was  peculiarly  oppressive  on  the  troops,  and  was 
a  principal  reason  for  the  exorbitant  bounties  allowed 
to  them  in  the  latter  years  of  the  war.  The  separate 
States  likewise  issued  paper  money,  which  increased 
the  evil,  without  affording  any  adequate  relief.  The 
only  remedy  was  taxation ;  but  this  was  seldom  pursued 
with  vigor,  owing,  in  part,  to  the  distracted  state  of  the 
times  and  the  exhausted  condition  of  the  country,  and 
in  part  also  to  State  jealousy.  As  each  State  felt  its 
burdens  to  be  heavy,  it  was  cautious  how  it  added  to 
them  in  a  greater  proportion  than  its  neighbours ;  and 
thus  all  were  reluctant  to  act,  till  impelled  by  the 
pressure  of  necessity. 

So  low  had  the  credit  of  the  currency  fallen,  that 
the  commissaries  found  it  extremely  difficult,  and  in 
some  cases  impossible,  to  purchase  supplies  for  the 
army.  Congress  adopted  a  new  method,  by  requiring 
each  State  to  furnish  a  certain  quantity  of  beef,  pork, 
flour,  corn,  forage,  and  other  articles,  which  were  to 
be  deposited  in  such  places  as  the  Commander-in- 
chief  should  determine.  The  States  were  to  be  credit 
ed  for  the  amount  at  a  fixed  valuation  in  specie.  The 
system  turned  out  to  be  impracticable.  The  multitude 
of  hands  into  which  the  business  was  thrown,  the 


jEr.48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  333 

want  of  proper  authority  to  compel  its  prompt  exe 
cution,  the  distance  of  several  of  the  States  from  the 
army,  and  the  consequent  difficulties  of  transportation, 
all  conspired  to  make  it  the  most  expensive,  the  most 
uncertain,  and  the  least  effectual  method  that  could  be 
devised.  It  added  greatly  to  the  embarrassments  of 
the  military  affairs,  and  to  the  labor  and  perplexities  of 
the  Commander-in-chief,  till  it  was  abandoned. 

To  keep  up  the  credit  of  the  currency,  Congress 
recommended  to  the  States  to  pass  laws  making  paper 
money  a  legal  tender  at  its  nominal  value  for  the  dis 
charge  of  debts,  which  had  been  contracted  to  be  paid 
in  gold  or  silver.  Such  laws  were  enacted,  and  many 
debtors  took  advantage  of  them.  When  the  army  was 
at  Morristown,  a  man  of  respectable  standing  lived  in 
the  neighbourhood,  who  was  assiduous  in  his  civilities 
to  Washington,  which  were  kindly  received  and  re 
ciprocated.  Unluckily  this  man  paid  his  debts  in  the 
depreciated  currency.  Some  time  afterwards  he  called 
at  head-quarters,  and  was  introduced  as  usual  to  the 
General's  apartment,  where  he  was  then  conversing 
with  some  of  his  officers.  He  bestowed  very  little  at 
tention  upon  the  visiter.  The  same  thing  occurred  a 
second  time,  when  he  was  more  reserved  than  before. 
This  was  so  different  from  his  customary  manner,  that 
Lafayette,  who  was  present  on  both  occasions,  could 
not  help  remarking  it,  and  he  said,  after  the  man 
was  gone ;  "  General,  this  man  seems  to  be  much  de 
voted  to  you,  and  yet  you  have  scarcely  noticed  him." 
Washington  replied,  smiling ;  "  I  know  I  have  not  been 
cordial ;  I  tried  hard  to  be  civil,  and  attempted  to  speak 
to  him  two  or  three  times,  but  that  Continental  money 
stopped  my  mouth."  He  considered  these  laws  un 
just  in  principle,  and  iniquitous  in  their  effects.  He 
was  himself  a  loser  to  a  considerable  amount  by  their 
operation. 


334  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

At  the  beginning  of  April,  when  the  States  were  to 
have  completed  their  quotas  of  troops,  the  whole  num 
ber  under  Washington's  immediate  command  was  no 
more  than  ten  thousand  four  hundred  rank  and  file. 
This  number  was  soon  diminished  by  sending  the  re 
mainder  of  the  Maryland  line  and  the  Delaware  regi 
ment  to  the  southern  army.  The  British  force  at  New 
York  amounted  to  seventeen  thousand  three  hundred 
effective  men.  From  that  time  the  army  of  the  north 
consisted  of  such  troops  only  as  were  raised  in  the  New 
England  States,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Penn 
sylvania.  To  hasten  and  give  effect  to  the  arrange 
ments  for  the  campaign,  and  draw  more  expeditious- 
ly  from  the  States  their  quotas  of  soldiers  and  supplies, 
General  Washington  requested  a  committee  of  Con 
gress  to  attend  the  army,  with  power  to  act  in  the 
name  of  that  body  for  definite  objects.  The  committee 
remained  in  camp  between  two  and  three  months. 
General  Schuyler,  then  a  member  of  Congress,  was  one 
of  the  committee,  and  his  experience,  sound  judgment, 
and  energetic  character,  enabled  him  to  render  essen 
tial  services  in  that  capacity. 

Before  the  end  of  April,  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette 
arrived  at  Boston  from  France,  with  the  cheering  intel 
ligence  that  the  French  government  had  fitted  out  an 
armament  of  naval  and  land  forces,  which  might  soon 
be  expected  in  the  United  States.  He  proceeded  im 
mediately  to  Washington's  head-quarters,  and  thence 
to  Congress.  Although  many  of  the  Americans  had 
hoped  that  their  arms  would  be  strengthened  by  the 
troops  of  their  allies,  yet  no  indications  had  hitherto 
been  given,  which  encouraged  them  to  believe  that  any 
aid  of  this  sort  would  be  rendered.  The  experiment 
was  also  thought  by  some  to  be  hazardous.  The 
prejudice  against  French  soldiers,  which  had  been  im- 


^ET.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  335 

planted  and  nurtured  by  the  colonial  wars,  it  was  feared 
might  lead  to  serious  consequences,  if  French  troops 
should  be  landed  in  the  United  States,  and  brought  to 
act  in  concert  with  the  American  army.  So  strongly 
was  Count  de  Vergennes  influenced  by  this  apprehen 
sion,  that  he  opposed  the  sending  of  troops  to  America, 
and  advised  that  the  efforts  of  France  in  succouring  her 
ally  should  be  expended  in  naval  equipments,  which  he 
believed  would  be  more  effectual  in  annoying  and  weak 
ening  the  common  enemy.  In  this  opinion,  however, 
the  other  members  of  the  cabinet  did  not  concur,  and 
it  was  resolved  to  send  out  a  fleet  with  a  body  of  troops 
to  operate  on  land.  Lafayette  was  principally  instru 
mental  in  effecting  this  decision.  It  was  a  point  upon 
which  he  had  set  his  heart  before  he  left  America,  and 
it  may  be  presumed  that  he  previously  ascertained  the 
sentiments  of  Washington.  At  any  rate,  his  observa 
tion  while  in  the  country  had  convinced  him,  that  French 
troops  would  be  well  received ;  and  he  had  the  address 
to  bring  the  majority  of  the  ministry  to  the  same  way 
of  thinking. 

In  the  month  of  June,  General  Knyphausen  crossed 
over  with  such  a  force  as  he  could  spare  from  New 
York,  and  made  an  incursion  into  New  Jersey.  He 
was  met  by  detachments  from  the  American  army,  and 
some  smart  skirmishing  ensued,  particularly  at  Spring 
field,  where  the  encounter  lasted  several  hours.  The 
enemy  were  driven  back,  and  they  retired  to  Staten 
Island. 

The  object  of  this  adventure  could  not  easily  be  as 
certained.  General  Washington  at  first  supposed  it  to 
be  a  feint  to  amuse  him  in  that  quarter,  while  a  more 
formidable  force  should  be  suddenly  pushed  up  the 
Hudson  to  attack  the  posts  in  the  Highlands.  This 
opinion  was  countenanced  by  the  arrival,  just  at  that 


336  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

time,  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  from  his  successful  expedi 
tion  'against  Charleston.  No  such  attempt  bping  made, 
however,  the  only  effect  was  to  draw  General  Wash 
ington's  army  nearer  the  Hudson,  where  he  took  a  po 
sition  in  which  he  could  act  in  defence  of  New  Jersey 
or  the  Highlands,  as  occasion  might  require. 

News  at  length  came,  that  the  French  fleet  had  en 
tered  the  harbour  of  Newport,  in  Rhode  Island,  on  the 
10th  of  July.  The  armament  consisted  of  seven  or  eight 
ships  of  the  line,  two  frigates,  two  bombs,  and  upwards 
of  five  thousand  troops.  The  fleet  was  commanded 
by  the  Chevalier  de  Ternay,  and  the  army  by  the 
Count  de  Rochambeau.  This  was  called  the  first  di 
vision.  Another,  being  detained  for  the  want  of  trans 
ports,  was  left  at  Brest  almost  ready  to  sail,  which  it 
was  said  would  soon  follow. 

The  instructions  from  the  ministry  to  Count  de  Ro 
chambeau  were  extremely  judicious,  and  contrived  in 
every  part  to  secure  harmony  between  the  American  and 
French  armies.  The  general  and  the  troops  were  to  be 
in  all  cases  under  the  command  of  General  Washington. 
When  the  two  armies  were  united,  the  French  troops 
were  to  be  considered  as  auxiliaries,  and  to  yield  pre 
cedence  by  taking  the  left.  American  officers  were  to 
command  French  officers  of  equal  rank,  and  holding 
commissions  of  the  same  dates ;  and,  in  all  military  acts 
and  capitulations,  the  American  generals  were  to  be 
named  first  and  to  sign  first.  These  instructions,  ex 
pressed  in  clear  and  positive  terms,  were  made  known 
to  General  Washington  by  Lafayette  before  the  troops 
landed.  A  copy  in  detail  was  likewise  sent  to  him  by 
Count  de  Rochambeau.  They  produced  all  the  happy 
effects,  which  could  have  been  anticipated.  Perfect 
harmony  subsisted  not  only  between  the  armies,  but 
between  the  people  and  the  French  troops,  from  their 


JET.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  337 

first  arrival  in  the  country  till  their  final  departure. 
The  Continental  officers,  by  the  recommendation  of 
General  Washington,  wore  cockades  of  black  and  white 
intermixed,  as  a  compliment  to  the  French  troops, 
and  a  symbol  of  friendship ;  the  former  color  being  that 
of  the  American  cockade,  and  the  latter  that  of  the 
French. 

A  plan  of  combined  operations  against  the  enemy  in 
New  York  was  drawn  up  by  General  Washington, 
and  forwarded  to  Count  de  Rochambeau  by  the  hands 
of  Lafayette,  who  went  to  Newport  for  the  purpose 
of  making  explanations,  and  concerting  arrangements 
with  the  French  general  and  admiral.  This  plan  had 
for  its  basis  the  naval  superiority  of  the  French  over 
the  English,  by  which  the  fleet  of  the  latter  might  be 
attacked  to  advantage,  or  at  least  blocked  up  in  the 
harbour  of  New  York.  At  the  present  time,  however, 
this  was  not  the  case.  The  arrival  of  Admiral  Graves, 
with  six  ships  of  the  line,  had  increased  the  British 
naval  force  considerably  beyond  that  of  the  Chevalier 
de  Ternay ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  nothing  could  be 
done,  till  he  should  be  reinforced  by  the  second  division 
from  France,  or  by  the  squadron  of  the  Count  de 
Guichen,,  which  was  expected  from  the  West  Indies. 

Forewarned  by  the  British  ministry  of  the  destination 
of  the  French  armament,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  made  sea 
sonable  preparations  to  meet  it,  and  requested  Admiral 
Arbuthnot  to  be  ready  with  his  fleet.  After  considera 
ble  delay  he  embarked  six  thousand  troops  at  Frog's 
Neck,  intending  to  proceed  through  the  Sound  and 
cooperate  with  the  fleet  in  an  attack  on  the  French  at 
Newport.  In  the  mean  time  Count  de  Rochambeau, 
aided  by  General  Heath  then  present  with  the  French 
army,  called  in  the  militia  of  the  neighbouring  country^ 
and  increased  the  force  at  Newport  so  much,  that  Sir 

VOL  i.  43  cc 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

Henry  Clinton,  despairing  of  success,  landed  his  men 
at  Whitestone,  on  Long  Island,  and  returned  to  New 
York,  without  effecting  any  part  of  his  object  Another 
reason  for  his  sudden  return  was,  that  Washington  had 
drawn  his  army  across  the  Hudson,  and  taken  a  posi 
tion  on  the  east  side  of  that  river,  from  which  he  might 
attack  the  city  during  the  absence  of  so  large  a  portion 
of  the  troops.  It  was  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  first  hope, 
that,  by  the  aid  of  the  fleet,  he  should  be  able  to  com 
plete  his  expedition  against  Newport,  and  come  back 
to  New  York  before  Washington  could  assume  an  at 
titude  which  would  menace  the  city ;  but  in  this  he  was 
disappointed. 

Having  a  decided  naval  superiority,  however,  Admi 
ral  Arbuthnot  blockaded  the  French  squadron  in  the 
harbour  of  Newport,  and  Count  de  Rochambeau's  army 
was  obliged  to  remain  there  for  its  protection.  This 
state  of  things  continued  through  the  season,  and  no 
military  enterprise  was  undertaken.  The  second  French 
division  was  blockaded  at  Brest,  and  never  came  to 
America;  and  the  Count  de  Guichen  sailed  from  the 
West  Indies  to  France  without  touching  in  any  part  of 
the  United  States.  Both  parties,  therefore,  stood  on  the 
defensive,  watching  each  other's  motions,  and  depend 
ing  on  the  operations  of  the  British  and  French  fleets. 
General  Washington  recrossed  the  Hudson,  and  en 
camped  below  Orangetown,  or  Tappan,  on  the  borders 
of  New  Jersey,  which  station  he  held  till  winter. 

In  this  interval  of  leisure,  a  conference  between  the 
commanders  of  the  two  allied  armies  was  suggested  by 
Count  de  Rochambeau,  and  readily  assented  to  by 
General  Washington.  They  met  at  Hartford,  in  Con 
necticut,  on  the  21st  of  September.  During  the  ab 
sence  of  General  Washington,  the  army  was  left  under 
the  command  of  General  Greene.  The  interview  was 


^T.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  339 

more  interesting  and  serviceable  in  cementing  a  person 
al  friendship  and  promoting  amicable  relations  between 
the  parties,  than  important  in  establishing  an  ulterior 
system  of  action.  Nothing  indeed  could  be  positively 
agreed  upon,  since  a  naval  superiority  was  absolutely 
essential  to  any  enterprise  by  land,  and  this  superiority 
did  not  exist.  All  the  plans  that  were  brought  into 
view,  therefore,  rested  on  contingencies,  and  in  the  end 
these  were  unfavorable  to  a  combined  operation. 

At  this  time  General  Arnold  held  the  command  at 
West  Point  and  other  fortified  posts  in  the  Highlands. 
No  officer  in  the  American  army  had  acquired  higher 
renown  for  military  talents,  activity,  and  courage.  He 
had  signalized  himself  at  the  taking  of  Ticonderoga,  by 
his  expedition  through  the  wilderness  to  Quebec,  in  a 
naval  engagement  on  Lake  Champlain,  in  a  rencounter 
with  the  enemy  at  Danbury,  and  above  all  in  the  deci 
sive  action  at  Saratoga.  When  the  British  evacuated 
Philadelphia,  he  was  appointed  to  the  command  in  that 
city,  being  disabled  by  his  wounds  for  immediate  active 
service.  Arrogant,  fond  of  display,  and  extravagant  in 
his  style  of  living,  he  was  soon  involved  in  difficulties, 
which  led  to  his  ruin.  His  debts  accumulated,  and,  to 
relieve  himself  from  embarrassment  and  indulge  his  pas 
sion  for  parade,  he  resorted  to  practices  discreditable 
to  him  as  an  officer  and  a  man.  Heavy  charges  were 
exhibited  against  him  by  the  President  and  Council  of 
Pennsylvania,  which  were  referred  to  a  court-martial. 
After  a  thorough  investigation,  the  court  sentenced  him 
to  receive  a  public  reprimand  from  the  Commander-in- 
chief.  He  had  previously  presented  to  Congress  large 
claims  against  the  United  States  on  account  of  money, 
which  he  said  he  had  expended  for  the  public  service 
in  Canada.  These  claims  were  examined,  and  in  part 
disallowed.  In  the  opinion  of  many,  they  were  such 


340  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

as  to  authorize  a  suspicion  of  his  integrity,  if  not  to 
afford  evidence  of  deliberate  fraud. 

These  censures,  added  to  the  desperate  state  of  his 
private  affairs,  were  more  than  the  pride  of  Arnold  could 
bear.  At  once  to  take  revenge,  and  to  retrieve  his  for 
tunes,  he  resolved  to  become  a  traitor  to  his  country, 
and  seek  employment  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy.  This 
purpose  was  so  far  fixed  in  his  mind  fifteen  months 
before  its  consummation,  that  he  then  began,  and  con 
tinued  afterwards,  a  secret  correspondence  with  Major 
Andre,  adjutant-general  of  the  British  army.  The  more 
easily  to  effect  his  designs,  he  sought  and  obtained  the 
command  at  West  Point,  where  he  arrived  the  first 
week  in  August.  From  that  time  it  was  his  aim,  by  a 
plan  concerted  with  the  British  general,  to  deliver  West 
Point  and  the  other  posts  of  the  Highlands  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy. 

The  absence  of  Washington  from  the  army,  on  his 
visit  to  Hartford,  was  thought  to  afford  a  fit  occasion  for 
bringing  the  affair  to  a  crisis.  The  Vulture  sloop  of 
war  ascended  the  Hudson,  and  anchored  in  Haverstraw 
Bay,  six  or  seven  miles  below  King's  Ferry.  It  was 
contrived  that  a  meeting  should  take  place  between 
Arnold  and  Andre,  for  the  purpose  of  making  arrange 
ments.  Andre  went  ashore  from  the  Vulture  in  the 
night  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  where  Arnold  was 
waiting  to  receive  him.  They  remained  together  in 
that  place  till  the  dawn  of  day,  when,  their  business  not 
being  finished,  Arnold  persuaded  him  to  go  to  the  house 
of  Joshua  H.  Smith,  at  some  distance  from  the  river, 
where  he  was  concealed  during  the  day.  Arnold  left 
him  in  the  morning  and  went  to  West  Point.  It  was 
Andre's  expectation  and  wish  to  return  to  the  Vul 
ture;  but,  this  not  being  practicable,  he  left  Smith's 
house  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening  on  horseback,  and 


vEx.48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  341 

crossed  the  river  at  King's  Ferry  with  a  written  pass 
signed  by  Arnold,  in  which  the  bearer  was  called  John 
Anderson.  Before  leaving  Smith's  house  he  exchanged 
his  regimentals  for  a  citizen's  dress,  over  which  he  wore 
a  dark,  loose  great-coat. 

The  next  day,  while  riding  alone  towards  New  York, 
he  was  suddenly  stopped  in  the  road  by  three  armed 
militia-men,  Paulding,  Williams,  and  Van  Wart,  about 
half  a  mile  north  of  Tarrytown.  They  searched  him, 
and  found  papers  secreted  in  his  boots.  From  this  dis 
covery  they  inferred  that  he  was  a  spy;  and,  taking  him 
back  to  the  nearest  American  out-post  at  North  Castle, 
they  delivered  him  over  to  Lieutenant- Colonel  Jameson, 
who  was  stationed  there  with  a  party  of  dragoons. 
Jameson  examined  the  papers,  and  knew  them  to  be 
in  the  handwriting  of  Arnold.  They  were  of  a  very 
extraordinary  character,  containing  an  exact  account  of 
the  state  of  things  at  West  Point,  and  of  the  strength 
of  the  garrison,  with  remarks  on  the  different  works,  and 
a  report  of  a  council  of  war  recently  held  at  the  head 
quarters  of  the  army.  Jameson  was  amazed  and  be 
wildered.  He  sent  a  messenger  to  Arnold  with  a  letter, 
stating  that  a  prisoner,  who  called  himself  John  Ander 
son,  had  been  brought  to  him  and  was  then  in  custody, 
and  that  papers  had  been  found  upon  his  person,  which 
seemed  to  him  of  a  dangerous  tendency.  At  the  same 
time  he  despatched  an  express  to  General  Washington, 
then  supposed  to  be  on  the  road  returning  from  Hartford. 
This  express  was  the  bearer  of  the  papers,  which  had 
been  taken  from  Andre's  boots. 

The  next  morning  Andre  was  sent,  under  the  charge 
of  Major  Tallmadge,  to  Colonel  Sheldon's  quarters  at 
New  Salem  for  greater  security.  Being  now  convinced 
that  there  was  no  hope  of  escape,  he  wrote  a  letter  to 
General  Washington  revealing  his  name  and  true  char- 

cc* 


312 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1780. 


acter.  Till  this  time  no  one  about  him  knew  who  he 
was,  or  that  he  held  a  military  rank.  He  submitted 
the  letter  to  Major  Tallmadge  and  other  officers,  who 
read  it  with  astonishment. 

Having  finished  his  interview  with  the  French  com 
manders,  Washington  returned  from  Hartford  by  the 
upper  route  through  Fishkill.  Consequently  the  ex 
press,  who  was  sent  with  the  papers,  and  who  took  the 
lower  route,  by  which  Washington  had  gone  to  Hart 
ford,  did  not  meet  him,  but  came  back  to  North  Castle. 
In  the  mean  time  Washington  pursued  his  journey  by 
the  way  of  Fishkill  to  West  Point.  Two  or  three 
hours  before  he  reached  Arnold's  house,  which  was  on 
the  side  of  the  river  opposite  to  West  Point  and  at 
a  considerable  distance  below,  the  messenger  arrived 
there  with  the  letter  from  Jameson,  by  which  Arnold 
was  informed  of  the  capture  of  Andre.  He  read  it  with 
some  degree  of  agitation,  and,  pretending  that  he  was 
suddenly  called  to  West  Point,  mounted  a  horse  stand 
ing  at  the  door,  rode  to  the  river,  entered  his  barge,  and 
ordered  the  men  to  row  down  the  stream.  When  the 
barge  approached  King's  Ferry,  he  held  up  a  white 
handkerchief,  and  the  officer,  who  commanded  at  Ver- 
planck's  Point,  supposing  it  to  be  a  flag-boat,  allowed  it 
to  pass  without  inspection.  Arnold  proceeded  directly 
to  the  Vulture,  which  was  still  at  anchor  in  the  river 
near  the  place  where  Andre  had  left  it. 

Washington  arrived  at  Arnold's  house,  and  went  over 
to  West  Point,  without  hearing  any  thing  of  Arnold. 
On  his  return,  however,  in  the  afternoon,  he  received 
the  abovementioned  letter  from  Andre,  and  the  papers 
found  in  his  boots,  which  had  been  forwarded  from 
North  Castle.  The  plot  was  now  unravelled.  The  first 
thing  to  be  done  was  to  secure  the  posts.  Orders 
were  immediately  despatched  to  all  the  principal  officers, 
and  every  precaution  was  taken 


vET.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  343 

Andre  was  first  removed  to  West  Point,  and  thence 
to  the  head-quarters  of  the  army  at  Tappan.  A  board 
of  officers  was  summoned,  and  directed  to  inquire  into 
the  case  of  Major  Andre,  report  the  facts,  and  give 
their  opinion,  both  in  regard  to  the  nature  of  his  of 
fence,  and  to  the  punishment  that  ought  to  be  awarded. 
Various  papers  were  laid  before  the  board,  and  Andre 
himself  was  questioned,  and  desired  to  make  such  state 
ments  and  explanations  as  he  chose.  After  a  full  in 
vestigation  the  board  reported,  that  the  prisoner  came 
on  shore  in  the  night,  to  hold  a  private  and  secret  inter 
view  with  General  Arnold ;  that  he  changed  his  dress 
within  the  American  lines,  and  passed  the  guards  in  a 
disguised  habit  and  under  a  feigned  name;  that  he  was 
taken  in  the  same  disguised  habit,  having  in  his  pos 
session  several  papers,  which  contained  intelligence  for 
the  enemy ;  and  that  he  ought  to  be  considered  as  a 
spy,  and,  according  to  the  law  and  usage  of  nations,  to 
suffer  death.  General  Washington  approved  this  de 
cision;  and  Major  Andre  was  executed  at  Tappan  on 
the  2d  of  October. 

While  Andre's  case  was  pending,  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
used  every  effort  in  his  power  to  rescue  him  from  his 
fate.  He  wrote  to  General  Washington,  and  endeav 
oured  to  show,  that  he  could  not  be  regarded  as  a  spy, 
inasmuch  as  he  came  on  shore  at  the  request  of  an 
American  general,  and  afterwards  acted  by  his  direc 
tion.  Connected  with  all  the  circumstances,  this  argu 
ment  could  have  no  weight.  That  he  was  drawn  into 
a  snare  by  a  traitor  did  not  make  him  the  less  a  spy. 
As  the  guilt  of  Arnold  was  the  cause  of  all  the  evils 
that  followed,  an  exchange  of  him  for  Andre  would 
have  been  accepted ;  but  no  such  proposal  was  inti 
mated  by  the  British  general ;  and  perhaps  it  could 
not  be  done  consistently  with  honor  and  the  course 


344  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

already  pursued.  From  the  moment  of  his  capture  till 
that  of  his  execution,  the  conduct  of  Andre  was  marked 
with  a  candor,  self-possession,  and  dignity,  which  betok 
ened  a  brave  and  noble  spirit.  There  was  no  stronger 
trait  in  the  character  of  Washington  than  humanity; 
the  misfortunes  and  sufferings  of  others  touched  him 
keenly ;  and  his  feelings  were  deeply  moved  at  the  part 
he  was  compelled  to  act  in  consenting  to  the  death 
of  Andre ;  yet  justice  to  the  office  he  held,  and  to  the 
cause  for  which  his  countrymen  were  shedding  their 
blood,  left  him  no  alternative.* 

While  these  operations  were  going  on  at  the  north, 
all  the  intelligence  from  the  south  gave  evidence,  that 
affairs  in  that  quarter  were  assuming  a  gloomy  aspect. 
The  British  forces,  with  Lord  Cornwallis  at  their  head, 
were  overrunning  the  Carolinas ;  and  preparations  were 
making  in  New  York  to  detach  a  squadron  with  troops 
to  fall  upon  Virginia.  The  defeat  of  General  Gates 
near  Camden,  in  South  Carolina,  was  a  heavy  blow 
upon  the  Americans,  and  left  them  in  a  state  from 
which  it  was  feared  they  would  not  soon  recover.  Con 
gress  requested  General  Washington  to  appoint  an  of 
ficer  to  succeed  Gates  in  the  command  of  the  southern 
army.  With  his  usual  determination  and  judgment  he 
selected  General  Greene,  who  repaired  to  the  theatre 
of  action,  in  which  he  was  so  eminently  distinguished 
during  the  subsequent  years  of  the  war. 

Gaining  an  increased  confidence  in  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  which  a  long  experience  of  his  wisdom  and 
disinterestedness  authorized,  Congress  at  length  adopt 
ed  the  important  measures,  in  regard  to  the  army, 
which  he  had  earnestly  and  repeatedly  advised  and 

*  A  full  and  detailed  account  of  the  particulars  relating  to  this  sub 
ject  is  contained  in  SPARKS'S  Life  and  Treason  of  Arnold,  being  the 
tliird  volume  of  the  Library  of  American  Biography. 


^Ex.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  345 

enforced.  They  decreed  that  all  the  troops,  thence 
forward  to  be  raised,  should  be  enlisted  to  serve  during 
the  war ;  and  that  all  the  officers,  who  continued  in  the 
service  to  the  end  of  the  war,  should  be  entitled  to 
half-pay  for  life.  Washington  ever  believed,  that,  if 
this  system  had  been  pursued  from  the  beginning,  it 
would  have  shortened  the  war,  or  at  least  have  caused 
a  great  diminution  in  the  expense.  Unfortunately  the 
States  did  not  comply  with  the  former  part  of  the  requi 
sition,  but  adhered  to  the  old  method  of  filling  up  their 
quotas  with  men  raised  for  three  years  and  for  shorter 
terms.  The  extreme  difficulty  of  procuring  recruits 
was  the  reason  assigned  for  persevering  in  this  practice. 

Lafayette  commanded  six  battalions  of  light  infantry, 
stationed  in  advance  of  the  main  army.  He  projected 
a  descent  upon  Staten  Island,  but  was  prevented  from 
executing  it  by  the  want  of  boats.  A  plan  was  likewise 
formed  for  a  general  attack  on  the  north  part  of  New 
York  Island.  The  enemy's  posts  were  reconnoitred, 
extensive  preparations  were  made,  and  a  large  foraging 
party  was  sent  into  Westchester  County  to  mask  the 
design,  and  draw  the  attention  of  the  enemy  that  way. 
But  the  sudden  appearance  of  several  armed  vessels  in 
the  river  caused  the  enterprise  to  be  deferred  and  final 
ly  abandoned.  The  foraging  expedition,  conducted  by 
General  Stark,  was  successful. 

The  army  went  into  winter-quarters  at  the  end  of 
November ;  the  Pennsylvania  line  near  Morristown,  the 
New  Jersey  regiments  at  Pompton,  and  the  eastern 
troops  in  the  Highlands.  The  head-quarters  of  the  Com 
mander-in-chief  were  at  New  Windsor.  The  French 
army  remained  at  Newport,  except  the  Duke  de  Lau- 
zun's  legion,  which  was  cantoned  at  Lebanon  in  Con 
necticut. 

VOL.  i.  44 


316  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  Troops.  —  Agency  of 
Washington  in  procuring  Supplies  from  France. — ^Limited  Powers 
of  Congress.  —  Operations  of  the  Enemy  in  the  Chesapeake.  — De 
tachment  to  Virginia  under  Lafayette.  —  General  Washington  visits 
Count  de  Rochambeau  at  Newport.  —  Condition  of  the  Army.  — Inter 
view  between  the  American  and  French  Commanders  at  Weathers- 
field.  —  Plan  of  Operations.  —  A  combined  Attack  on  New  York  pro 
posed.  —  Junction  between  the  American  and  French  Armies.  — 
Intelligence  from  Count  de  Grasse  in  the  West  Indies  changes  the 
"Objects  of  the  Campaign. —  Successful  Operations  of  Lafayette  against 
Cornwallis.  —  The  'combined  Armies  cross  the  Hudson  and  march  to 
Virginia. — The  Fleet  of  Count  de  Grasse  enters  the  Chesapeake. — 
Siege  of  Yorktown. —  Capitulation. — The  American  Army  returns 
to  Hudson's  River;  the  French  remains  in  Virginia. 

THE  year  1781  opened  with  an  event,  which  filled 
the  country  with  alarm,  and  threatened  dangerous  con 
sequences.  On  the  1st  of  January  a  mutiny  broke 
out  among  the  Pennsylvania  troops,  stationed  near 
Morristown,  and  about  thirteen  hundred  men  paraded 
under  arms,  refused  obedience  to  their  officers,  killed 
one  captain,  mortally  wounded  another,  and  committed 
various  outrages.  The  mutineers  marched  in  a  body 
towards  Princeton  with  six  field-pieces,  avowing  their 
intention  to  proceed  to  Philadelphia,  and  demand  from 
Congress  a  redress  of  their  grievances.  They  com 
plained  that  their  pay  was  in  arrears,  that  they  were 
obliged  to  receive  it  in  a  depreciated  currency,  that 
many  of  the  soldiers  were  detained  beyond  the  term 
of  their  enlistment,  and  that  they  had  suffered  every 
hardship  for  the  want  of  money,  provisions,  and  clothing. 
By  the  prudence  and  good  management  of  General 
Wayne,  who  took  care  to  supply  them  with  provisions 
on  their  march,  they  were  kept  from  plundering  the 


^Er.49.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  347 

inhabitants  and  other  excesses.  He  sent  the  intelli 
gence  of  the  revolt  by  an  express  to  General  Wash 
ington,  who,  considering  the  number  of  the  mutineers 
and  the  apparent  justice  of  their  complaints,  recom 
mended  to  him  not  to  use  force,  which  might  inflame 
their  passions,  increase  opposition,  keep  alive  resent 
ment,  and  tempt  them  to  turn  about  and  go*  to  the 
enemy,  who  would  not  fail  to  hold  out  alluring  offers. 
He  advised  General  Wayne  to  draw  from  them  a 
statement  of  their  grievances,  and  promise  to  represent 
the  case  faithfully  to  Congress  and  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  endeavour  to  obtain  redress. 

These  judicious  counsels  had  the  effect  desired.  A 
committee  of  Congress,  joined  by  the  President  of 
Pennsylvania,  met  the  revolters  at  Trenton,  and  made 
proposals  to  them,  which  were  accepted,  and  they 
gave  up  their  arms.  An  ambiguity  in  the  written 
terms  of  enlistment  was  one  of  the  principal  causes 
of  dissatisfaction.  The  agreement  on  the  part  of  the 
soldiers  was,  to  serve  for  three  years  or  during  the  war 
By  the  interpretation,  which  the  officers  gave  to  these 
expressions,  they  bound  the  soldiers  to  serve  to  the 
end  of  the  war  ;  whereas  the  soldiers  insisted,  that 
they  engaged  for  three  years  only,  or  during  the  war 
if  it  should  come  to  an  end  before  the  three  years 
had  elapsed.  Accordingly  they  demanded  a  discharge 
at  the  expiration  of  that  period.  This  construction 
being  allowed,  it  was  the  means  of  disbanding  a  large 
part  of  the  Pennsylvania  line  for  the  winter,  but  it 
was  recruited  again  in  the  spring  to  its  original  com 
plement.  The  revolters  were  indignant  at  the  sus 
picion  of  their  going  to  the  enemy,  and  scorned  the 
idea,  as  they  expressed  it,  of  turning  Jlrnolds.  Two 
emissaries  sent  among  them  with  overtures  from  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  were  given  up,  tried  by  a  court-martial, 
and  executed. 


348  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

Not  knowing  how  far  this  example  might  infect  the 
troops  generally,  the  sufferings  of  all  of  whom  were 
not  less  than  those  of  the  Pennsylvania  line,  General 
Washington  took  speedy  measures  to  prevent  the  repe 
tition  of  such  a  scene  as  had  just  occurred.     He  or 
dered  a  thousand  trusty  men  to  be  selected  from  the 
regiments  in  the  Highlands,  and  held  in  readiness  to 
march,  with  four  days'  provisions,  at  the  shortest  notice. 
The  wisdom  of  this  precaution  was  soon  put  to  the 
proof;  for  news   came,  that   the   New  Jersey  troops, 
stationed  at   Pompton  and    Chatham,  were  in  a  state 
of  mutiny,  having  risen  in  arms  against  their  officers, 
and  threatened  to  march  to  Trenton,  where  the  legis 
lature  of  the  State  was  then  in  session,  and  demand 
redress  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.     The  case  required 
promptness  and  energy.     Six  hundred  men  were  put 
under  the  command  of  General  Howe,  with  orders  to 
march  and  crush  the  revolt  by  force,  unless  the  men 
should   yield   unconditional  submission  and   return   to 
their  duty.      These   orders   were   faithfully   executed. 
Taken   by  surprise,  the  mutineers  were  compelled  to 
parade  without  their  arms,  make  concessions  to  their 
officers,   and   promise   obedience.      To   impress   them 
with  the  enormity  of  their  guilt,  and  deter  them  and 
others  from  future  acts  of  the  kind,  two  of  the  ring 
leaders  were  tried  by  a  field  court-martial  and  shot. 
By  this  summary  proceeding  the  spirit  of  mutiny  in 
the  army  was  subdued. 

In  the  midst  of  these  distracting  events  Washington 
was  employed,  at  the  request  of  Congress,  in  afford 
ing  important  counsels  to  Colonel  John  Laurens,  who 
had  been  appointed  on  a  mission  to  France,  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  a  loan  and  military  supplies. 
Such  was  the  deranged  state  of  the  currency,  so  low 
had  the  resources  of  the  country  been  drained,  and 


yTCx.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  349 

so  feeble  was  the  power  of  drawing  them  out,  that, 
in  the  opinion  of  all,  the  military  efforts  of  the  United 
States  could  not  be  exerted  with  a  vigor  suited  to 
the  exigency  of  the  occasion,  nor  even  with  any  thing 
more  than  a  languishing  inactivity,  unless  sustained 
by  succours  from  their  allies  both  in  money  and  sup 
plies  for  the  army.  The  sentiments  of  Washington, 
communicating  the  fruits  of  his  knowledge,  experience, 
and  judgment,  with  the  weight  of  his  name,  were 
thought  essential  to  produce  a  just  impression  on  the 
French  cabinet.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  Colonel  Lau- 
rens,  remarkable  for  its  appropriateness  and  ability, 
containing  a  clear  and  forcible  representation  of  facts, 
with  arguments  in  support  of  the  application  of  Con 
gress,  which  was  first  presented  by  that  commissioner 
to  Dr.  Franklin,  and  afterwards  laid  before  the  ministry 
and  the  King.  The  influence  of  this  letter,  in  procuring 
the  aids  solicited  from  the  French  government,  may  be 
inferred  from  the  circumstance  of  the  loan  being  ac 
companied  with  the  suggestion,  that  the  money  to  be 
appropriated  for  the  army  should  be  left  at  the  dis 
posal  of  General  Washington. 

The  existence  of  an  army,  and  the  prosecution  of 
war,  depend  on  the  power  of  the  civil  head  of  a  nation, 
as  well  as  on  its  resources.  So  loose  were  the  ties  by 
which  the  confederacy  was  bound  together,  so  limited 
was  the  control  exercised  by  Congress  over  the  States, 
and  so  little  inclined  were  the  parts  to  unite  in  a  consol 
idated  whole,  that,  from  imbecility  on  the  one  hand  and 
public  apathy  on  the  other,  Washington  became  more 
and  more  fearful  of  the  consequences.  "The  great  busi 
ness  of  war,"  said  he,  "can  never  be  well  conducted,  if 
it  can  be  conducted  at  all,  while  the  powers  of  Congress 
are  only  recommendatory.  While  one  State  yields  obe 
dience,  and  another  refuses  it,  while  a  third  mutilates 

VOL.  I.  DD 


350  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

and  adopts  the  measure  in  part  only,  and  all  vary  in  time 
and  manner,  it  is  scarcely  possible  that  our  affairs  should 
prosper,  or  that  any  thing  but  disappointment  can  follow 
the  best  concerted  plans.  The  willing  States  are  almost 
ruined  by  their  exertions;  distrust  and  jealousy  ensue. 
Hence  proceed  neglect  and  ill-timed  compliances,  one 
State  waiting  to  see  what  another  will  do.  This  thwarts 
all  our  measures,  after  a  heavy  though  ineffectual  ex 
pense  is  incurred."  And  he  adds,  on  the  point  of 
vesting  Congress  with  competent  powers;  "Our  inde 
pendence,  our  respectability  and  consequence  in  Eu 
rope,  our  greatness  as  a  nation  hereafter,  depend  upon 
it.  The  fear  of  giving  sufficient  powers  to  Congress,  for 
the  purposes  I  have  mentioned,  is  futile.  A  nominal 
head,  which  at  present  is  but  another  name  for  Con 
gress,  will  no  longer  do.  That  honorable  body,  after 
hearing  the  interests  and  views  of  the  several  States 
fairly  discussed  and  explained  by  their  representatives, 
must  dictate,  and  not  merely  recommend  and  leave  it 
to  the  States  to  do  afterwards  as  they  please,  which,  as 
I  have  observed  before,  is  in  many  cases  to  do  nothing 
at  all."  These  sentiments  he  often  repeated  in  letters 
to  his  friends,  but  more  as  an  expression  of  his  wishes 
than  in  the  confidence  of  hope.  The  time  for  establish 
ing  a  firm  and  united  government  had  not  come.  Nor 
indeed  was  it  to  be  expected  that  the  States,  jealous  of 
their  rights,  and  each  possessing  within  itself  the  sub 
stance  and  the  forms  of  a  separate  commonwealth, 
would  resign  without  great  caution  these  positive  ad 
vantages  for  the  doubtful  security  of  a  new  and  untried 
system. 

It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  Congress  assumed 
and  exercised  certain  powers  implying  the  highest  pre 
rogatives  of  sovereignty,  while  they  neglected  to  use 
others  of  a  subordinate  kind,  which  were  less  likely  to 


^ET.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  351 

be  abused,  and  were  even  more  necessary  to  move  the 
great  machine  of  government.  They  made  war,  de 
clared  independence,  formed  treaties  of  alliance,  sent 
ministers  to  foreign  courts,  emitted  a  paper  currency 
and  pledged  the  credit  of  all  the  States  for  its  redemp 
tion,  and  on  more  than  one  occasion  conferred  dictato 
rial  powers  on  the  commander  of  their  armies.  These 
acts  of  supreme  power  they  hazarded  without  scruple 
or  hesitation,  without  consulting  their  constituents  or 
the  fear  of  displeasing  them;  but  they  ventured  only  to 
recommend  to  the  States  to  raise  troops,  levy  taxes, 
clothe  and  feed  their  naked  and  starving  soldiers, 
and  to  execute  the  laws  for  the  purposes  of  internal 
government ;  shrinking  from  the  responsibility  of  en 
forcing  their  decrees,  or  even  of  advising  compulsory 
measures. 

This  seeming  contradiction  is  not  inexplicable.  Their 
course  was  prudent,  perhaps  necessary.  The  first  se 
ries  of  acts  here  enumerated  did  not  bear  immediately 
upon  the  people.  Alliances  might  be  entered  into,  a 
foreign  minister  might  come  or  go,  an  army  might  be 
voted  or  the  credit  of  the  nation  pledged,  and  no  indi 
vidual  would  feel  any  present  inconvenience ;  whereas, 
if  a  man  was  required  to  be  a  soldier,  to  pay  a  tax,  or 
give  up  part  of  his  substance,  he  would  begin  to  think 
of  himself,  talk  of  his  rights,  complain  of  hardships,  and 
question  the  authority  that  demanded  obedience.  The 
difficulty  of  exacting  such  obedience  by  force,  and  the 
danger  of  the  attempt,  are  equally  obvious. 

The  British  general  seems  not  to  have  meditated  any 
offensive  operations  in  the  northern  States  for  the  com 
ing  campaign.  His  attention  was  chiefly  directed  to 
the  south,  where  such  detachments  as  could  be  spared 
from  his  army  at  New  York  were  to  cooperate  with 
Lord  Cornwallis.  Sixteen  hundred  men,  with  a  pro- 


352  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

portionate  number  of  armed  vessels,  were  sent  into 
the  Chesapeake  under  the  command  of  Arnold,  who 
was  eager  to  prove  his  zeal  for  the  cause  of  his  new 
friends  by  the  mischief  he  could  do  to  those,  whom  he 
had  deserted  and  sought  to  betray.  Before  his  arrival 
in  the  Chesapeake,  General  Leslie  had  left  Virginia  and 
sailed  for  Charleston ;  so  that  Arnold  received  the  un 
divided  honor  of  his  exploits,  and,  what  he  valued  more 
highly,  a  liberal  share  of  the  booty  that  fell  into  his 
hands.  He  burnt  Richmond,  seized  private  property, 
and  committed  depredations  in  sundry  places. 

About  the  middle  of  January  the  British  fleet  block 
ading  the  harbour  of  Newport  was  so  much  shattered 
and   dispersed   by  a  violent  storm,  that  the  scale  of 
superiority  turned   in  favor   of  the   French   squadron. 
The    Chevalier    de   Ternay   had    recently    died,   and 
M.  Destouches,  who  succeeded  him  in  the  command, 
reconnoitred   the  enemy's   fleet   after  the   storm,  and, 
finding  it  well  secured  in  Gardiner's  Bay,  at  the  east 
end  of  Long  Island,  he  was  not  inclined  to  seek  an 
engagement.      Taking   advantage   of  the   opportunity, 
however,   he   detached   a   ship   of   the   line   and   two 
frigates   under  M.  de  Tilly  to   the  Chesapeake,  with 
the  design  to  blockade  Arnold's  squadron,  and  to  act 
against  him  in  concert  with  the  American   troops  on 
land.     As  soon  as  General  Washington  heard  of  the 
damage   suffered   by   the   British   ships,   he   wrote   to 
Count  de  Rochambeau,  recommending   that   M.  Des 
touches  should  proceed  immediately  to  Virginia  with 
his  whole  fleet  and  a  thousand  troops  from  the  French 
army.      This   advice   was   not   received   till   after   the 
departure  of  M.  de  Tilly  from  Newport,  when  it  was 
too  late  to  comply  with  it,  as  the  British  fleet  in  the 
mean  time  had  gained  strength,  and  made  it  hazard 
ous  for  M.  Destouches  to  leave  the  harbour. 


J3T.49.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  353 

M.  de  Tilly's  expedition  was  only  in  part  successful. 
He  entered  the  Chesapeake,  but  Arnold  drew  his 
vessels  so  high  up  the  Elizabeth  River,  that  they 
could  not  be  reached  by  the  French  line-of-battle 
ship ;  and  one  of  the  frigates  ran  aground,  and  was 
set  afloat  again  with  difficulty.  As  M.  de  Tilly  could 
not  remain  long  in  the  Chesapeake  without  the  haz 
ard  of  being  blockaded  by  a  British  force,  he  put 
to  sea  and  arrived  at  Newport  after  an  absence  of 
fifteen  days. 

Although  the  British  had  repaired  their  damaged 
vessels,  yet  by  the  junction  of  M.  de  Tilly  an  equality 
was  restored  to  the  French;  and  M.  Destouches,  in 
conformity  to  the  recommendation  of  General  Wash 
ington,  resolved  on  an  expedition  to  Virginia  with 
his  whole  naval  force,  to  which  Count  de  Rocham- 
beau  added  eleven  hundred  troops,  commanded  by 
Baron  de  Viomenil.  The  French  were  pursued  by 
Admiral  Arbuthnot  with  all  his  blockading  squadron, 
and  overtaken  near  the  Capes  of  Virginia,  where  an 
action  ensued,  which  terminated  with  nearly  equal 
honor  to  both  parties.  The  object  of  the  expedition 
was  thus  defeated,  unless  it  was  a  part  of  M.  Des- 
touches's  purpose  to  bring  on  a  naval  engagement, 
which  is  not  improbable.  The  fleet  returned  to  New 
port  without  attempting  to  enter  the  Chesapeake. 

The  moment  Washington  received  the  intelligence, 
that  M.  de  Tilly  had  sailed  to  the  southward,  he 
detached  twelve  hundred  men  from  his  army  to  pro 
ceed  by  land  to  the  Chesapeake  and  cooperate  with 
the  French  against  Arnold.  At  the  head  of  this  de 
tachment  he  placed  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  being 
influenced  in  his  choice  both  by  a  political  motive, 
and  by  his  confidence  in  the  ability  and  bravery  of 
that  officer.  The  appointment  was  complimentary  to 

VOL.  I.  45  DD* 


351  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

the  allies,  and  it  was  thought  that  harmony  would  be 
more  surely  preserved  by  a  commander,  who  was  be 
loved  by  the  American  troops,  and  respected  for  his 
rank  and  character  by  his  own  countrymen.  Lafayette 
marched  from  Hudson's  River  on  the  20th  of  February. 
On  his  arrival  in  Virginia,  his  seniority  of  rank  would 
give  him  the  command  of  all  the  Continental  troops 
in  'that  State,  and  of  all  the  militia  drawn  into  the 
service  to  oppose  the  enemy  in  the  waters  of  the 
Chesapeake.  Hitherto  Baron  Steuben  had  conducted 
the  operations  against  Arnold  in  Virginia,  having  been 
detained  for  that  purpose  when  on  his  way  to  join 
General  Greene. 

To  mature  the  plans  for  the  campaign,  and  to  com 
municate  with  the  French  commanders  on  points  that 
could  not  be  safely  intrusted  to  writing,  General 
Washington  made  a  journey  to  Newport  He  left 
head-quarters  on  the  2d  of  March,  and  was  absent 
nearly  three  weeks.  He  arrived  a  day  or  two  before 
3VI.  Destouches's  departure  on  the  expedition  above 
mentioned.  The  citizens  of  Newport  received  him 
with  a  public  address,  expressive  of  their  attachment, 
their  gratitude  for  his  services,  and  the  joy  they  felt 
at  seeing  him  among  them.  In  his  reply  he  took 
care  to  reciprocate  and  confirm  the  sentiments,  which 
they  had  declared  in  regard  to  the  allies.  "  The 
conduct  of  the  French  army  and  fleet,"  said  he,  "of 
which  the  inhabitants  testify  so  grateful  and  so  affec 
tionate  a  sense,  at  the  same  time  that  it  evinces  the 
wisdom  of  the  commanders  and  the  discipline  of  the 
troops,  is  a  new  proof  of  the  magnanimity  of  the 
nation.  It  is  a  further  demonstration  of  that  gener 
ous  zeal  and  concern  for  the  happiness  of  America, 
which  brought  them  to  our  assistance,  a  happy  pre 
sage  of  future  harmony,  a  pleasing  evidence  that  an 


j£T.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

intercourse  between  the  two  nations  will  more  and 
more  cement  the  union,  by  the  solid  and  lasting  ties 
of  mutual  affection."  In  short,  the  meeting  between 
the  commanders  of  the  allied  armies  was  in  all  re 
spects  satisfactory  to  both  parties;  but  the  projects  of 
the  enemy  were  so  uncertain,  and  future  operations 
depended  so  much  on  contingent  and  unforeseen 
events,  that  nothing  more  could  be  agreed  upon,  than 
general  arrangements  ;for  acting  in  concert  at  such 
times  and  places  as  circumstances  should  require. 

Although  the  design  of  the  British  general  was 
not  then  known,  it  appeared  afterward  that  he  aimed 
to  transfer  the  seat  of  war  to  the  Chesapeake,  and 
if  possible  to  Pennsylvania.  This  scheme  was  urged 
by  iLord  Cornwallis,  who  was  of  the  opinion  that  it 
ought  to  be  pursued  even  at  the  expense  of  aban 
doning  New  York.  To  aid  in  effecting  it,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  sent  another  detachment  to  Virginia,  consist 
ing  of  two  thousand  men  under  General  Phillips,  who 
was  ordered  to  cooperate  with  Arnold,  and  ultimately 
with  Lord  Cornwallis,  it  being  presumed  that  Corn 
wallis  would  make  his  way  through  North  Carolina, 
arid  be  able  to  succour  these  troops  in  Virginia,  and 
probably  to  join  them  with  his  army. 

The  first  object  of  Lafayette's  expedition  was  to 
act  in  conjunction  with  the  French  fleet;  but,  as  no 
part  of  the  fleet  entered  the  Chesapeake,  he  was 
disappointed  in  that  purpose.  His  troops  advanced 
no  farther  than  Annapolis,  although  he  went  forward 
himself  to  Williamsburg.  Having  ascertained  that  an 
English  squadron  had  entered  the  Chesapeake,  instead 
of  the  French,  he  immediately  prepared  to  return 
with  his  detachment  to  the  main  army  near  the  Hud 
son.  He  proceeded  by  water  to  the  Head  of  Elk, 
where  he  received  additional  instructions  from  Gen- 


356  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

eral  Washington,  directing  him  to  march  to  the  south, 
and  either  meet  the  enemy  in  Virginia,  or  continue 
onward  to  the  southern  army,  as  should  be  advised 
by  General  Greene. 

The  enemy  ascended  the  Chesapeake  Bay  and  its 
principal  rivers  with  their  small  armed  vessels,  plunder 
ing  and  laying  waste  the  property  of  the  inhabitants. 
One  of  these  vessels  came  up  the  Potomac  to  Mount 
Vernon ;  and  the  manager  of  the  estate,  with  the  hope 
of  saving  the  houses  from  being  pillaged  and  burnt, 
yielded  to  the  demands  of  the  officers  in  a  manner, 
which   excited   the  regret   and   displeasure  of  Wash 
ington.     In  reply  to  his  manager,  who  had  informed 
him  of  the   particulars,   he   said ;    "I   am   very   sorry 
to  hear  of  your  loss ;  I  am  a  little  sorry  to  hear  of 
my  own ;  but  that  which  gives  me  most  concern  is, 
that  you  should  go  on  board  the  enemy's  vessels,  and 
furnish  them  with  refreshments.     It  would  have  been 
a  less  painful  circumstance  to  me  to  have  heard,  that, 
in    consequence   of   your    non-compliance   with    their 
request,  they  had  burnt  my  house  and  laid  the  plan 
tation  in  ruins.     You  ought  to  have  considered  your 
self  as  my  representative,  and   should  have  reflected 
on  the  bad  example  of  communicating  with  the  ene 
my,  and  making  a  voluntary  offer  of  refreshments  to 
them  with  a  view  to  prevent  a  conflagration.     It  was 
not  in  your  power,  I  acknowledge,    to  prevent  them 
from  sending  a  flag  on  shore,  and  you  did  right  to 
meet  it ;  but  you  should,  in  the  same  instant  that  the 
business  of  it  was  unfolded,  have  declared  explicitly, 
that  it  was  improper  for  you  to  yield  to  the  request; 
after  which,  if  they  had  proceeded  to  help  themselves 
by  force,  you  could  but  have  submitted;  and,  being 
unprovided  for  defence,  this  was  to  be  preferred  to  a 
feeble  opposition,  which   only  serves  as  a  pretext  to 


JET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  357 

bum  and  destroy."  The  reader  need  not  be  remind 
ed  of  the  accordance  of  these  sentiments  with  the 
noble  disinterestedness,  which  regulated  his  conduct 
through  the  whole  of  his  public  life. 

An  extract  from  his  Diary,  written  on  the  1st  of 
May,  will  exhibit  in  a  striking  manner  the  condition 
of  the  army  at  that  time,  and  the  prospects  of  the 
campaign. 

"  To  have  a  clearer  understanding  of  the  entries, 
which  may  follow,  it  would  be  proper  to  recite  in 
detail  our  wants  and  our  prospects ;  but  this  alone 
would  be  a  work  of  much  time  and  great  magnitude. 
It  may  suffice  to  give  the  sum  of  them,  which  I  shall 
do  in  a  few  words.  Instead  of  having  magazines 
filled  with  provisions,  we  have  a  scanty  pittance  scat 
tered  here  and  there  in  'the  different  States ;  instead 
of  having  our  arsenals  well  supplied  with  military  stores, 
they  are  poorly  provided  and  the  workmen  all  leav 
ing  them ;  instead  of  having  the  various  articles  of 
field-equipage  in  readiness  to  be  delivered,  the  quarter 
master-general,  as  the  dernier  resort,  according  to  his 
account,  is  but  now  applying  to  the  several  States 
to  provide  these  things  for  their  troops  respectively; 
instead  of  having  a  regular  system  of  transportation 
established  upon  credit,  or  funds  in  the  quartermaster's 
hands  to  defray  the  contingent  expenses  of  it,  we 
have  neither  the  one  nor  the  other,  and  all  that  busi 
ness,  or  a  great  part  of  it,  being  done  by  military  im 
press,  we  are  daily  and  hourly  oppressing  the  people, 
souring  their  tempers,  and  alienating  their  affections; 
instead  of  having  the  regiments  completed  to  the  new 
establishment,  which  ought  to  have  been  done  agree 
ably  to  the  requisitions  of  Congress,  scarce  any  State 
in  the  Union  has  at  this  hour  an  eighth  part  of  its 
quota  in  the  field,  and  little  prospect  that  I  can  see 


358 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 


ot  ever  getting  more  than  half;  in  a  word,  instead 
of  having  every  thing  in  readiness  to  take  the  field, 
we  have°nothing ;  and,  instead  of  having  the  prospect 
of  a  glorious  offensive  campaign  before  us,  we  have 
a  bewildered  and  gloomy  defensive  one,  unless  we 
should  receive  a  powerful  aid  of  ships,  land  troops, 
and  money  from  our  generous  allies,  and  these  at 
present  are  too  contingent  to  build  upon." 

Happily  the  train  of  affairs  took  a  more  favorable 
turn  than  he  anticipated.  In  a  short  time  he  received 
the  cheering  intelligence,  that  the  Count  de  Barras  had 
arrived  in  Boston  harbour  with  a  French  frigate,  that 
other  vessels  and  a  reinforcement  of  troops  from  France 
might  soon  be  looked  for,  and  that  a  fleet  under  the 
Count  de  Grasse  would  sail  from  the  West  Indies  to 
the  United  States  in  July  or  August.  Another  meet 
ing  between  the  commanders  of  the  allied  armies  was 
thus  rendered  necessary.  It  took  place  at  Weathers- 
field,  in  Connecticut,  on  the  22d  of  May.  Count  de 
Barras,  having  succeeded  M.  Destouches  in  the  com 
mand  of  the  French  squadron,  was  detained  at  New 
port  by  the  appearance  of  a  British  fleet  off  the  harbour; 
but  the  Marquis  de  Chastellux,  a  major-general  in  the 
army,  accompanied  Count  de  Rochambeau.  On  the 
part  of  the  Americans  were  the  Commander-in-chief, 
General  Knox,  and  General  Duportail. 

The  two  principal  objects  brought  under  considera 
tion  were ;  first,  a  southern  expedition  to  act  against 
the  enemy  in  Virginia ;  secondly,  a  combined  attack  on 
New  York.  The  French  commander  leaned  to  the 
former ;  but  he  yielded  to  the  stronger  reasons  for  the 
latter,  which  was  decidedly  preferred  by  General  Wash 
ington.  A  movement  to  (he  south  must  be  wholly  by 
land,  the  French  fleet  being  inferior  to  that  of  Admiral 
Arbuthnot,  by  which  it  was  blockaded,  and  of  course 


^ET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  359 

not  in  a  condition  to  go  to  sea.  The  difficulty  and 
expense  of  transportation,  the  season  of  the  year  in 
which  the  troops  would  reach  Virginia,  being  the 
hottest  part  of  summer,  and  the  waste  of  men  always 
attending  a  long  march,  were  formidable  objections  to 
the  first  plan.  It  was  believed,  also,  that  the  enemy's 
force  in  New  York  had  been  so  much  weakened  by 
detachments,  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  would  be  com 
pelled  either  to  sacrifice  that  place  and  its  dependen 
cies,  or  recall  part  of  his  troops  from  the  south  to 
defend  them. 

It  was  therefore  agreed,  that  Count  de  Rochambeau 
should  march  as  soon  as  possible  from  Newport,  and 
form  a  junction  with  the  American  army  near  Hudson's 
River.  Before  leaving  Weathersfield,  a  circular  letter 
was  written  by  General  Washington  to  the  governors 
of  the  eastern  States,  acquainting  them  with  the  result 
of  the  conference,  and  urging  them  to  fill  up  their 
quotas  of  Continental  troops  with  all  possible  despatch, 
and  to  hold  a  certain  number  of  militia  in  readiness  to 
march  at  a  week's  notice.  If  men  could  not  be  ob 
tained  for  three  years,  or  during  the  war,  he  recom 
mended  that  they  should  be  enlisted  for  the  campaign 
only,  deeming  the  exigency  to  be  of  the  greatest  im 
portance,  both  in  a  military  point  of  view  and  in  its 
political  bearings;  for  the  zeal  of  the  Americans,  and 
their  willingness  to  make  sacrifices  for  the  common 
cause,  would  be  estimated  by  the  manner  in  which 
they  should  now  second  the  efforts  of  their  allies,  and 
contribute  to  give  effect  to  their  proffered  services.  A 
body  of  militia  was  likewise  to  be  called  to  Newport, 
for  the  defence  of  the  French  fleet  in  the  harbour  after 
the  departure  of  the  troops.  The  two  commanders 
returned  to  their  respective  armies,  and  prepared  to  put 
their  plan  in  execution. 


360  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

It  may   here  be  observed,  that,  after  the   treaty  of 
alliance,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  feeling  secure 
of  their  independence  by  the  powerful  aid  of  France, 
became  more  and  more  remiss  in  complying  with  the 
requisitions  of  Congress.  The  eastern  and  middle  States 
in  particular,  after  the  French  troops  had  arrived  in  the 
country,  and  the  theatre  of  war  had  been  transferred  by 
the  enemy  to  the  south,  relapsed  into  a  state  of  com 
parative  inactivity  and  indifference;  the  more  observ 
able  on  account  of  the  contrast  it  presented  with  the 
ardor,  energy,  and  promptitude  which  had  previously 
characterized  them.     To  shake  off  this  lethargy,  or  at 
least  to  counteract  its  influence  and  stimulate  them  to 
furnish  the  supplies  absolutely  necessary  for  the  army, 
Washington    resorted   to   every   expedient,    which    he 
thought  would  operate  on  their  public  spirit  and  imme 
diate  interests.   Hence  he  had  determined,  nearly  a  year 
before  this  time,  to  give  out  and  cause  it  to  be  believed, 
that  New  York  was  the  point  of  attack  at  which  he 
aimed  with  all  the  force  and  means  that  could  be  col 
lected.     Speaking  on  this  subject  at  a  later  date,  he 
said,   "It  never  was  in  contemplation  to  attack  New 
York,  unless  the  garrison  should  first  have  been  so  far 
disgarnished  to  carry  on  the  southern  operations,  as  to 
render  our  success  in  the  siege  of  that  place  as  in 
fallible  as  any  future  military  event  can  ever  be  made. 
For,  I  repeat  it,  and  dwell  upon  it  again  and  again, 
some   splendid   advantage   (whether  upon   a  larger  or 
smaller  scale  was  almost  immaterial)  was  so  essentially 
necessary  to   revive   the   expiring   hopes    and   languid 
exertions  of  the  country,  at  the  crisis  in  question,  that  I 
never  would  have  consented  to  embark  in  any  enter 
prise,  wherein,  from  the  most  rational  plan  and  accurate 
calculations,  the  favorable  issue  should   not  have  ap 
peared  as  clear  to  my  view  as  a  ray  of  light.     The 


jEr.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  361 

failure  of  an  attempt  against  the  posts  of  the  enemy 
could,  in  no  other  possible  situation  during  the  war, 
have  been  so  fatal  to  our  cause."  The  main  object 
was  to  strengthen  the  army  and  obtain  supplies.  The 
mode  of  applying  them  might  be  regulated  according 
to  circumstances. 

The  attention  of  the  Commander-in-chief  was  but 
partially  taken  up  with  the  affairs  under  his  own  eye. 
He  held  a  constant  correspondence  with  General 
Greene  and  Lafayette,  who  kept  him  informed  of 
the  operations  at  the  south,  and  asked  his  advice 
and  direction  on  points  of  difficulty  and  importance. 
The  western  posts  beyond  the  Alleganies  were  also 
under  his  command,  and  required  much  of  his  care. 
Incursions  of  the  enemy  from  Canada  kept  the  north 
ern  frontier  in  a  state  of  alarm,  and  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  New  York  troops  was  called  away  for 
the  protection  of  that  quarter. 

The  wants  of  the  army,  especially  in  the  article  of 
bread,  were  at  this  time  relieved  by  the  generous  and 
spirited  exertions  of  Robert  Morris,  recently  appoint 
ed  Superintendent  of  Finance  by  Congress.  He  pro 
cured  from  contractors  two  thousand  barrels  of  flour, 
promising  hard  money,  and  pledging  his  own  credit 
for  its  payment.  The  act  was  voluntary,  and  the 
relief  seasonable.  It  was  one  of  the  many  valuable 
services,  which  that  distinguished  patriot  rendered  to 
his  country. 

General  Washington  drew  the  several  parts  of  his 
army  out  of  their  quarters,  and  took  his  first  position 
near  Peekskill,  but  soon  advanced  towards  New  York, 
and  encamped  on  the  4th  of  July  near  Dobbs's  Ferry, 
and  about  twelve  miles  from  Kingsbridge.  On  the 
6th  he  was  joined  by  Count  de  Rochambeau  with  the 
French  army,  which  had  marched  in  four  divisions 

VOL.    I.  46  EE 


362  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

from  Providence  by  way  of  Hartford.  The  Americans 
encamped  in  two  lines,  with  their  right  resting  on  the 
Hudson.  The  French  occupied  the  left,  in  a  single 
line  extending  to  the  river  Brunx. 

Preparations  were  made  for  an  attack  on  the  north 
part  of  New  York  Island  a  short  time  before  the  junc 
tion  of  the  two  armies.  General  Lincoln  descended 
the  Hudson  with  a  detachment  of  eight  hundred  men 
in  boats  for  this  purpose,  landed  above  Haerlem  River, 
and  took  possession  of  the  high  ground  near  Kings- 
bridge.  At  the  same  time  the  Duke  de  Lauzun  was 
to  advance  from  East  Chester  with  his  legion,  and  fall 
upon  Delancey's  corps  of  refugees  at  Morrisania.  Un 
foreseen  causes  prevented  the  attack,  and  Lauzun  did 
not  arrive  in  season  to  effect  his  part  of  the  enterprise. 
After  some  skirmishing  the  enemy's  out-posts  were 
withdrawn  to  the  other  side  of  Haerlem  River.  Gen 
eral  Washington  came  forward  with  the  main  army  as 
far  as  Valentine's  Hill,  four  miles  from  Kingsbridge,  to 
support  General  Lincoln  in  case  it  should  be  neces 
sary.  The  troops  lay  upon  their  arms  during  the  night, 
and  the  next  day  retired  to  the  encampment  near 
Dobbs's  Ferry. 

At  this  place  the  two  armies  continued  six  weeks. 
A  plan  of  a  general  attack  was  formed,  and  the  two 
commanders  reconnoitred  the  enemy's  works,  first  by 
passing  over  the  Hudson  and  viewing  them  across  the 
river  from  the  elevated  grounds  between  Dobbs's  Ferry 
and  Fort  Lee,  and  next  at  Kingsbridge  and  other 
places  in  its  vicinity.  But  the  recruits  came  in  so 
tardily  from  the  States,  that  the  army  was  never  in  a 
condition  to  authorize  an  undertaking  of  such  magni 
tude  without  the  cooperation  of  a  French  fleet  supe 
rior  to  the  British;  more  especially  as  a  reinforcement 
of  about  three  thousand  Hessian  recruits  arrived  in 


^Ex.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  363 

New  York  from  Europe.  A  despatch  had  early  been 
sent  to  Count  de  Grasse  in  the  West  Indies,  advising 
him  to  sail  directly  to  Sandy  Hook,  and  thus  secure 
a  naval  superiority.  On  this  contingency  depended 
the  execution  of  the  plan. 

While  these  operations  were  in  progress,  a  French 
frigate  arrived  at  Newport  with  a  letter  from  Count  de 
Grasse,  dated  at  Cape  Francois  in  St.  Domingo,  stat 
ing  that  he  should  shortly  sail  from  that  place  with 
his  whole  fleet  and  three  thousand  two  hundred  land 
troops  for  the  Chesapeake.  This  letter  was  received 
by  General  Washington  on  the  14th  of  August.  It 
produced  an  immediate  change  in  the  objects  of  the 
campaign.  The  engagements  of  Count  de  Grasse  in 
the  West  Indies  were  such,  that  he  could  not  prom 
ise  to  remain  on  the  coast  beyond  the  middle  of  Oc 
tober.  It  being  doubtful  whether,  with  all  the  force 
that  could  be  collected,  and  with  the  fairest  prospect 
of  ultimate  success,  the  siege  of  New  York  could  be 
brought  to  an  issue  by  that  time,  it  was  resolved  at 
once  to  abandon  that  project,  and  proceed  to  Virginia 
with  the  whole  of  the  French  troops  and  such  a  part 
of  the  American  army  as  could  be  spared  from  the 
defence  of  the  posts  on  Hudson's  River  and  in  the 
Highlands.  In  this  decision  Count  de  Rochambeau 
cordially  united,  and  the  march  to  the  south  began 
without  delay. 

Cornwallis  had  advanced  from  North  Carolina,  formed 
a  junction  with  the  British  detachment  in  the  Chesa 
peake,  and  overrun  the  lower  counties  of  Virginia ;  but 
he  was  checked  by  the  active  exertions  and  skilful 
manoeuvres  of  Lafayette,  whose  generalship  and  pru 
dent  conduct  merited  the  greatest  applause.  This 
was  peculiarly  gratifying  to  Washington,  who,  in  case 
of  failure,  might  have  been  censured  for  intrusting  to 


364 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1781. 


so  young  an  officer  the  hazardous  experiment  of  en 
countering  one  of  the  most  experienced  and  accom 
plished  generals  of  the  age.  "Be  assured,  my  dear 
Marquis,"  said  Washington  in  writing  to  him,  « your 
conduct  meets  my  warmest  approbation,  as  it  must 
that  of  everybody.  Should  it  ever  be  said,  that  my 
attachment  to  you  betrayed  me  into  partiality,  you 
have  only  to  appeal  to  facts  to  refute  any  such  charge." 
Count  de  Vergennes  bore  similar  testimony.  In  a 
letter  to  Lafayette  he  said;  "I  have  followed  you  step 
by  step  through  your  whole  campaign  in  Virginia,  and 
should  often  have  trembled  for  you,  if  I  had  not  been 
confident  in  your  wisdom.  It  requires  no  common 
ability  and  skill  to  enable  a  man  to  sustain  himself  as 
you  have  done,  and  during  so  long  a  time,  before  such 
a  general  as  Lord  Cornwallis,  who  is  lauded  for  his 
talents  in  war ;  and  this  too,  with  such  a  great  dispro 
portion  in  your  forces."  The  minister  of  war  was  also 
commanded  by  the  King  to  express  the  royal  appro 
bation  in  the  warmest  terms,  and  to  assure  Lafayette 
of  his  being  raised  to  the  rank  of  field -marshal  in  the 
French  army,  when  his  services  should  be  no  longer 
required  in  the  United  States.* 

*  An  incident  at  the  beginning  of  the  campaign,  alike  honorable  to 
the  character  of  Lafayette  and  expressive  of  his  disinterested  zeal, 
should  not  be  overlooked  in  this  place,  nor  ever  be  forgotten  by  an 
American.  When  his  detachment  arrived  at  Baltimore,  on  its  march 
from  the  Head  of  Elk  to  the  south,  the  men  were  suffering  for  the  want 
of  suitable  clothes.  The  military  chest  was  exhausted.  He  procured 
from  the  merchants  in  Baltimore,  on  his  personal  credit,  a  sufficient 
quantity  of  cloth  to  supply  the  want,  and  enable  the  soldiers  to  pursue 
their  march.  Alluding  to  this  generous  act,  Washington  said,  in  a  letter 
to  him ; 

"The  measures  you  had  taken  to  obtain,  on  your  own  credit,  a  supply 
of  clothing  and  necessaries  for  the  detachment,  must  entitle  you  to  all 
their  gratitude  and  affection ;  and  will,  at  the  same  time  that  it  endears 
your  name,  if  possible,  still  more  to  this  country,  be  an  everlasting  monu 
ment  of  your  ardent  zeal  and  attachment  to  its  cause,  and  the  establish- 


^ET.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  365 

It  was  the  first  object  of  Washington  and  Rocham- 
beau  to  act  against  Cornwallis  in  Virginia.  Should 
that  general  retreat  to  North  Carolina,  it  was  then  in 
tended  to  pursue  him  with  a  part  of  the  combined 
army,  and  to  embark  the  remainder  on  board  the 
French  fleet,  and  proceed  with  it  to  Charleston,  which 
was  at  that  time  held  by  the  British.  The  two  armies 
crossed  the  Hudson  at  King's  Ferry,  and  marched  by 
different  routes  to  Trenton,  and  thence  through  Phila 
delphia  to  the  Head  of  Elk.  The  stores  and  baggage, 
with  one  regiment,  passed  down  the  Delaware  by 
water  to  Christiana  Creek.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was 
of  course  ignorant  of  the  expected  approach  of  Count 
de  Grasse  to  the  Chesapeake,  and  much  finesse  was 
used  to  misguide  and  bewikler  him  in  regard  to  the 
design  of  these  movements  ;  it  being  apprehended, 
that,  suspecting  the  real  object,  he  might  send  rein 
forcements  to  Virginia  before  the  arrival  of  the  French 
fleet.  Accordingly  fictitious  letters  were  written  and 
put  in  the  way  of  being  intercepted,  and  a  deceptive 
provision  of  ovens,  forage,  and  boats  was  made  in  New 
Jersey,  by  which  the  British  general  would  be  led  to 
suppose,  that  an  attack  was  intended  from  that  quar 
ter.  These  stratagems  were  successful  to  the  extent 
anticipated  ;  and  the  troops  had  made  considerable 
progress  in  their  march,  before  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was 
fully  aware  of  their  destination. 

General  Heath  was  left  in  the  command  on  Hudson's 
River.     The  moving  army  was  put  under  the  charge 

ment  of  its  independence.  For  my  own  part,  my  dear  Marquis,  although 
I  stood  in  need  of  no  new  proofs  of  your  exertions  and  sacrifices  in  the 
cause  of  America,  I  will  confess  to  you,  that  I  shall  not  be  able  to  ex 
press  the  pleasing  sensations  I  have  experienced  at  your  unparalleled 
and  repeated  instances  of  generosity  and  zeal  for  the  service  on  every 
occasion.  Suffer  me  only  to  pursue  you  with  my  sincerest  wishes,  that, 
your  success  and  glory  may  always  be  equal  to  your  merits." 

EE* 


366  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

of  General  Lincoln.  The  soldiers,  being  mostly  from 
the  eastern  and  middle  States,  marched  with  reluctance 
to  the  southward,  and  showed  strong  symptoms  of  dis 
content  when  they  passed  through  Philadelphia.  This 
had  been  foreseen  by  General  Washington,  and  he 
urged  the  Superintendent  of  Finance  to  advance  to 
them  a  month's  pay  in  hard  money.  But  there  was 
no  such  money  in  the  treasury.  Mr.  Morris  succeeded, 
however,  in  borrowing  for  this  purpose  twenty  thousand 
hard  dollars  from  the  French  commander,  which  'he 
promised  to  return  within  thirty  days. 

General  Washington  and  Count  de  Rochambeau 
preceded  the  army;  and  the  former,  after  stopping  for 
a  short  time  in  Philadelphia,  hastened  forward  to 
Mount  Vernon,  which  lay  in  his  route.  This  casual 
visit  was  the  first  he  had  paid  to  his  home  since  he 
left  it  to  attend  the  second  Continental  Congress,  a 
period  of  six  years  and  five  months  ;  so  entirely  had 
he  sacrificed  his  time,  personal  interests,  and  local  at 
tachments  to  the  service  of  his  country.  Nor  did  he 
now  remain  any  longer,  than  to  await  the  arrival  of 
Count  de  Rochambeau,  whom  he  had  left  at  Baltimore. 
The  two  generals  then  made  all  haste  to  the  head 
quarters  of  Lafayette's  army  near  Wiliiamsburg,  which 
they  reached  on  the  14th  of  September. 

In  the  mean  time  Count  de  Grasse,  with  his  whole 
fleet,  consisting  of  twenty-six  ships  of  the  line  and 
several  frigates,  entered  the .  Chesapeake,  after  a  partial 
engagement  with  Admiral  Graves  off  the  Capes.  He 
had  also  been  joined  by  the  Count  de  Barras,  with  the 
French  squadron  from  Newport.  Three  thousand  men 
from  the  West  Indies,  commanded  by  the  Marquis  de 
St.  Simon,  had  already  landed,  and  united  with  La 
fayette.  Transports  were  immediately  despatched  up 
the  Chesapeake,  to  bring  down  the  French  and  Ameri- 


jET.49.J  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  367 

can  troops  from  the  Head  of  Elk  and  Annapolis.  For 
the  purpose  of  concerting  measures  for  a  cooperation 
between  the  naval  and  land  forces,  the  two  commanders 
held  a  conference  with  Count  de  Grasse  on  board  the 
Ville  de  Paris  at  Cape  Henry. 

fLord  Cornwallis,  expecting  aid  from  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton,  and  hoping  the  British  force  at  sea  would  be  su 
perior  to  the  French,  had  taken  possession  of  Yorktown 
and  Gloucester,  two  places  separated  by  York  River, 
and  nearly  opposite  to  each  other.  The  main  part  of 
his  army  was  at  Yorktown,  around  which  he  threw  up 
strong  works  of  defence,  and  prepared  to  sustain  a 
siege.  To  this  extremity  he  was  at  length  reduced. 
All  the  troops  being  assembled,  the  American  and 
French  generals  marched  from  the  encampment  near 
Williamsburg,  and  completely  invested  Yorktown  on 
the  30th  of  September.  The  Americans  were  stationed 
on  the  right,  and  the  French  on  the  left,  in  a  semi 
circular  line,  each  wing  resting  on  York  River.  The 
post  at  Gloucester  was  invested  by  Lauzun's  legion, 
marines  from  the  fleet,  and  Virginia  militia,  under  the 
command  of  M.  de  Choisy,  a  brigadier-general  in  the 
French  service. 

The  siege  was  carried  on  by  the  usual  process  of 
opening  parallels,  erecting  batteries,  firing  shot,  throwing 
shells,  and  storming  redoubts.  The  enemy  were  neither 
idle  nor  inefficient  in  their  efforts  for  defence  and  annoy 
ance.  The  principal  event  was  the  storming  of  two 
redoubts  at  the  same  time ;  one  by  a  party  of  the  Amer 
ican  light  infantry,  the  other  by  a  detachment  of  French 
grenadiers  and  chasseurs ;  the  former  headed  by  La 
fayette,  the  latter  by  the  Baron  de  Viomenil.  They 
were  both  successful.  The  assailants  entered  the  re 
doubts  with  the  bayonet,  in  a  brave  and  spirited  man 
ner,  under  a  heavy  fire  from  the  enemy.  The  advanced 


368  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

corps  of  the  American  party  was  led  by  Colonel  Ham 
ilton,  "whose  well-known  talents  and  gallantry,"  said 
Lafayette  in  his  report,  "were  most  conspicuous  and 
serviceable."  Colonels  Laurens,  Gimat,  and  Barber 
were  also  distinguished  in  this  assault. 

The  besiegers  pushed  forward  their  trenches,  and 
kept  up  an  incessant  fire  from  their  batteries,  till  the 
17th  of  October,  when,  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing,  the  enemy  beat  a  parley,  and  Lord  Cornwallis  sent 
out  a  note  to  General  Washington  proposing  a  cessation 
of  hostilities  for  twenty-four  hours,  and  the  appointment 
of  commissioners  on  each  side  to  settle  the  terms  for 
surrendering  the  posts  of  Yorktown  and  Gloucester.  In 
reply  General  Washington  requested,  that,  as  a  pre 
liminary  step,  his  Lordship  would  communicate  in  writ 
ing  the  terms  on  which  he  proposed  to  surrender.  This 
was  complied  with,  and  hostilities  ceased. 

The  basis  of  a  capitulation,  furnished  by  the  British 
general,  was,  that  the  garrisons  should  be  prisoners  of 
war,  with  the  customary  honors;  that  the  British  and 
German  troops  should  be  sent  to  Europe,  under  an  en 
gagement  not  to  serve  against  France  or  America  till 
released  or  exchanged ;  that  all  arms  and  public  stores 
should  be  given  up ;  that  the  officers  and  soldiers  should 
retain  their  private  property ;  and  that  the  interest  of 
several  individuals  in  a  civil  capacity  should  be  at 
tended  to.  This  last  clause  was  designed  to  protect 
the  traders  and  other  Americans,  who  had  joined  the 
enemy. 

Some  of  these  points  not  being  admissible,  General 
Washington  transmitted  an  answer  the  next  day,  in 
which  he  sketched  the  outlines  of  a  capitulation,  and 
informed  Lord  Cornwallis,  that  he  was  ready  to  appoint 
commissioners  to  digest  the  articles.  All  the  troops  in 
the  garrisons  were  to  be  prisoners  of  war,  and  marched 


^ET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  369 

into  such  parts  of  the  country  as  could  most  conven 
iently  provide  for  their  subsistence ;  the  artillery,  arms, 
accoutrements,  military  chest,  and  public  stores,  with 
the  shipping,  boats,  and  all  their  furniture  and  apparel, 
were  to  be  delivered  up;  the  officers  retaining  their 
side-arms,  and  both  the  officers  and  soldiers  preserving 
their  baggage  and  effects,  except  such  property  as  had 
been  taken  in  the  country,  which  was  to  be  reclaimed. 
The  surrendering  army  was  to  receive  the  same  honors 
as  had  been  granted  by  the  British  to  the  garrison  of 
Charleston.  Upon  these  general  terms  a  treaty  was 
finally  adjusted  ;  the  commissioners  being  Colonel  Lau 
ren  s  and  the  Viscount  de  Noailles  on  the  part  of  the 
Americans  and  French,  and  Colonel  Dundas  and  Major 
Ross  on  that  of  the  British.  The  articles  of  capitula 
tion  were  signed  on  the  19th  of  October,  and  in  the 
afternoon  of  that  day  the  garrisons  marched  out  and 
surrendered  their  arms. 

The  traders  within  the  enemy's  lines  were  not  re 
garded  as  prisoners,  and  they  were  allowed  a  certain 
time  to  dispose  of  their  property  or  remove  it;  but  no 
provision  was  made  for  other  persons  in  a  civil  capacity 
within  the  enemy's  lines.  At  the  request  of  Lord 
Cornwallis,  however,  the  Bonetta  sloop  of  war  was  left 
at  his  disposal  for  the  purpose  of  sending  an  aid-de 
camp  with  despatches  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton ;  and  in 
this  vessel,  which  was  suffered  to  depart  without  ex 
amination,  all  persons  of  the  above  description  took 
passage  for  New  York ;  and  thus  the  British  command 
er  was  enabled  to  maintain  his  good  faith  towards 
those,  who  had  joined  him  in  the  country,  without 
including  them  in  the  terms  of  capitulation.  The 
Bonetta,  with  her  crew,  guns,  and  stores,  was  to  re 
turn  and  be  given  up. 

The  whole  number  of  prisoners,  exclusive  of  seamen, 
VOL.  i.  47 


370  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

was  somewhat  over  seven  thousand  men  ;  and  the 
British  loss  during  the  siege  was  between  five  and  six 
hundred.  The  combined  army  employed  in  the  siege 
consisted  of  about  seven  thousand  American  regular 
troops,  upwards  of  five  thousand  French,  and  four  thou 
sand  militia.  The  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was 
about  three  hundred.  The  land  forces  surrendered  to 
General  Washington,  and  became  prisoners  to  Con 
gress ;  but  the  seamen,  ships,  and  naval  equipments, 
were  assigned  to  the  French  admiral. 

The  success  was  more  complete,  and  more  speedily 
attained,  than  had  been  anticipated.  The  capture  of 
Cornwallis,  with  so  large  a  part  of  the  British  army 
in  America,  occasioned  great  rejoicings  throughout  the 
•country,  as  affording  a  decisive  presage  of  the  favora- 
'ble  termination  of  the  war.  Congress  passed  a  special 
vote  of  thanks  to  each  of  the  commanders,  and  to  the 
officers  and  troops.  Two  stands  of  colors,  taken  from 
the  enemy  at  the  capitulation,  were  given  to  General 
Washington,  and  two  pieces  of  field-ordnance  to  Count 
•de  Rochambeau  and  Count  de  Grasse  respectively,  as 
tokens  of  the  national  gratitude  for  their  services.  Con 
gress  moreover  resolved  to  commemorate  so  glorious 
an  event  by  causing  a  marble  column  to  be  erected 
at  Yorktown,  adorned  with  emblems  of  the  alliance 
between  France  and  the  United  States,  and  an  inscrip 
tion  containing  a  narrative  of  the  principal  incidents 
of  the  siege  and  surrender. 

General  Washington,  believing  a  most  favorable  op 
portunity  now  presented  itself  for  following  up  this 
success  by  an  expedition  against  Charleston,  wrote  a 
letter  to  Count  de  Grasse  the  day  after  the  capitulation, 
requesting  him  to  join  in  it  with  his  fleet.  He  also 
went  on  board  the  admiral's  ship,  as  well  to  pay  his  re 
spects  and  offer  his  thanks  for  what  had  already  been 


jEr.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  371 

done,  as  to  explain  and  enforce  the  practicability  and 
importance  of  this  plan.  By  the  instructions  from  his 
court,  and  by  his  engagements  to  the  Spaniards,  Count 
de  Grasse  was  bound  to  return  to  the  West  Indies 
without  delay,  and  thus  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  ac 
cede  to  the  proposal.  It  was  then  suggested,  that  he 
should  transport  a  body  of  troops  to  Wilmington,  in 
North  Carolina,  and  land  them  there  while  on  his 
voyage.  To  this  he  at  first  made  no  objection  ;  but, 
when  he  ascertained  that  there  would  be  a  difficulty 
in  landing  the  men  without  running  the  risk  of  divid 
ing  his  fleet,  or  perhaps  of  being  driven  off  the  coast 
with  the  troops  on  board,  he  declined  the  undertaking. 
Lafayette  was  to  command  this  expedition  ;  and  the 
purpose  of  it  was  to  take  a  British  post  at  Wilmington, 
and  then  march  into  the  interior  and  unite  with  the 
southern  army  under  General  Greene. 

The  troops  commanded  by  the  Marquis  de  St.  Simon 
were  embarked,  and  Count  de  Grasse  set  sail  for  the 
West  Indies.  Before  his  departure,  General  Washing 
ton  presented  him  with  two  beautiful  horses,  as  a  testi 
mony  of  personal  consideration  and  esteem. 

As  nothing  further  could  be  effected  by  the  allied 
forces  during  the  campaign,  a  detachment  of  two  thou 
sand  men,  comprising  the  Continental  troops  from 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  was  put  under 
General  St.  Clair,  with  orders  to  reinforce  General 
Greene  at  the  south.  The  troops  belonging  eastward 
of  Pennsylvania  were  transported  by  water  to  the 
Head  of  Elk,  whence  they  marched  to  their  winter 
cantonments  in  New  Jersey  and  near  Hudson's  River. 
The  French  army  remained  in  Virginia  till  the  follow 
ing  summer,  the  head-quarters  of  Count  de  Rocham- 
beau  being  at  Williamsburg. 

The  prisoners  were  marched  to  Winchester  in  Vir- 


372  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

ginia,  and  Fredericktown  in  Maryland;  and  a  part  of 
them  subsequently  to  Lancaster  in  Pennsylvania.  Lord 
Cornwallis,  and  the  other  principal  officers,  went  by  sea 
to  New  York  on  parole. 

All  these  affairs  being  arranged,  General  Washington 
left  Yorktown  on  the  5th  of  November.  The  same  day 
he  arrived  at  Eltham,  where  he  was  present  at  the 
death  of  Mr.  Custis,  the  only  son  of  Mrs.  Washington. 
He  stayed  there  a  few  days  to  mingle  his  grief  with 
that  of  the  afflicted  widow  and  mother.  The  occasion 
was  not  less  trying  to  his  sympathy  than  to  his  sensibili 
ty,  for  he  had  watched  over  the  childhood  and  youth  of 
the  deceased  with  a  paternal  solicitude,  and  afterwards 
associated  with  him  as  a  companion,  who  possessed  his 
confidence  and  esteem.  Mr.  Custis  was  a  member  of 
the  Virginia  legislature,  and  much  respected  for  his 
public  and  private  character.  He  died  at  the  age 
of  twenty-eight,  leaving  four  infant  children,  the  two 
youngest  of  whom,  a  son  and  daughter,  were  adopted 
by  General  Washington,  and  they  resided  in  his  family 
till  the  end  of  his  life. 

From  Eltham  he  proceeded  by  the  way  of  Mount 
Vernon  to  Philadelphia,  receiving  and  answering  various 
public  addresses  while  on  his  journey.  The  day  after 
his  arrival  he  attended  Congress,  being  introduced  into 
the  hall  by  two  members,  and  greeted  with  a  congratu 
latory  address  by  the  President.  He  was  requested 
to  remain  for  some  time  in  Philadelphia,  both  that  he 
might  enjoy  a  respite  from  the  fatigues  of  war,  and  that 
Congress  might  avail  themselves  of  his  aid  in  making 
preparations  for  vigorous  and  timely  efforts  to  draw 
every  advantage  from  the  recent  triumph  of  the  allied 
arms. 


yEr.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  373 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Preparations  for  another  Campaign  recommended  and  enforced  by  Gen 
eral  Washington  and  approved  by  Congress.  —  Lafayette  returns  to 
France.  —  The  Affair  of  Captain  Asgill.  —  Backwardness  of  the  States 
in  recruiting  the  Army.  —  Proposal  to  General  Washington  to  assume 
Supreme  Power,  and  his  Reply.  —  Sir  Guy  Carleton  gives  Notice,  that 
Negotiations  for  Peace  had  begun.  —  The  French  Troops  march  from 
Virginia,  join  General  Washington,  and  afterwards  embark  at  Boston. 
Dissatisfaction  of  the  Army.  —  The  Officers  send  a  Memorial  to  Con 
gress. —  The  anonymous  Addresses  at  Newburg. — Intelligence  ar 
rives,  that  a  Treaty  of  Peace  had  been  signed  at  Paris.  —  General 
Washington's  Sentiments  concerning  the  civil  Government  of  the 
Union.  —  His  Circular  Letter  to  the  States. —  He  makes  a  Tour  to  the 
North.  —  Repairs  to  Congress  at  the  Request  of  that  Body.  —  Hits 
Farewell  Address  to  the  Army.  —  The  British  evacuate  New  York. 
—  Washington  resigns  his  Commission,  and  retires  to  private  Life  at 
Mount  Vernon. 

FROM  the  state  of  affairs  at  this  time,  both  in  Europe 
and  America,  it  was  evident  that  the  war  could  not 
be  of  much  longer  duration.  Considering  the  temper 
hitherto  manifested  by  the  British  cabinet,  however, 
and  the  spirit  with  which  a  large  majority  of  the  nation 
had  sustained  the  ministerial  measures,  it  was  generally 
supposed  that  another  campaign  would  be  tried.  This 
was  Washington's  belief;  and,  in  his  communications  to 
Congress  and  to  persons  of  influence  in  various  parts 
of  the  country,  he  urged  the  importance  of  being  fully 
prepared.  This  he  regarded  as  the  wisest  policy  in 
any  event.  If  the  war  continued,  the  preparations 
would  be  necessary;  if  it  ceased,  they  would  have  a 
favorable  effect  on  the  negotiations  for  peace. 

He  was  apprehensive,  that  the  people,  from  a  mis 
taken  idea  of  the  magnitude  of  the  late  success 
in  Virginia,  would  deceive  themselves  with  delusive 
hopes,  and  grow  remiss  in  their  efforts.  "  To  prevent 

VOL.    I.  FF 


374  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 

so  great  an  evil,"  said  he,  "shall  be  my  study  and 
endeavour;  and  I  cannot  but  flatter  myself,  that  the 
States,  rather  than  relax  in  their  exertions,  will  be  stim 
ulated  to  the  most  vigorous  preparations  for  another 
active,  glorious,  and  decisive  campaign,  which,  if  prop 
erly  prosecuted,  will,  I  trust,  under  the  smiles  of  Heaven, 
lead  us  to  the  end  of  this  long  and  tedious  war,  and 
set  us  down  in  the  full  security  of  the  great  object  of 
our  toils,  the  establishment  of  peace,  liberty,  and  inde 
pendence.  Whatever  may  be  the  policy  of  European 
courts  during  this  winter,  their  negotiation  will  prove 
too  precarious  a  dependence  for  us  to  trust  to.  Our 
wisdom  should  dictate  a  serious  preparation  for  war, 
and,  in  that  state,  we  shall  find  ourselves  in  a  situation 
secure  against  every  event." 

These  sentiments  met  the  full  concurrence  of  Con 
gress.  They  resolved  to  keep  up  the  same  military 
establishment  as  the  year  before ;  and  to  call  on  the 
States  to  complete  their  quotas  of  troops  at  an  early 
day.  They  voted  new  requisitions  of  money  and  sup 
plies.  These  resolves  were  adopted  with  a  promptness, 
zeal,  and  unanimity,  which  had  rarely  been  shown  on 
former  occasions.  To  aid  in  carrying  them  into  effect, 
it  was  deemed  advisable  for  the  Commander-in-chief 
to  write  two  circular  letters  to  the  governors  of  all  the 
States.  The  first,  relating  to  finance,  was  dated  on 
the  22d  of  January,  1782,  and  contained  arguments  for 
raising  money  adequate  to  the  public  exigences,  par 
ticularly  the  payment  and  clothing  of  the  troops.  The 
second,  dated  a  week  later,  exhibited  the  numbers  and 
condition  of  the  army  then  in  the  field,  and  urged  the 
completing  of  the  quotas  according  to  the  requisition 
of  Congress. 

To  bring  the  war  to  a  speedy  and  happy  conclu 
sion,"  said  he,  "must  be   the   fervent  wish  of  every 


JET.  50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  375 

lover  of  his  country ;  and  sure  I  am,  that  no  means  are 
so  likely  to  effect  these  as  vigorous  preparations  for 
another  campaign.  Whether,  then,  we  consult  our 
true  interest,  substantial  economy,  or  sound  policy,  we 
shall  find,  that  relaxation  and  languor  are  of  all  things 
to  be  avoided.  Conduct  of  that  kind  on  our  part  will 
produce  fresh  hopes  and  new  exertions  on  that  of  the 
enemy;  whereby  the  war,  which  has  already  held  out 
beyond  the  general  expectation,  may  be  protracted  to 
such  a  length,  that  the  people,  groaning  under  the 
burden  of  it,  and  despairing  of  success,  may  think 
any  change  a  change  for  the  better." 

"However,  at  this  advanced  stage  of  the  war,  it 
might  seem  to  be  an  insult  to  the  understanding  to 
suppose  a  long  train  of  reasoning  necessary  to  prove, 
that  a  respectable  force  in  the  field  is  essential  to  the 
establishment  of  our  liberties  and  independence ;  yet, 
as  I  am  apprehensive  the  prosperous  issue  of  the  com 
bined  operation  in  Virginia  may  have  (as  is  too  com 
mon  in  such  cases)  the  pernicious  tendency  of  lulling 
the  country  into  a  lethargy  of  inactivity  and  security ; 
and,  as  I  feel  my  own  reputation,  as  well  as  the  inter 
est,  the  honor,  the  glory,  and  happiness  of  my  country, 
intimately  connected  with  the  event,  I  will  ask  the  in 
dulgence  to  speak  more  freely  on  those  accounts,  and 
to  make  some  of  the  observations,  which  the  present 
moment  seems  to  suggest. 

"The  broken  and  perplexed  state  of  the  enemy's 
affairs,  and  the  successes  of  the  last  campaign  on  our 
part,  ought  to  be  a  powerful  incitement  to  vigorous 
preparations  for  the  next.  Unless  we  strenuously  exert 
ourselves  to  profit  by  these  successes,  we  shall  not  only 
lose  all  the  solid  advantages  that  might  be  derived  from 
them,  but  we  shall  become  contemptible  in  our  own 
eyes,  in  the  eyes  of  our  enemy,  in  the  opinion  of  pos- 


376  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 

terity,  and  even  in  the  estimation  of  the  whole  world, 
which  will  consider  us  as  a  nation  unworthy  of  pros 
perity,  because  we  know  not  how  to  make  a  right  use 

of  it. 

"Although  we  cannot,  by  the  best-concerted  plans, 
absolutely  command  success,  although  the  race  is  not 
always  to  the  swift  nor  the  battle  to  the  strong,  yet, 
without    presumptuously    waiting    for    miracles    to    be 
wrought  in  our  favor,  it  is  our  indispensable  duty,  with 
the  deepest  gratitude  to  Heaven  for  the  past,  and  hum 
ble  confidence  in  its  smiles  on  our  future  operations, 
to  make  use  of  all  the  means  in  our  power  for  our  de 
fence  and  security.     This  period  is  particularly  impor 
tant,  because  no   circumstances   since  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war  have  been  so  favorable  to  the  recruit 
ing  service   as  the   present,  and   because  it  is   to   be 
presumed,   from    the    increase   of   population   and   the 
brilliant  prospects  before  us,  that  it  is  actually  in  our 
power  to  complete  the  army  before  the  opening  of  the 
campaign.     However  flattering  these  prospects  may  be, 
much  still  remains  to  be  done,  which  cannot  probably 
be  effected  unless  the  army  is  recruited  to  its  estab 
lishment  ;   and  consequently  the  continuance  or  termi 
nation  of  the  war  seems  principally  to  rest  on  the  vigor 
and  decision  of  the   States   in   this   interesting   point. 
And,  finally,  it  is  our  first  object  of  policy,  under  every 
supposable  or  possible  case,  to  have  a  powerful  army 
early  in  the  field ;  for  we  must  suppose  the  enemy  are 
either  disposed  to  prosecute  the  war,  or  to  enter  into  a 
negotiation  for  peace.     There  is  no   other  alternative. 
On  the  former  supposition,  a  respectable  army  becomes 
necessary   to   counteract   the   enemy,    and    to   prevent 
the  accumulating  expenses  of  a  lingering  war ;  on  the 
latter,  nothing  but  a  decidedly  superior  force  can  enable 
us  boldly  to  claim  our  rights  and  dictate  the  law  at  the 


^ET.  50.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  377 

pacification.  So  that,  whatever  the  disposition  of  the 
enemy  may  be,  it  is  evidently  our  only  interest  and 
economy  to  act  liberally,  and  exert  ourselves  greatly 
during  the  present  winter  to  cut  off  at  once  all  the 
expenses  of  the  war  by  putting  a  period  to  it. 

"  And  soon  might  that  day  arrive,  and  we  might  hope 
to  enjoy  all  the  blessings  of  peace,  if  we  could  see 
again  the  same  animation  in  the  cause  of  our  country 
inspiring  every  breast,  the  same  passion  for  freedom 
and  military  glory  impelling  our  youths  to  the  field,  and 
the  same  disinterested  patriotism  pervading  every  rank 
of  men,  that  was  conspicuous  at  the  commencement 
of  this  glorious  revolution ;  and  I  am  persuaded,  that 
only  some  great  occasion  was  wanting,  such  as  the 
present  moment  exhibits,  to  rekindle  the  latent  sparks 
of  that  patriotic  fire  into  a  generous  flame,  to  rouse 
again  the  unconquerable  spirit  of  liberty,  which  has 
sometimes  seemed  to  slumber  for  a  while,  into  the  full 
vigor  of  action." 

Such  were  his  endeavours  to  stir  up  the  principal 
persons  in  the  several  States  to  what  he  believed  would 
be  the  last  great  effort  for  the  establishment  of  inde 
pendence  and  an  honorable  peace.  Other  methods 
were  also  used  to  provide  means  for  prosecuting  the 
war.  Succours  continued  to  be  received  from  France, 
and,  by  the  persevering  application  of  Franklin  to  the 
French  court,  a  loan  of  six  millions  of  livres,  payable 
in  monthly  instalments,  was  promised  for  the  coming 
year.  After  the  capitulation  at  Yorktown,  there  being 
no  prospect  of  further  active  service  till  the  next  cam 
paign,  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  obtained  permission 
from  Congress  to  return  on  a  visit  to  his  native  country. 
Besides  passing  resolves  complimentary  to  his  charac 
ter,  zeal,  and  military  conduct,  Congress  made  him 
the  bearer  of  a  letter  to  the  King  of  France,  in  which 

VOL.  i.  48  FF  * 


378  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 

he  was  commended  to  the  notice  of  his  sovereign  in 
very  warm  terms.  Much  reliance  was  placed  on  the 
representations  he  would  make  concerning  the  state 
of  affairs  in  America,  and  on  his  influence  to  procure 
the  desired  assistance  from  the  French  government. 
The  ministers  from  the  United  States  in. Europe  were 
likewise  instructed  to  confer  with  the  Marquis  de  La 
fayette,  and  avail  themselves  of  his  knowledge  and 
counsels. 

About  the  middle  of  April,  General  Washington  left 
Philadelphia  and  joined  the  army,  establishing  his  head 
quarters  at  Newburg.  He  had  hardly  arrived  in  camp, 
when  he  heard  of  an  occurrence,  which  produced  much 
excitement  at  the  time,  and  led  to  consequences  of  con 
siderable  notoriety,  though  in  themselves  of  little  mo 
ment.  The  particulars  are  these.  Captain  Huddy,  an 
American  officer,  who  commanded  a  small  body  of 
troops  in  Monmouth  County,  New  Jersey,  was  taken 
prisoner  by  a  party  of  refugees,  conveyed  into  New 
York,  and  put  in  close  confinement.  A  few  days  after 
wards  he  was  sent  out  of  the  city,  under  the  charge  of 
Captain  Lippencot  at  the  head  of  a  number  of  refu 
gees,  by  whom  he  was  hanged  on  the  heights  near 
Middletown.  This  wanton  act  exasperated  the  people 
in  the  neighbourhood,  who  knew  and  esteemed  Captain 
Huddy.  Affidavits  and  a  statement  of  facts  were  for 
warded  to  General  Washington.  These  he  laid  before 
a  council  of  officers,  who  gave  it  as  their  unanimous 
opinion,  that  the  case  demanded  retaliation,  that  the 
punishment  ought  to  be  inflicted  on  the  leader  of  the 
party  by  which  the  murder  was  committed,  and  that, 
if  he  should  not  be  given  up,  an  officer  equal  in  rank 
to  Captain  Huddy  ought  to  be  selected  by  lot  from 
the  British  prisoners. 

A  representation  of  the  facts  was  accordingly  sent  to 


^ET.  50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  379 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  a  demand  for  the  surrender  of 
Lippencot.     This  demand  not  being  complied  with,  an 
officer  was  designated  for  retaliation.     The  lot  fell  upon 
Captain  Asgill,  a  young  man  only  nineteen  years  old, 
who  was  then  a  prisoner  at  Lancaster  in  Pennsylvania. 
The  affair  was  in  suspense  for  several  months.   Although 
Lippencot  was  not  delivered  up,  yet  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
and  his  successor  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  not  only  disavowed 
the   act   as   having   been   done   without  authority,  but 
reprobated  it  with  unmeasured  severity.     The  subject 
was  referred  by  them  to  a  court-martial,  and  Lippencot 
was  tried.     From  the  developements  it  appeared,  that 
the  guilt  of  the  transaction  rested  mainly  with  the  Board 
of  Associated  Loyalists  in  New  York,  and  that   Lip 
pencot  acted  in  conformity  with  what  he  believed  to 
be  the  orders  of  the  board.     Hence  he  was  acquitted, 
as  not  properly  answerable  for  the   crime  of  the  act. 
When    these    circumstances   were    made    known,   the 
whole  matter  was  laid  before  Congress.     Considering 
the  ground  taken  by  the  British  commanders  in  disa 
vowing  and  censuring  the  act,  added  to  the  irrespon 
sible   nature   of  Lippencot's   conduct,    General   Wash 
ington  inclined  to  release  Captain  Asgill,  and  was  dis 
appointed  and  dissatisfied  at  the  delay  of  Congress  in 
coming  to  a  decision  on  the  subject.     Meanwhile  the 
mother  of  Asgill,  already  borne  down  with  family  afflic 
tions,  which  were  increased  by  the  impending  fate  of 
her  son,  wrote  a  pathetic  letter  of  intercession  to  the 
French  ministry.     This    was   shown  to  the   King  and 
Queen ;  and  it  wrought  so  much  on  their  feelings,  that 
Count  de  Vergennes  by  their  direction  wrote  to  Gen 
eral    Washington,   soliciting    the    liberation    of    Asgill. 
Although  this  communication  arrived  after  it  had  been 
determined  not  to  insist  on  retaliation,  yet  it  had  the 
effect  to  hasten  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  and  by 
their  order  Captain  Asgill  was  set  at  liberty. 


380  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 

Little  progress  was  made  by  the  States  in  filling 
up  their  quotas  of  troops.  When  General  Washington 
arrived  in  camp,  the  whole  number  of  effective  men 
in  the  northern  army  was  somewhat  short  of  ten  thou 
sand  ;  nor  was  it  much  increased  afterwards.  In  fact, 
after  the  capitulation  at  Yorktown,  the  conviction  was 
nearly  universal,  that  the  war  would  not  be  pursued 
any  further  in  the  United  States.  The  recruiting  ser 
vice  consequently  languished.  Relieved  from  danger, 
and  worn  out  with  their  long  toils  and  sacrifices,  the 
people  were  slow  to  perceive,  that  large  preparations 
would  be  the  means  of  procuring  better  terms  of  peace, 
and  seemed  contented  with  the  present  prospects. 
News  arrived  in  the  first  part  of  May,  which  indicated 
an  approaching  change  in  the  British  cabinet,  and 
symptoms  of  pacific  measures.  Fearful  of  the  effect, 
which  this  intelligence  might  produce,  Washington 
took  occasion  to  express  his  own  sentiments  without 
reserve  in  a  circular  letter,  which  he  was  just  at  that 
time  despatching  to  the  governors  of  the  States. 

"  Upon  the  most  mature  deliberation  I  can  bestow," 
he  observed,  "  I  am  obliged  to  declare  it  as  my  candid 
opinion,  that  the  measures  of  the  enemy  in  all  their 
views,  so  far  as  they  respect  America,  are  merely  de 
lusory  (they  having  no  serious  intention  to  admit  our 
independence  upon  its  true  principles),  and  are  calcu 
lated  to  quiet  the  minds  of  their  own  people,  and  re 
concile  them  to  the  continuance  of  the  war;  while 
they  are  meant  to  amuse  the  country  into  a  false 
idea  of  peace,  to  draw  us  off  from  our  connexion  with 
France,  and  to  lull  us  into  a  state  of  security  and  inac 
tivity,  which  having  taken  place,  the  ministry  will  be 
left  to  prosecute  the  war  in  other  parts  of  the  world 
with  greater  vigor  and  effect.  Even  if  the  nation  and 
Parliament  are  really  in  earnest  to  obtain  peace  with 


MT.5Q.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON  381 

America,  it  will  undoubtedly  be  wisdom  in  us  to  meet 
them  with  great  caution  and  circumspection,  and  by 
all  means  to  keep  our  arms  firm  in  our  hands,  and, 
instead  of  relaxing  one  iota  in  our  exertions,  rather  to 
spring  forward  with  redoubled  vigor,  that  we  may  take 
the  advantage  of  every  favorable  opportunity,  until  our 
wishes  are  fully  obtained.  No  nation  ever  yet  suffered 
in  treaty  by  preparing,  even  in  the  moment  of  nego 
tiation,  most  vigorously  for  the  field." 

The  discontents  of  the  officers  and  soldiers,  respect 
ing  the  arrearages  of  their  pay,  had  for  some  time  in 
creased ;  and,  there  being  now  a  prospect,  that  the 
army  would  ultimately  be  disbanded  without  an  ade 
quate  provision  by  Congress  for  meeting  the  claims  of 
the  troops,  these  discontents  manifested  themselves  in 
audible  murmurs  and  complaints,  which  foreboded  seri 
ous  consequences.  But  a  spirit  still  more  to  be  dreaded 
was  secretly  at  work.  In  reflecting  on  the  limited 
powers  of  Congress,  and  on  the  backwardness  of  the 
States  to  comply  with  the  most  essential  requisitions, 
even  in  support  of  their  own  interests,  many  of  the 
officers  were  led  to  look  for  the  cause  in  the  form  of 
government,  and  to  distrust  the  stability  of  republican 
institutions.  So  far  were  they  carried  by  their  fears 
and  speculations,  that  they  meditated  the  establishment 
of  a  new  and  more  energetic  system.  A  colonel  in 
the  army,  of  a  highly  respectable  character,  and  some 
what  advanced  in  life,  was  made  the  organ  for  com 
municating  their  sentiments  to  the  Commander-in-chief. 
In  a  letter  elaborately  and  skilfully  written,  after  de 
scribing  the  gloomy  state  of  affairs,  the  financial  diffi 
culties,  and  the  innumerable  embarrassments  in  which 
the  country  had  been  involved  during  the  war,  on 
account  of  its  defective  political  organization,  the  writer 
adds; 


382  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 

"  This  must  have  shown  to  all,  and  to  military  men 
in  particular,  the  weakness  of  republics,  and  the  exer 
tions  the  army  have  been  able  to  make  by  being  under 
a  proper  head.  Therefore  I  little  doubt,  that,  when 
the  benefits  of  a  mixed  government  are  pointed  out, 
and  duly  considered,  such  will  be  readily  .  adopted.  In 
this  case  it  will,  I  believe,  be  uncontroverted,  that  the 
same  abilities,  which  have  led  us  through  difficulties, 
apparently  insurmountable  by  human  power,  to  victory 
and  glory,  those  qualities,  that  have  merited  and  ob 
tained  the  universal  esteem  and  veneration  of  an  army, 
would  be  most  likely  to  conduct  and  direct  us  in  the 
smoother  paths  of  peace.  Some  people  have  so  con 
nected  the  ideas  of  tyranny  and  monarchy,  as  to  find 
it  very  difficult  to  separate  them.  It  may  therefore  be 
requisite  to  give  the  head  of  such  a  constitution,  as  I 
propose,  some  title  apparently  more  moderate ;  but,  if 
all  other  things  were  once  adjusted,  I  believe  strong 
arguments  might  be  produced  for  admitting  the  title 
of  KING,  which  I  conceive  would  be  attended  with 
some  material  advantages." 

To  this  communication,  as  unexpected  as  it  was  ex 
traordinary  in  its  contents,  Washington  replied  as  fol 
lows. 

"  Newburg,  22  May,  1782. 

"  SIR, 

"  With  a  mixture  of  great  surprise  and  astonishment, 
I  have  read  with  attention  the  sentiments  you  have 
submitted  to  my  perusal.  Be  assured,  Sir,  no  oc 
currence  in  the  course  of  the  war  has  given  me  more 
painful  sensations,  than  your  information  of  there  being 
such  ideas  existing  in  the  army,  as  you  have  expressed, 
[  must  view  with  abhorrence  and  reprehend  with 
severity.  For  the  present  the  communication  of  them 
will  rest  in  my  own  bosom,  unless  some  further  agitation 
of  the  matter  shall  make  a  disclosure  necessary. 


jET.  50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  383 

"  I  am  much  at  a  loss  to  conceive  what  part  of  my 
conduct  could  have  given  encouragement  to  an  address, 
which  to  me  seems  big  with  the  greatest  mischiefs,  that 
can  befall  my  country.  If  I  am  not  deceived  in  the 
knowledge  of  myself,  you  could  not  have  found  a  per 
son  to  whom  your  schemes  are  more  disagreeable. 
At  the  same  time,  in  justice  to  my  own  feelings,  I  must 
add,  that  no  man  possesses  a  more  sincere  wish  to 
see  ample  justice  done  to  the  army  than  I  do ;  and,  as 
far  as  my  powers  and  influence,  in  a  constitutional  way, 
extend,  they  shall  be  employed  to  the  utmost  of  my 
abilities  to  effect  it,  should  there  be  any  occasion.  Let 
me  conjure  you,  then,  if  you  have  any  regard  for  your 
country,  concern  for  yourself  or  posterity,  or  respect  for 
me,  to  banish  these  thoughts  from  your  mind,  and  never 
communicate,  as  from  yourself  or  any  one  else,  a  sen 
timent  of  the  like  nature. 

"I  am,  Sir,  &,c. 

"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 

Such  was  the  language  of  Washington,  when,  at  the 
head  of  his  army  and  at  the  height  of  his  power  and 
popularity,  it  was  proposed  to  him  to  become  a  king. 
After  this  indignant  reply  and  stern  rebuke,  it  is  not 
probable  that  any  further  advances  were  made  to  him 
on  the  subject. 

Sir  Guy  Carleton  arrived  at  New  York  early  in  May, 
and  superseded  Sir  Henry  Clinton  as  commander  of 
the  British  armies  in  America.  His  first  letter  to  Wash 
ington  was  pacific  in  its  tone,  and  showed,  that  at  least 
a  temporary  change  had  taken  place  in  the  sentiments 
of  Parliament  respecting  the  principles  on  which  the 
war  had  been  conducted,  and  the  policy  of  continuing 
it.  Nothing  of  a  positive  nature  was  communicated, 
however,  till  the  beginning  of  August,  when  Sir  Guy 


384  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 

Carleton  again  wrote,  that  he  was  authorized  to  give 
notice,  that  negotiations  for  a  general  peace  had  com 
menced  at  Paris,  and  that  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  would  be  conceded  as  a  preliminary 
step.  From  this  time,  therefore,  preparations  for  war 
ceased,  and  no  further  acts  of  hostility  were  committed 
by  either  party.  It  not  being  certain,  nevertheless,  that 
the  negotiations  would  actually  result  in  peace,  no  part 
of  the  American  army  was  dismissed,  but  the  posture 
of  defence  was  maintained  with  the  same  caution  and 
vigilance  as  before. 

The  French  troops  had  continued  in  Virginia  since 
the  capitulation  at  Yorktown.  They  marched  to  Hud 
son's  River,  and  formed  a  junction  with  the  forces  un 
der  Washington  about  the  middle  of  September.  The 
two  armies  had  been  encamped  on  the  east  side  of  the 
river  near  Verplanck's  Point  more  than  a  month,  when 
the  French  marched  to  Boston,  where  a  fleet  was  ready 
to  receive  them,  and  sailed  before  the  end  of  Decem 
ber,  having  been  in  the  country  two  and  a  half  years. 
The  Baron  de  Viomenil  commanded  the  troops  when 
they  went  on  board  the  fleet  at  Boston.  The  Count 
de  Rochambeau,  accompanied  by  the  Marquis  de  Chas- 
tellux,  sailed  some  days  later  from  Baltimore. 

General  Washington  had  drawn  the  larger  part  of 
his  army  down  the  river  to  Verplanck's  Point,  more  as 
a  mark  of  courtesy  to  the  allied  troops  in  meeting  them 
there,  than  for  any  military  object ;  and,  after  their  de 
parture,  he  returned  to  his  former  encampment  at 
Newburg,  where  head-quarters  continued  till  the  army 
was  disbanded. 

The  winter  being  a  season  of  inactivity,  and  the 
prospect  of  peace  becoming  every  day  less  doubtful, 
the  officers  and  soldiers  had  leisure  to  reflect  on  their 
situation,  and  to  look  forward  to  the  condition  awaiting 


jEr.50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  385 

them  at  the  end  of  the  war.  When  they  compared 
their  long  services  and  sufferings  with  the  sacrifices  of 
those,  who  had  been  engaged  only  in  the  pursuits  of 
private  life,  and  with  the  rewards  hitherto  received, 
they  felt  that  they  had  claims,  as  well  on  the  gratitude 
and  generosity,  as  on  the  justice  of  their  country.  At 
the  same  time,  various  circumstances  conspired  to  make 
them  apprehensive,  that  these  claims  would  neither  be 
adequately  met  nor  duly  estimated.  Congress  had  no 
funds ;  the  States  were  extremely  backward  in  apply-? 
ing  the  only  remedy  by  an  effectual  system  of  taxa 
tion  ;  and  the  resource  of  foreign  loans  was  nearly 
exhausted.  It  was  natural,  that  this  state  of  things, 
added  to  long  arrearages  of  pay,  and  accounts  unsettled 
and  without  any  security  for  a  future  liquidation  of 
them,  should  cause  much  excitement  and  concern. 

"To  judge  rightly  of  the  motives,  which  produced 
this  uneasy  temper  in  the  army,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  recollect  that  the  resolution  of  October,  1780,  grant 
ing  half-pay  for  life  to  the  officers,  stood  on  the  mere 
faith  of  a  government  possessing  no  funds,  which  would 
enable  it  to  perform  its  engagements.  From  requisi 
tions  alone,  to  be  made  on  sovereign  states,  were  the 
supplies  to  be  drawn,  which  should  satisfy  these  meri 
torious  public  creditors;  and  the  ill  success  attending 
these  requisitions,  while  the  dangers  of  war  were  still 
impending,  furnished  melancholy  presages  of  their  un 
productiveness  in  time  of  peace.  In  addition  to  this 
reflection,  of  itself  sufficient  to  disturb  the  tranquillity 
at  first  occasioned  by  this  resolution,  there  were  other 
considerations  of  decisive  influence.  The  dispositions 
manifested  by  Congress  were  so  unfriendly  to  the  half- 
pay  establishment,  as  to  extinguish  the  hope,  that 
any  funds  they  might  acquire  would  be  applied  to  that 
object.  Since  the  passage  of  the  resolution,  the  articles 

VOL.  I.  49  GG 


386  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

of  confederation,  which  required  the  concurrence  of  nine 
States  to  any  act  appropriating  public  money,  had  been 
adopted ;  and  nine  States  had  never  been  in  favor  of 
the  measure.  Should  the  requisitions  of  Congress  there 
fore  be  respected,  or  should  permanent  funds  be 
granted  by  the  States,  the  prevailing  sentiment  of  the 
nation  was  too  hostile  to  the  compensation,  which  had 
been  stipulated,  to  leave  a  probability  that  it  would 
be  substantially  made.  This  was  not  merely  the  sen 
timent  of  the  individuals  then  administering  the  govern 
ment,  which  might  change  with  a  change  of  men.  It 
was  known  to  be  the  sense  of  the  States  they  repre 
sented  ;  and  consequently  the  hope  could  not  be 
indulged,  that,  on  this  subject,  a  future  Congress 
would  be  more  just,  or  would  think  more  liberally. 
As,  therefore,  the  establishment  of  that  independence, 
for  which  they  had  fought  and  suffered,  appeared  to 
become  more  certain,  as  the  end  of  their  toils  ap 
proached,  the  officers  became  more  attentive  to  their 
own  situation ;  and  the  inquietude  of  the  army  increased 
with  the  progress  of  the  negotiation  of  peace."  * 

In  the  month  of  December,  the  officers  in  camp  de 
termined  to  address  Congress  on  the  subject  of  their 
grievances.  A  memorial  was  accordingly  drawn  up, 
which  was  understood  to  express  the  sentiments  of  the 
army.  It  contained  a  representation  of  the  money 
actually  due  to  them,  a  proposal  that  the  half-pay  for 
life  should  be  commuted  for  a  specific  sum,  and  a  re 
quest  that  security  should  be  given  by  the  government 
for  fulfilling  its  engagements.  The  commutation  it 
was  believed  would  be  more  generally  acceptable  to 
the  public  than  half-pay  for  life,  which  had  always  been 
opposed  by  a  strong  party  as  favoring  the  idea  of  a 

*  MARSHALL'S  Life  of  Washington,  Vol.  IV.  p.  580. 


jET.50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  387 

pension  list  and  a  privileged  class,  and  as  hostile  to 
republican  institutions.  Three  officers  were  deputed 
as  a  committee  to  carry  this  memorial  to  Congress,  and 
instructed  to  use  their  endeavours  to  obtain  for  it  a  suc 
cessful  hearing. 

The  dissensions,  which  had  long  existed  in  Con 
gress,  were  brought  to  bear  on  this  subject.  Many  of 
the  members  were  disposed  to  do  ample  justice  to  the 
army,  and  to  all  other  public  creditors,  by  assuming 
their  claims  as  a  Continental  charge,  and  providing  for 
the  settlement  of  them  by  a  Continental  fund  and  se 
curities  ;  while  others,  jealous  of  state  rights  and  state 
sovereignty,  disapproved  this  course,  and  urged  the 
plan  of  referring  unsettled  accounts  to  the  respective 
States.  Congress  took  the  memorial  into  considera 
tion,  and  passed  resolves  indefinite  in  their  character, 
and  not  such  as  were  likely  to  answer  the  expectations 
or  quiet  the  uneasiness  of  the  army.  The  claims  of 
public  creditors  were  recognised,  but  no  scheme  was 
suggested  for  establishing  funds,  or  giving  security. 
On  an  estimate  of  the  average  ages  of  the  officers,  it 
was  decided,  that  half-pay  for  life  was  equivalent  to  five 
years'  whole  pay;  but  the  requisite  number  of  nine 
States  could  not  be  obtained  in  favor  of  the  commutation. 
Apprehending  a  defeat,  if  they  pressed  the  subject, 
and  hoping  that  the  vote  would  ultimately  be  carried, 
the  committee  thought  it  prudent  to  delay  further  pro 
ceedings,  and  one  of  them  returned  to  camp  with  a 
letter  containing  a  report  of  what  had  been  done. 

The  representations  thus  communicated  were  by  no 
means  satisfactory  to  the  officers.  Disappointed  and 
irritated,  many  of  them  were  for  resorting  to  measures, 
which  should  convince  Congress,  not  only  of  the  justice 
of  their  demands,  but  of  their  resolution  to  enforce  them. 
Hence  originated  the  famous  JYewburg  Addresses.  At 


388  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

a  private  consultation  of  several  officers  it  was  agreed, 
that  a  meeting  of  the  general  and  field  officers,  a 
commissioned  officer  from  each  company,  and  a  del 
egate  from  the  medical  staff,  ought  to  be  called  for 
the  purpose  of  passing  a  series  of  resolutions,  which 
should  be  forwarded  to  their  committee  at  Congress. 
On  the  10th  of  March  a  notification  to  this  effect 
was  circulated  in  camp,  fixing  the  time  and  stating 
the  object.  The  same  day  an  anonymous  address  to 
the  army  was  sent  out,  written  in  a  strain  of  passionate 
and  stirring  eloquence,  and  extremely  well  suited  to 
excite  the  feelings  and  rouse  the  spirit  of  those  for 
whom  it  was  intended.  Foreseeing  the  fatal  conse 
quences  that  might  result  from  an  assembling  of  the 
officers  under  such  circumstances,  and  at  the  same 
time  deeply  impressed  with  the  justice  of  their  com 
plaints  and  the  reality  of  their  wrongs,  Washington  had 
a  delicate  task  to  perform ;  but  he  executed  it  with  his 
characteristic  decision,  firmness,  and  wisdom.  He  sought 
rather  to  guide  and  control  the  proceedings  thus  begun, 
than  to  check  or  discountenance  them  by  any  act  of 
severity. 

In  general  orders  the  next  morning,  after  censuring 
the  anonymous  paper  and  invitation  as  irregular  and 
disorderly,  he  appointed  a  day  and  hour  for  the  meet 
ing  of  the  officers,  when  they  might  "  devise  what  fur 
ther  measures  ought  to  be  adopted,  as  most  rational, 
and  best  calculated  to  attain  the  object  in  view."  This 
was  followed  by  another  anonymous  address,  in  a  tone 
more  subdued  than  the  former,  but  expressing  similar 
sentiments,  and  representing  the  orders  as  favorable  to 
the  purpose  desired,  the  time  of  meeting  only  being 
changed.  The  Commander-in-chief,  however,  took 
care  to  frustrate  the  design  of  this  interpretation  by 
conversing  individually  with  those  officers  in  whom  he 


J&T.5L]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  389 

had  the  greatest  confidence,  setting  before  them  in  a 
strong  light  the  danger  that  would  attend  a  rash  or 
precipitate  act  in  such  a  crisis,  inculcating  moderation, 
and  using  his  utmost  efforts  to  appease  their  discon 
tents,  and  persuade  them  to  deliberate  without  passion, 
and  under  a  deep  conviction  that  the  vital  interests  of 
their  country  were  involved  in  the  measures  they  should 
adopt. 

When  the  officers  were  assembled  at  the  time  ap 
pointed,  General  Washington  addressed  them  in  very 
impressive  terms,  reminding  them  of  the  cause  for 
which  they  had  taken  up  arms,  the  fidelity  and  con 
stancy  with  which  they  had  hitherto  devoted  them 
selves  to  that  cause,  and  the  sacred  trust  which  was  still 
reposed  in  them  as  the  defenders  of  their  country's  lib 
erty  ;  appealing  to  the  honor  and  patriotism,  by  which 
they  had  so  nobly  and  generously  shown  themselves 
to  be  actuated  in  the  perils  of  the  field,  and  amidst  the 
unexampled  sufferings  of  a  protracted  war;  and  im 
ploring  them  not  to  cast  a  shade  over  the  glory  they 
had  acquired,  nor  tarnish  their  well-earned  reputation, 
nor  lessen  their  dignity,  by  an  intemperate  or  indiscreet 
act  at  the  moment  when  the  great  object  of  their  toils 
was  achieved,  and  the  world  was  loud  in  its  praise  of 
their  valor,  fortitude,  and  success.  He  acknowledged 
£he  equity  of  their  claims,  and  the  reasonableness  of  their 
complaints ;  but  he  deprecated  the  idea,  that  on  this  ac 
count  they  should  distrust  the  plighted  faith  of  their 
country,  or  the  intentions  of  Congress ;  expressing  his 
firm  belief,  that,  before  they  should  be  disbanded,  ev 
ery  thing  would  be  adjusted  to  their  satisfaction ;  and 
pledging  himself,  from  a  sense  of  gratitude  for  their 
past  services,  and  from  the  attachment  he  felt  to  an 
army,  which  had  adhered  to  him  in  every  vicissitude 
of  fortune,  to  employ  all  his  abilities  and  his  best  exer- 

GG* 


390  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

tions  to  procure  for  them  complete  justice,  as  far  as  it 
could  be  done  consistently  with  the  great  duty  he  owed 
to  his  country,  and  to  the  authority  which  every  citizen 
was  bound  to  respect. 

After  speaking  these  sentiments,  and  others  of  a 
similar  tendency,  suited  to  soothe  their  feelings  and 
inspire  confidence,  he  retired  from  the  assembly.  The 
deliberation  of  the  officers  was  short,  and  their  decision 
prompt  and  unanimous.  They  passed  resolutions,  thank 
ing  the  Commander-in-chief  for  the  course  he  had 
pursued,  and  expressive  of  their  unabated  attachment ; 
and  also  declaring  their  unshaken  reliance  on  the  good 
faith  of  Congress  and  their  country,  and  a  determination 
to  bear  with  patience  their  grievances  till  in  due  time 
they  should  be  redressed.  A  full  account  of  the  trans 
actions  was  transmitted  to  Congress  and  published  in 
their  journals. 

The  incidents  are  clearly  and  briefly  related  by  Gen 
eral  Washington  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Harrison  of 
Virginia,  written  immediately  after  their  occurrence. 

"  You  have  not  been  unacquainted,  I  dare  say,  with 
the  fears,  the  hopes,  the  apprehensions,  and  the  ex 
pectations  of  the  army,  relative  to  the  provision  which 
is  to  be  made  for  them  hereafter.  Although  a  firm  re 
liance  on  the  integrity  of  Congress,  and  a  belief  that 
the  public  would  finally  do  justice  to  all  its  servants 
and  give  an  indisputable  security  for  the  payment  of 
the  half-pay  of  the  officers,  had  kept  them  amidst  a 
variety  of  sufferings  tolerably  quiet  and  contented  for 
vo  or  three  years  past;  yet  the  total  want  of  pay,  the 
ttle  prospect  of  receiving  any  from  the  unpromising 
state  of  the  public  finances,  and  the  absolute  aversion 
of  the  States  to  establish  any  Continental  funds  for  the 
payment  of  the  debt  due  to  the  army,  did  at  the  close 
of  the  last  campaign  excite  greater  discontents,  and 


^T.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  391 

threaten  more  serious  and  alarming  consequences,  than 
it  is  easy  for  me  to  describe  or  you  to  conceive.  Hap 
pily  for  us,  the  officers  of  highest  rank  and  greatest 
consideration  interposed ;  and  it  was  determined  to 
address  Congress  in  an  humble,  pathetic,  and  explicit 
manner. 

"  While  the  sovereign  power  appeared  perfectly  well 
disposed  to  do  justice,  it  was  discovered  that  the  States 
would  enable  them  to  do  nothing ;  and,  in  this  state 
of  affairs,  and  after  some  time  spent  on  the  business 
in  Philadelphia,  a  report  was  made  by  the  delegates  of 
the  army,  giving  a  detail  of  the  proceedings.  Before 
this  could  be  fully  communicated  to  the  troops,  while 
the  minds  of  all  were  in  a  peculiar  state  of  inquietude 
and  irritation,  an  anonymous  writer,  though  he  did  not 
step  forth  and  give  his  name  boldly  to  the  world,  sent 
into  circulation  an  address  to  the  officers  of  the  army, 
which,  in  point  of  composition,  in  elegance  and  force 
of  expression,  has  rarely  been  equalled  in  the  English 
language,  and  in  which  the  dreadful  alternative  was 
proposed,  of  relinquishing  the  service  in  a  body  if  the 
war  continued,  or  retaining  their  arms  in  case  of  peace, 
until  Congress  should  comply  with  all  their  demands. 
At  the  same  time,  and  at  the  moment  when  their  minds 
were  inflamed  by  the  most  pathetic  representations,  a 
general  meeting  of  the  officers  was  summoned  by 
another  anonymous  production. 

"  It  is  impossible  to  say  what  would  have  been  the 
consequences,  had  the  author  succeeded  in  his  first 
plans.  But,  measures  having  been  taken  to  postpone 
the  meeting,  so  as  to  give  time  for  cool  reflection  and 
counteraction,  the  good  sense  of  the  officers  has  ter 
minated  this  affair  in  a  manner,  which  reflects  the 
greatest  glory  on  themselves,  and  demands  the  highest 
expressions  of  gratitude  from  their  country." 


392  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

Thus,  by  the  prudent  measures  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  the  excitement  was  allayed,  and  tranquillity 
was  restored  to  the  army.  Nor  did  he  delay  to  fulfil 
the  pledge  he  had  made,  writing  to  Congress  with 
an  earnestness  and  force  of  argument,  which  showed 
him  to  be  moved  not  less  by  his  feelings,  than  by  a 
sense  of  duty  in  asserting  the  rights  and  just  claims 
of  those,  who,  to  use  his  own  words,  "  had  so  long,  so 
patiently,  and  so  cheerfully  suffered  and  fought  under 
his  direction,"  and  urging  a  speedy  decision  in  their 
favor.  His  representations  and  appeals  were  not  dis 
regarded.  The  subject  was  again  considered  in  Con 
gress,  and  the  requisite  number  of  States  voted  for  the 
commutation  of  half-pay,  and  for  the  other  provisions 
solicited  by  the  officers  in  their  memorial* 

In  a  few  days  the  joyful  news  arrived,  that  a  prelim 
inary  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed  at  Paris.  The 
intelligence  was  brought  in  a  French  vessel  from  Ca 
diz,  with  a  letter  from  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  who 
was  then  at  that  place,  preparing  for  an  expedition  to 
the  West  Indies  under  Count  d'Estaing.  Shortly  after 
wards  Sir  Guy  Carleton  communicated  the  same,  as 
from  official  authority,  and  announced  a  cessation  of 
hostilities.  A  proclamation  to  this  effect  was  made  to 
the  American  army  on  the  19th  of  April,  precisely 
eight  years  from  the  day  on  which  the  first  blood  was 
shed  in  this  memorable  contest  at  Lexington. 

Although  the  military  labors  of  General  Washington 
were  now  drawing  to  a  close,  in  the  attainment  of  the 
great  object  to  which  he  had  devoted  himself  with  an 

*  The  anonymous  addresses  were  from  the  pen  of  Major  John  Arm- 
ong,  at  that  time  an  aid-de-camp  to  General  Gates.     They  were  writ 
ten  at  the  request  of  several  officers,  who  believed  that  the  tardy  pro- 
dings  of  Congress,  and  the  reluctance  of  that  body  to  recognise  the 
aims  of  the  public  creditors,  called  for  a  more  decided  expression  of 
the  sentiments  of  the  army. 


jEr.Sl.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  393 

ardor,  constancy,  endurance,  and  singleness  of  purpose, 
that  had  never  been  surpassed  by  any  commander,  yet 
his  anxiety  for  the  future  was  scarcely  diminished.   The 
love  of  liberty,  which  had  prompted  him  to  such  trials 
and  disinterested  exertions  in  the  cause  of  his  country, 
was  equally  alive  to  the  success  of  that  cause  in  build 
ing  up  the   fabric  of  freedom  on  a  firm  and  durable 
basis.     In  a  letter  to  Colonel  Hamilton,  who  was  then 
a  delegate  in  Congress  from  the  State  of  New  York, 
he  said;   "My  wish  to  see  the  union  of  these  States 
established  upon  liberal  and  permanent  principles,  and 
inclination   to   contribute  my  mite  in  pointing  out  the 
defects  of  the  present   constitution,  are  equally  great. 
All  my  private  letters  have  teemed  with  these  senti 
ments,  and,  whenever  this  topic  has  been  the  subject 
of  conversation,  I  have  endeavoured  to  diffuse  and  en 
force  them  ;  but  how  far  any  further  essay  by  me  might 
be  productive  of  the  wished-for  end,  or  appear  to  ar 
rogate  more   than   belongs   to   me,  depends   so   much 
upon  popular  opinion,  and  the  temper  and  dispositions 
of  the  people,  that  it  is  not  easy  to  decide.     I  shall  be 
obliged  to  you,  however,  for  the  thoughts,  which  you 
have  promised  me  on  this  subject,  and  as  soon  as  you 
can  make  it  convenient.     No  man  in  the  United  States 
is  or  can  be  more  deeply  impressed  with  the  necessity 
of  a  reform  in  our  present  confederation  than  myself. 
No  man  perhaps  has  felt  the  bad  effects  of  it  more 
sensibly ;  for  to  the  defects  thereof,  and  want  of  power 
in  Congress,  may  justly  be  ascribed  the  prolongation 
of  the  war,  and  consequently  the  expenses  occasioned 
by  it.     More  than   half  the  perplexities  I  have  expe 
rienced  in  the  course  of  my  command,  and  almost  the 
whole  of  the  difficulties  and  distress  of  the  army,  have 
had  their  origin  here.     But  still,  the  prejudices  of  some, 
the  designs  of  others,  and  the  mere  machinery  of  the 
VOL.  i.  50 


394  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

majority,  make  address  and  management  necessary  to 
give  weight  to  opinions,  which  are  to  combat  the  doc 
trines  of  those  different  classes  of  men  in  the  field  of 
politics."  To  Lafayette  he  wrote;  "We  are  now  an 
independent  people,  and  have  yet  to  learn  political 
tactics.  We  are  placed  among  the  nations  of  the  earth, 
and  have  a  character  to  establish;  but  how  we  shall 
acquit  ourselves,  time  must  discover.  The  probability 
is  (at  least  I  fear  it),  that  local  or  State  politics  will 
interfere  too  much  with  the  more  liberal  and  extensive 
plan  of  government,  which  wisdom  and  foresight,  freed 
from  the  mist  of  prejudice,  would  dictate  ;  and  that  we 
shall  be  guilty  of  many  blunders  in  treading  this  bound 
less  theatre,  before  we  shall  have  arrived  at  any  per 
fection  in  this  art ;  in  a  word,  that  the  experience,  which 
is  purchased  at  the  price  of  difficulties  and  distress, 
will  alone  convince  us,  that  the  honor,  power,  and  true 
interest  of  this  country  must  be  measured  by  a  Con 
tinental  scale,  and  that  every  departure  therefrom  weak 
ens  the  Union,  and  may  ultimately  break  the  band 
which  holds  us  together.  To  avert  these  evils,  to  form 
a  new  constitution,  that  will  give  consistency,  stability, 
and  dignity  to  the  Union,  and  sufficient  powers  to  the 
great  council  of  the  nation  for  general  purposes,  is  a 
duty  incumbent  upon  every  man,  who  wishes  well  to 
his  country,  and  will  meet  with  my  aid  as  far  as  it  can 
be  rendered  in  the  private  walks  of  life." 

The  preparation  of  a  plan  for  a  peace  establishment, 
which  had  been  solicited  by  Congress,  and  some  pre 
liminary  arrangements  with  the  British  commander  in 
regard  to  the  evacuation  of  New  York,  occupied  him 
several  weeks.  For  these  latter  objects  he  had  a  per 
sonal  conference  with  Sir  Guy  Carleton  at  Orangetown. 

The  circular  letter,  which  he  wrote  to  the  governors 
of  the  States,  as  his  last  official  communication,  and 


jET.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  395 

which  was  designed  to  be  laid  before  the  several  legis 
latures,  is  remarkable  for  its  ability,  the  deep  interest 
it  manifests  for  the  officers  and  soldiers,  who  had  fought 
the  battles  of  their  country,  the  soundness  of  its  prin 
ciples,  and  the  wisdom  of  its  counsels.  Four  great 
points  he  aims  to  enforce  as  essential  in  guiding  the 
deliberations  of  every  public  body,  and  as  claiming  the 
serious  attention  of  every  citizen,  namely,  an  indisso 
luble  union  of  the  States ;  a  sacred  regard  to  pub 
lic  justice  ;  the  adoption  of  a  proper  military  peace 
establishment ;  and  a  pacific  and  friendly  disposition 
among  the  people  of  the  States,  which  should  induce 
them  to  forget  local  prejudices,  and  incline  them  to 
mutual  concessions  for  the  advantage  of  the  commu 
nity.  These  he  calls  the  pillars  by  which  alone  inde 
pendence  and  national  character  can  be  supported. 
On  each  of  these  topics  he  remarks  at  considerable 
length,  with  a  felicity  of  style  and  cogency  of  reasoning 
in  all  respects  worthy  of  the  subject.  No  public  ad 
dress  could  have  been  better  adapted  to  the  state  of 
the  times ;  and,  coming  from  such  a  source,  its  influence 
on  the  minds  of  the  people  must  have  been  effectual 
and  most  salutary. 

Many  of  the  troops  went  home  on  furlough ;  and 
General  Washington,  having  little  to  do  in  camp  till 
the  arrival  of  the  definitive  treaty,  resolved  to  employ 
the  interval  in  making  a  tour  to  the  northward,  for 
the  double  purpose  of  gratifying  his  curiosity  in  visiting 
the  scenes  of  the  late  military  operations  in  that  quar 
ter,  and  of  ascertaining  from  observation  the  natural  re 
sources  of  the  country.  In  company  with  Governor 
Clinton  he  ascended  the  Hudson  to  Albany,  and  pro 
ceeded  thence  over  the  battle-fields  of  Saratoga,  as  far 
as  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point.  Turning  then  to 
the  Mohawk  River,  he  extended  his  journey  westward 


396  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

to  Fort  Schuyler.  He  was  absent  from  Newburg  nine 
teen  days.  Ever  regarding  the  condition  and  affairs 
of  his  country  on  a  comprehensive  scale,  and  fixing  his 
thoughts  on  its  importance  as  a  nation,  he  saw,  while 
on  this  tour,  the  immense  advantages  that  would  result 
from  a  water  communication  between  the  Hudson  and 
the  great  Lakes,  and  believed  in  its  practicability.  His 
hopes  and  his  anticipations  have  since  been  realized 
in  the  magnificent  work,  opening  a  passage  for  boats 
by  a  canal  from  the  Hudson  to  Lake  Erie,  and  effected 
by  the  enterprise  and  wealth  of  the  State  of  New  York. 
When  he  returned  to  Newburg,  he  found  a  letter 
from  the  President  of  Congress,  asking  his  attendance 
on  that  assembly,  then  in  session  at  Princeton.  The  ob 
ject  of  this  request  was,  to  consult  hirn  on  the  arrange 
ments  for  peace,  and  other  public  concerns.  While 
he  was  making  preparations  to  leave  camp,  Congress 
conferred  on  him  new  honors.  It  was  voted  unani 
mously,  that  an  equestrian  statue  of  General  Washing 
ton  should  be  erected  at  the  place  where  the  residence 
of  Congress  should  be  established,  and  that  it  should 
be  executed  by  the  best  artist  in  Europe,  under  the 
superintendence  of  the  Minister  of  the  United  States 
at  the  Court  of  Versailles.* 

*  The  following  is  the  description  of  this  statue,  as  contained  in  the 
Journals  of  Congress.  "  Resolved,  that  the  statue  be  of  bronze  ;  the 
General  to  be  represented  in  a  Roman  dress,  holding  a  truncheon  in  his 
right  hand,  and  his  head  encircled  with  a  laurel  wreath ;  the  statue  to 
be  supported  by  a  marble  pedestal,  on  which  are  to  be  represented,  in 
basso-rilievo,  the  following  principal  events  of  the  war,  in  which  General 
Washington  commanded  in  person ;  namely,  the  evacuation  of  Boston  ; 
the  capture  of  the  Hessians  at  Trenton ;  the  battle  of  Princeton ;  the 
action  of  Monmouth ;  and  the  surrender  of  York.  On  the  upper  part 
of  the  front  of  the  pedestal  to  be  engraved  as  follows,  « The  United 
Stales  in  Congress  assembled,  ordered  this  statue  to  be  erected  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  1783,  in  honor  of  George  Washington,  the  illustrious 
Commander-^n-chief  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States  of  America  during 


J£T.  51.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  397 

Leaving  the  army  under  the  immediate  command 
of  General  Knox,  the  officers  higher  in  rank  having 
gone  home  by  permission,  Washington  obeyed  the 
summons  of  Congress,  and  went  to  Princeton,  where 
he  was  introduced  into  the  assembly  while  in  session 
by  two  of  the  members  appointed  for  the  purpose. 
He  was  then  addressed  by  the  President,  who  con 
gratulated  him  on  the  success  of  the  war,  in  which  he 
had  acted  so  conspicuous  and  important  a  part.  "In 
other  nations,"  said  the  President,  "  many  have  per 
formed  eminent  services,  for  which  they  have  deserved 

the  war,  which  vindicated  and  secured  their  liberty,  sovereignty,  and  inde 
pendence.1  " 

The  intention  of  this  resolve  was  not  fulfilled.  The  statue  has  never 
been  made.  Three  statues  of  Washington  have  been  executed,  by  three 
of  the  most  eminent  artists  in  modern  times  ;  the  first  by  Houdon,  the 
second  by  Canova,  and  the  third  by  Chantrey.  The  statue  by  Houdon, 
procured  by  the  State  of  Virginia,  stands  in  the  Capitol  at  Richmond, 
and  is  believed  to  be  as  perfect  a  resemblance  of  the  original,  both  in 
the  features  and  the  figure,  as  the  sculptor's  art  will  admit.  The  cos 
tume  is  modern,  being  that  in  which  General  Washington  was  accus 
tomed  to  appear  as  Commander-in-chief.  Critics  have  objected  to  this 
style  of  dress,  as  neither  classical,  graceful,  nor  suited  to  the  dignity  of 
the  art.  However  this  may  be,  it  will  always  give  pleasure  as  present 
ing  an  exact  representation,  and  as  calling  up  historical  associations. 
Canova's  statue  was  made  for  the  State  of  North  Carolina.  It  is  in  a 
sitting  posture,  with  a  Roman  costume.  The  artist  aimed  to  exhibit  his 
conception  of  the  character,  rather  than  the  bodily  resemblance,  of  Wash 
ington.  This  splendid  specimen  of  art  has  been  mutilated,  and  nearly 
destroyed,  by  a  fire  which  consumed  the  Capitol  at  Raleigh.  Chantrey's 
statue  was  procured  by  a  private  subscription,  and  is  placed  in  the  State 
house  at  Boston.  The  costume  is  a  military  cloak,  which  displays  the 
figure  to  advantage.  The  effect  is  imposing  and  good ;  but,  instead  of 
confining  himself  to  a  close  delineation  of  features,  the  sculptor,  like 
Canova,  has  allowed  some  latitude  to  his  genius  in  expressing  his  idea 
of  the  character  of  his  subject.  The  Washington  Monument  at  Balti 
more,  in  memory  of  the  FATHER  or  HIS  COUNTRY,  is  a  tribute  worthy 
of  the  name,  and  most  honorable  to  the  liberality  and  public  spirit  by 
which  it  was  erected.  Congress  have  recently  voted  a  colossal  statue 
in  marble,  which  is  to  be  executed  by  Greenough,  the  dis 
tinguished  American  artist  at  Florence.  It  is  to  occupy  the  centre  of 
the  great  rotunda  in  the  Capitol  at  the  seat  of  the  national  legislature. 

VOL.  I.  HH 


398  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

the  thanks  of  the  public.  But  to  you,  Sir,  peculiar 
praise  is  due.  Your  services  have  been  essential  in 
acquiring  and  establishing  the  freedom  and  independ 
ence  of  your  country.  They  deserve  the  grateful  ac 
knowledgements  of  a  free  and  independent  nation." 
To  this  address  Washington  replied  in  the  presence 
of  Congress,  and  then  retired.  A  house  was  provided 
for  him  at  Rocky  Hill,  three  or  four  miles  from  Prince 
ton,  where  he  resided,  holding  conferences  from  time 
to  time  with  committees  and  members  of  Congress, 
and  giving  counsel  on  such  subjects  as  were  referred 
to  his  consideration. 

A  large  part  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  had  been 
permitted  during  the  summer  to  retire  from  the  army 
on  furlough,  and  Congress  issued  a  proclamation,  on 
the  18th  of  October,  discharging  them  from  further 
service,  and  all  others  who  had  been  engaged  to  serve 
during  the  war.  The  army  was  thus  in  effect  disband 
ed.  A  small  force  only  was  retained,  consisting  of  such 
troops  as  had  been  enlisted  for  a  definite  time,  till  the 
peace  establishment  should  be  organized.  This  pro 
clamation  was  followed  by  General  Washington's  fare 
well  address  to  the  army,  a  performance  not  less  admi 
rable  in  its  principles  and  its  objects,  than  his  circular 
letter  to  the  States.  To  his  cordial  and  affectionate 
thanks  for  the  devotedness  of  the  officers  and  soldiers 
to  him  through  the  war,  and  for  the  manner  in  which 
they  had  discharged  their  duty,  he  adds  seasonable 
advice  as  to  their  conduct  in  resuming  the  character 
of  private  citizens,  and  in  contributing  to  the  support 
of  civil  government.  "  Let  it  be  known  and  remem 
bered,"  said  he,  "that  the  reputation  of  the  federal 
armies  is  established  beyond  the  reach  of  malevolence; 
and  let  a  consciousness  of  their  achievements  and  fame 
still  incite  the  men,  who  composed  them,  to  honorable 


^T.5L]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  399 

actions  ;  under  the  persuasion,  that  the  private  virtues 
of  economy,  prudence,  and  industry,  will  not  be  less 
amiable  in  civil  life,  than  the  more  splendid  qualities 
of  valor,  perseverance,  and  enterprise  were  in  the  field. 
Every  one  may  rest  assured,  that  much,  very  much, 
of  the  future  happiness  of  the  officers  and  men  will 
depend  upon  the  wise  and  manly  conduct,  which  shall 
be  adopted  by  them  when  they  are  mingled  with  the 
great  body  of  the  community.  And,  although  the  Gen 
eral  has  so  frequently  given  it  as  his  opinion  in  the 
most  public  and  explicit  manner,  that,  unless  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Federal  Government  were  properly  sup 
ported,  and  the  powers  of  the  Union  increased,  the 
honor,  dignity,  and  justice  of  the  nation  would  be  lost 
for  ever ;  yet  he  cannot  help  repeating,  on  this  occa 
sion,  so  interesting  a  sentiment,  and  leaving  it  as  his 
last  injunction  to  every  officer  and  every  soldier,  who 
may  view  the  subject  in  the  same  serious  point  of  light, 
to  add  his  best  endeavours  to  those  of  his  worthy  fellow 
citizens  towards  effecting  these  great  and  valuable 
purposes,  on  which  our  very  existence  as  a  nation  so 
materially  depends." 

At  length  Sir  Guy  Carleton  received  orders  from 
the  ministry  to  evacuate  New  York,  and  gave  notice 
to  General  Washington  that  he  should  soon  be  ready 
for  that  event.  Delay  had  been  occasioned  by  the 
want  of  transports  in  sufficient  number  to  send  to  Nova 
Scotia  the  refugees,  who  had  sought  protection  in  New 
York  during  the  war,  and  the  large  amount  of  goods, 
stores,  and  military  supplies,  which  had  accumulated 
in  that  city.  Many  of  these  persons  would  gladly 
have  remained  in  the  country,  having  property  which 
they  desired  to  recover,  and  relatives  and  friends  whom 
they  were  reluctant  to  abandon  ;  but  they  were  exiled 
by  the  laws  of  the  States,  and  could  not  be  admitted 


400  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

to  the  privileges  of  a  residence   till   these  laws  were 

repealed. 

Washington  repaired  to  West  Point,  to  which  place 
General  Knox  had  drawn  the  troops,  that  still  remained 
in  the  service.  Arrangements  were  made  with  Gov 
ernor  Clinton,  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  by  which  the  city  was  to  be  delivered  into  his 
charge.  A  detachment  of  troops  marched  from  West 
Point  to  Haerlem,  and  was  joined  there  by  General 
Washington  and  Governor  Clinton.  In  the  morning 
of  the  25th  of  November,  they  advanced  to  the  upper 
part  of  the  city,  where  they  continued  till  one  o'clock, 
when  the  British  parties  retired  from  the  posts  in  that 
quarter,  and  were  followed  by  the  American  infantry 
and  artillery,  preceded  by  a  corps  of  dragoons.  Mean 
time  the  British  troops  embarked.  Possession  being 
thus  taken  of  the  city,  the  military  officers,  and  the 
civil  officers  of  the  State,  made  a  public  entry.  The 
General  and  Governor  rode  at  the  head  of  the  proces 
sion  on  horseback.  Then  came  in  regular  succession 
the  lieutenant-governor  and  members  of  the  council, 
General  Knox  and  the  officers  of  the  army,  the  speaker 
of  the  assembly  and  citizens.  They  were  escorted  by 
a  body  of  Westchester  light-horse,  as  a  compliment 
to  the  Governor  and  civil  authority;  the  Continental 
military  jurisdiction  being  supposed  to  have  ceased,  or 
at  least  to  have  been  suspended  in  deference  to  the 
civil  power  of  the  State.  Governor  Clinton  gave  a 
public  entertainment,  with  which  the  transactions  of 
the  day  were  closed.  Perfect  order  and  quiet  pre 
vailed  from  the  beginning  to  the  end,  and  no  unto 
ward  incident  occurred  to  mar  the  interest  of  an  oc 
casion,  which  had  been  so  long  wished  for,  and  was 
so  joyfully  welcomed. 

A  trial  of  feeling  now  awaited   the  Commander-in- 


jE-r.51.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  401 

chief,  which  for  the  moment  was  more  severe  and 
painful,  than  any  he  had  been  called  to  bear.  The 
time  had  arrived,  when  he  was  to  bid  a  final  adieu 
to  his  companions  in  arms,  to  many  of  whom  he  was 
bound  by  the  strongest  ties  of  friendship,  and  for  all 
of  whom  he  felt  a  lively  gratitude  and  sincere  regard. 
"  This  affecting  interview  took  place  on  the  4th  of 
December.  At  noon,  the  principal  officers  of  the  army 
assembled  at  Frances's  tavern,  soon  after  which,  their 
beloved  commander  entered  the  room.  His  emotions 
were  too  strong  to  be  concealed.  Filling  a  glass,  he 
turned  to  them  and  said,  '  With  a  heart  full  of  love 
and  gratitude,  I  now  take  leave  of  you ;  I  most  de 
voutly  wish,  that  your  latter  days  may  be  as  prosper 
ous  and  happy,  as  your  former  ones  have  been  glo 
rious  and  honoi^ble.'  Having  drank,  he  added,  'I 
cannot  come  to  each  of  you  to  take  my  leave,  but 
shall  be  obliged  if  each  of  you  will  come  and  take  me 
by  the  hand.'  General  Knox,  being  nearest,  turned  to 
him.  Washington,  incapable  of  utterance,  grasped  his 
hand,  and  embraced  him.  In  the  same  affectionate 
manner  he  took  leave  of  each  succeeding  officer. 
The  tear  of  manly  sensibility  was  in  every  eye ;  and 
not  a  word  was  articulated  to  interrupt  the  dignified 
silence,  and  the  tenderness  of  the  scene.  Leaving 
the  room,  he  passed  through  the  corps  of  light  infan 
try,  and  walked  to  White  Hall,  where  a  barge  waited 
to  convey  him  to  Paulus  Hook.  The  whole  company 
followed  in  mute  and  solemn  procession,  with  dejected 
countenances,  testifying  feelings  of  delicious  melancholy, 
which  no  language  can  describe.  Having  entered  the 
barge,  he  turned  to  the  company,  and,  waving  his  hat, 
bid  them  a  silent  adieu.  They  paid  him  the  same 
affectionate  compliment;  and,  after  the  barge  had  left 

VOL.    I.  51  HH  * 


402  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

them,  returned  in  the  same  solemn  manner  to  the  place 
where  they  had  assembled."' 

Congress  had  adjourned  from  Princeton  to  An 
napolis  in  Maryland.  Washington  travelled  slowly  to 
that  place,  greeted  everywhere  on  the  road  by  the 
acclamations  of  his  fellow  citizens,  and  the  most  grati 
fying  tokens  of  their  love  and  respect.  As  he  passed 
along,  public  addresses  were  presented  to  him  by  the 
legislatures  of  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  Mary 
land,  the  Philosophical  Society  and  University  in  Phila 
delphia,  citizens  of  towns  in  their  corporate  capacity, 
religious  societies,  and  various  incorporated  associations. 
Arrived  at  the  seat  of  Congress,  he  informed  the  Pres 
ident,  that  he  was  ready  to  resign  the  commission, 
with  which  he  had  been  honored  in  the  service  of 
his  country.  This  ceremony  was  performed  in  the 
Hall  of  Congress  on  the  23d  of  December,  all  the 
members  and  a  large  concourse  of  spectators  being 
present.  At  the  close  of  his  address  on  this  occasion, 
he  said  ;  "  Having  now  finished  the  work  assigned 
me,  I  retire  from  the  great  theatre  of  action ;  and,  bid 
ding  an  affectionate  farewell  to  this  august  body,  under 
whose  orders  I  have  so  long  acted,  I  here  offer  my 
commission,  and  take  my  leave  of  all  the  employ 
ments  of  public  life."  He  then  advanced  and  gave 
his  commission  into  the  hands  of  the  President,  who 
replied  to  his  address.  The  ceremony  being  ended, 
he  withdrew  from  the  assembly,  divested  of  his  offi 
cial  character,  and  sustaining  no  other  rank  than  that 
of  a  private  citizen. 

The  next  morning  he  left  Annapolis  and  reached 
Mount  Vernon  the  same  day,  having  been  absent  in 
the  command  of  the  army  somewhat  more  than  eight 

*  MARSHALL'S  Life  of  Washington,  2d  edition,  Vol.  II.  p.  57. 


/ET  51.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  403 

years  and  a  half,  during  which  period  he  had  never 
been  at  his  own  house  except  accidentally  while  on 
his  way  with  Count  de  Rochambeau  to  Yorktown, 
and  in  returning  from  that  expedition. 


404  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1784. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

He  declines  receiving  pecuniary  Compensation  for  his  public  Services. 

—  His  Feelings  on  being  relieved  from  the  Burden  of  Office.— Devotes 
himself  to  Agriculture.  —  Makes  a  Tour  to  the  Western  Country.  — 
His  extensive  Plans  for  internal  Navigation.  —  These  Plans  adopted 
by  the  State  of  Virginia.  —  Visit  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  to 
America. —  Washington  refuses  to  accept  a  Donation  from  the  State 
of  Virginia.  —  His  liberal  Acts  for  the  Encouragement  of  Education. 
Approves  the  Countess  of  Huntington's  Scheme  for  civilizing  and 
Christianizing  the  Indians.  —  His  Operations  in  Farming  and  Horti 
culture. — Visiters  at  Mount  Vernon. —  His  Habits.  — Houdon's  Statue. 

—  Condition  of  the   Country   and  Defects   of  the   Confederacy.  — 
Washington's  Sentiments  thereon.  —  First  Steps  towards  effecting  a 
Reform.  —  Convention  at  Annapolis.  —  Proposal  for  a  general  Con 
vention,  and  Washington  appointed  a  Delegate  from  Virginia.  —  His 
Reasons  for  wishing  to  decline.  —  Society  of  the  Cincinnati.  —  Wash 
ington  accepts  the  Appointment  as  Delegate. —  Attends  the  Convention, 
is  chosen  its  President,  and  affixes  his  Name  to  the  New  Constitution. 

—  His  Opinion  of  the  Constitution.  —  It  is  adopted  by  the  People. — 
Washington  chosen  the  first  President  of  the  United  States. 

GENERAL  WASHINGTON  believed  his  career  as  a 
public  man  to  be  now  at  an  end.  He  seems  indeed 
to  have  formed  a  resolution  never  again  to  leave  his 
retirement,  unless  called  out  by  some  great  exigency 
in  the  affairs  of  his  country,  which  at  that  time  he 
neither  foresaw  nor  expected.  However  much  he 
might  have  been  gratified  with  the  honors  bestowed 
upon  him  by  his  countrymen,  with  the  success  of  his 
long  and  unwearied  services,  and  the  applause  of  the 
whole  civilized  world,  it  was  nevertheless  with  a 
heartfelt  delight  which  none  of  these  could  give,  that 
he  returned  to  the  quiet  scenes  and  congenial  em 
ployments  of  private  life.  For  we  may  here  repeat 
what  has  been  said  in  a  former  part  of  this  narrative, 
that  no  occupations  interested  him  so  much,  or  en 
gaged  his  thoughts  so  constantly,  as  those  of  the 


^ET.52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  405 

practical  agriculturist.  He  was  fond  of  adorning  and 
improving  his  grounds  as  an  amusement,  and  was  de 
voted  to  the  cultivation  of  his  farms,  upon  a  thorough, 
economical,  and  systematic  plan,  both  as  a  means  of 
increasing  his  property,  and  as  being  suited  to  his 
tastes  and  early  habits. 

His  first  care,  after  establishing  himself  at  Mount 
Vernon,  was  to  examine  minutely  into  the  state  of 
his  private  affairs,  which  had  become  deranged  by  his 
long  absence  and  the  disorders  of  the  times.  His 
fortune  was  ample  for  a  republican  citizen,  and  a  man 
who  derived  neither  consequence  nor  pleasure  from 
display,  but  it  had  necessarily  suffered  a  diminution 
during  the  war.  Adhering  rigidly  to  the  resolution 
he  had  formed,  when  he  accepted  the  command  of 
the  army,  not  to  receive  any  remuneration  from  the 
public,  either  in  the  shape  of  pay  or  other  pecuniary 
reward,  he  now  considered  it  a  duty  to  repair  the 
losses  he  had  sustained,  as  well  by  economy  in  his 
style  of  living,  as  by  all  the  usual  efforts  to  increase 
the  productiveness  of  his  estates. 

Some  of  his  countrymen,  estimating  his  services  to 
the  public  at  their  just  value,  and  knowing  the  injury 
his  private  affairs  had  suffered  in  consequence  of 
them,  hoped  to  change  his  purpose  of  refusing  pecu 
niary  compensation.  A  few  days  before  he  resigned 
his  commission,  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of 
Pennsylvania  sent  the  following  instructions  on  this 
subject  to  the  delegates  in  Congress  from  that  State. 

"  Though  his  Excellency  General  Washington  pro 
poses  in  a  short  time  to  retire,  yet  his  illustrious  ac 
tions  and  virtues  render  his  character  so  splendid  and 
venerable,  that,  it  is  highly  probable,  the  admiration 
and  esteem  of  the  world  may  make  his  life  in  a  very 
considerable  degree  public,  as  numbers  will  be  de- 


406  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1784. 

sirous  of  seeing,  the  great  and  good  man,  who  has  so 
eminently  contributed  to  the  happiness  of  a  nation. 
His  very  services  to  his  country  may  therefore  sub 
ject  him  to  expenses,  unless  he  permits  her  gratitude 
to  interpose. 

"We  are  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  disinterest 
edness  and  generosity  of  his  soul.  He  thinks  him 
self  amply  rewarded  for  all  his  labors  and  cares,  by 
the  love  and  prosperity  of  his  fellow  citizens.  It  is 
true,  no  rewards  they  can  bestow  can  be  equal  to 
his  merits.  But  they  ought  not  to  suffer  those  merits 
to  be  burdensome  to  him.  We  are  convinced  that 
the  people  of  Pennsylvania  would  regret  such  a  con 
sequence. 

"  We  are  aware  of  the  delicacy,  with  which  this 
subject  must  be  treated.  But,  relying  upon  the  good 
sense  of  Congress,  we  wish  it  may  engage  their  early 
attention." 

These  instructions  were  received  by  the  delegates, 
and  a  copy  was  forwarded  to  General  Washington 
after  he  had  arrived  at  Mount  Vernon.  It  was  not 
thought  advisable  to  lay  them  before  Congress,  or 
take  any  steps  in  fulfilling  them,  without  his  previous 
knowledge  and  approbation.  In  this  case,  as  in  every 
other,  he  acted  consistently  with  his  character.  He 
promptly  declined  the  intended  favor.  All  proceed 
ings  on  the  subject  were  accordingly  stopped.  There 
can  be  no  doubt,  that  the  sentiments  of  the  Execu 
tive  Council  of  Pennsylvania  would  have  been  re 
sponded  to  by  the  whole  nation,  and  that  a  liberal 
grant  from  Congress  would  everywhere  have  met  with 
a  cordial  assent. 

The  feelings  of  Washington,  on  being  relieved  from 
the  solicitude  and  burdens  of  office,  were  forcibly  ex 
pressed  in  letters  to  his  friends.  "At  length,"  said 


.ET.52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  407 

he,  in  writing  to  Lafayette,  "I  am  become  a  private 
citizen,  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac ;  and,  under  the 
shadow  of  my  own  vine  and  my  own  fig-tree,  free 
from  the  bustle  of  a  camp,  and  the  busy  scenes  of 
public  life,  I  am  solacing  myself  with  those  tranquil 
enjoyments,  of  which  the  soldier,  who  is  ever  in  pur 
suit  of  fame,  the  statesman,  whose  watchful  days  and 
sleepless  nights  are  spent  in  devising  schemes  to  pro 
mote  the  welfare  of  his  own,  perhaps  the  ruin  of  other 
countries,  as  if  this  globe  was  insufficient  for  us  all, 
and  the  courtier,  who  is  always  watching  the  counte 
nance  of  his  prince,  in  hopes  of  catching  a  gracious 
smile,  can  have  very  little  conception.  I  have  not 
only  retired  from  all  public  employments,  but  I  am 
retiring  within  myself,  and  shall  be  able  to  view  the 
solitary  walk,  and  tread  the  paths  of  private  life,  with 
a  heartfelt  satisfaction.  Envious  of  none,  I  am  deter 
mined  to  be  pleased  with  all ;  and  this,  my  dear  friend, 
being  the  order  for  my  march,  I  will  move  gently  down 
the  stream  of  life,  until  I  sleep  with  my  fathers." 

To  General  Knox  he  wrote;  "I  am  just  beginning 
to  experience  that  ease  and  freedom  from  public  cares, 
which,  however  desirable,  takes  some  time  to  realize; 
for,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  it  is  nevertheless  true, 
that  it  was  not  till  lately  I  could  get  the  better  of  my 
usual  custom  of  ruminating,  as  soon  as  I  waked  in 
the  morning,  on  the  business  of  the  ensuing  day ;  and 
of  my  surprise  at  finding,  after  revolving  many  things 
in  my  mind,  that  I  was  no  longer  a  public  man,  nor 
had  any  thing  to  do  with  public  transactions.  I  feel 
now,  however,  as  I  conceive  a  wearied  traveller  must 
do,  who,  after  treading  many  a  painful  step  with  a 
heavy  burden  on  his  shoulders,  is  eased  of  the  lat 
ter,  having  reached  the  haven  to  which  all  the  former 
were  directed ;  and  from  his  house-top  is  looking 


408  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1784. 

back,  and  tracing  with  an  eager  eye  the  meanders  by 
which  he  escaped  the  quicksands  and  mires  which  lay 
in  his  way ;  and  into  which  none  but  the  all-powerful 
Guide  and  Dispenser  of  human  events  could  have 
prevented  his  falling." 

The  time  and  thoughts  of  Washington  were  now 
confined  to  his  farms,  and  to  such  acts  of  hospitality 
as  were  demanded  by  the  numerous  visits  from  stran 
gers  and  his  acquaintances,  who  were  drawn  to  Mount 
Vernon  by  motives  of  curiosity,  admiration,  and  re 
spect.  However  onerous  these  visits  might  be,  on 
some  occasions,  his  house  was  open  to  all  that  came, 
and  his  personal  civilities  were  so  rendered  as  to 
strengthen  the  affections  of  his  friends,  and  win  the 
esteem  of  those  who  had  known  him  only  by  his 
fame,  and  revered  him  for  his  public  character.  And 
it  is  but  just  to  say,  that  in  all  these  duties  Mrs. 
Washington  performed  her  part  with  such  discretion, 
assiduity,  and  courtesy,  without  ostentation  on  the  one 
hand  or  constraint  on  the  other,  as,  at  the  same  time 
that  it  proved  the  goodness  of  her  heart  and  her  power 
to  please,  insured  the  comfort  and  enjoyment  of  her 
guests,  and  convinced  them  of  the  domestic  harmony 
and  happiness,  that  reigned  in  the  mansion  at  Mount 
Vernon. 

In  the  month  of  September,  1784,  Washington 
made  a  tour  to  the  Western  country,  for  the  purpose 
of  inspecting  the  lands  he  owned  beyond  the  Alle- 
gany  Mountains,  and  also  of  ascertaining  the  practica 
bility  of  opening  a  communication  between  the  head 
waters  of  the  rivers  running  eastward  into  the  Atlantic, 
and  those  that  flow  westward  to  the  Ohio.  The  ex 
tent  of  this  journey  was  six  hundred  and  eighty  miles, 
the  whole  of  which  he  travelled  on  horseback,  using 
pack-horses  for  the  conveyance  of  a  tent,  the  neces- 


jET.52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  409 

sary  baggage,  and  such  supplies  as  could  not  be  procur 
ed  in  the  wild  and  unsettled  regions  through  which  he 
was  to  pass.  He  crossed  the  mountains  by  the  usual 
route  of  Braddock's  Road,  and  spent  several  days  in 
surveying  and  inspecting  his  lands  on  the  Mononga- 
hela  River,  a  part  of  which  was  occupied  by  settlers. 
His  first  intention  was  to  descend  the  Ohio,  as  he 
had  done  in  the  year  1770,  to  the  Great  Kenhawa, 
where  he  owned  a  large  tract  of  wild  land ;  but  the 
hostile  temper  of  the  Indians  rendering  this  expedition 
hazardous,  and  the  motive  not  being  strong  enough 
to  induce  him  to  run  risks,  he  advanced  westward  no 
farther  than  the  Monongahela.  Returning  by  a  circu 
itous  route,  he  passed  through  the  heart  of  the  wil 
derness,  first  ascending  the  Monongahela  River,  and 
thence  traversing  the  country  far  to  the  south  between 
the  ridges  of  the  Allegany  Mountains,  with  the  special 
view  of  deciding  the  question  in  his  own  mind,  whether 
the  Potomac  and  James  Rivers  could  be  connected 
by  internal  navigation  with  the  western  waters.  He 
conversed  on  the  subject  with  every  intelligent  per 
son  he  met,  and  kept  a  journal  in  which  he  recorded 
the  results  of  his  observations  and  inquiries. 

His  thoughts  had  been  turned  to  this  enterprise 
before  the  revolution;  and,  since  the  peace,  he  had 
used  unwearied  diligence  by  an  extensive  correspon 
dence  to  procure  facts  respecting  the  rivers  falling  into 
the  Ohio  from  the  west,  and  into  the  great  Lakes, 
and  also  the  distances  from  various  navigable  points 
in  those  rivers  and  lakes  to  the  head  waters  of  the 
streams  flowing  towards  the  Atlantic.  Soon  after  re 
turning  from  his  western  tour,  he  communicated  to 
the  governor  of  Virginia  the  fruits  of  his  investigations 
in  a  letter,  one  of  the  aWest,  most  sagacious,  and  most 
important  productions  of  his  pen.  Presenting  first  a 

VOL.  i.  52  ii 


410  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1784. 

clear  state  of  the  question,  and  showing  the  practica 
bility  of  facilitating  the  intercourse  of  trade  between 
the  east  and  the  west  by  improving  and  extending 
the  water  communications,  he  then  proceeds  by  a  train 
of  unanswerable  argument  and  illustration  to  explain 
the  immense  advantages,  that  would  arise  from  such 
a  measure,  in  strengthening  the  union  of  the  States, 
multiplying  the  resources  of  trade,  and  promoting  the 
prosperity  of  the  country. 

"  I  need  not  remark  to  you,"  said  he,  "  that  the 
flanks  and  rear  of  the  United  States  are  possessed 
by  other  powers,  and  formidable  ones  too;  nor  how 
necessary  it  is  to  apply  the  cement  of  interest  to  bind 
all  parts  of  the  Union  together  by  indissoluble  bonds, 
especially  that  part  of  it,  which  lies  immediately  west 
of  us,  with  the  middle  States.  For  what  ties,  let  me 
ask,  chould  we  have  upon  those  people  ?  How  en 
tirely  unconnected  with  them  shall  we  be,  and  what 
troubles  may  we  not  apprehend,  if  the  Spaniards  on 
their  right,  and  Great  Britain  on  their  left,  instead  of 
throwing  stumbling-blocks  in  their  way,  as  they  now 
do,  should  hold  out  lures  for  their  trade  and  alliance  ? 
What,  when  they  get  strength,  which  will  be  sooner 
than  most  people  conceive  (from  the  emigration  of 
foreigners,  who  will  have  no  particular  predilection  to 
wards  us,  as  well  as  from  the  removal  of  our  own 
citizens),  will  be  the  consequence  of  their  having 
formed  close  connexions  with  both  or  either  of  those 
powers,  in  a  commercial  way?  It  needs  not,  in  my 
opinion,  the  gift  of  prophecy  to  foretell. 

'  The  western  States  (I  speak  now  from  my  own 
observation)  stand  as  it  were  upon  a  pivot.  The  touch 
of  a  feather  would  turn  them  any  way.  They  have 
looked  down  the  Mississippi,  until  the  Spaniards,  very 
^politically  I  think  for  themselves,  threw  difficulties 


£fr.52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  411 

in  their  way;  and  they  looked  that  way  for  no  other 
reason,  than  because  they  could  glide  gently  down  the 
stream ;  without  considering,  perhaps,  the  difficulties 
of  the  voyage  back  again,  and  the  time  necessary  to 
perform  it  in ;  and  because  they  have  no  other  means 
of  coming  to  us  but  by  long  land  transportations  and 
unimproved  roads.  These  causes  have  hitherto  check 
ed  the  industry  of  the  present  settlers ;  for,  except  the 
demand  for  provisions,  occasioned  by  the  increase  of 
population,  and  a  little  flour,  which  the  necessities  of 
the  Spaniards  compel  them  to  buy,  they  have  no  in 
citements  to  labor.  But  smooth  the  road,  and  make 
easy  the  way  for  them,  and  then  see  what  an  influx 
of  articles  will  be  poured  upon  us  ;  how  amazingly 
our  exports  will  be  increased  by  them,  and  how  amply 
we  shall  be  compensated  for  any  trouble  and  expense 
we  may  encounter  to  effect  it. 

"A  combination  of  circumstances  makes  the  present 
conjuncture  more  favorable  for  Virginia,   than  for  any 
other  State  in  the  Union,  to  fix  these  matters.     The 
jealous  and  untoward  disposition  of  the  Spaniards  on 
one  hand,  and  the  private  views  of  some  individuals, 
coinciding  with  the  general  policy  of  the  court  of  Great 
Britain,  on  the  other,  to  retain  as  long  as  possible  the 
posts  of  Detroit,  Niagara,  and  Oswego,  (which,  though 
done  under  the  letter  of  the  treaty,  is  certainly  an  in 
fraction  of  the  spirit  of  it,  and  injurious  to  the  Union,) 
may  be  improved   to  the  greatest   advantage  by  this 
State,  if  she  would  open  the  avenues  to  the  trade  of 
that  country,  and  embrace  the  present  moment  to  es 
tablish  it.     It  only  wants  a  beginning.     The  western 
inhabitants  would  do  their  part  towards  its  execution. 
Weak  as  they  are,  they  would  meet  us  at  least  half 
way,  rather  than  be  driven  into  the  arms  of  foreign 
ers,  or  be  made  dependent  upon  them ;  which  would 


412  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1784. 

eventually  either  bring  on  a  separation  of  them  from 
us,  or  a  war  between  the  United  States  and  one  or 
the  other  of  those  powers,  most  probably  with  the 
Spaniards." 

At  this  time  the  State  of  Virginia,  being  large  and 
powerful,  stretching  on  one  side  to  the  Atlantic  ocean 
and  on  the  other  to  the  western  waters,  and  having 
in  its  bosom  two  noble  rivers  descending  from  the 
summits  of  the  Alleganies,  he  thought  the  most  favor 
ably  situated  for  beginning  the  great  work.  He  re 
commended,  therefore,  as  a  preliminary  step,  that  com 
missioners  should  be  appointed  to  survey  the  Potomac 
and  James  Rivers  from  tide-water  to  their  sources, 
and  the  portages  between  them  and  the  principal 
western  streams,  following  these  streams  to  their  junc 
tion  with  the  Ohio,  measuring  with  accuracy  the  dis 
tances,  noting  the  obstructions  to  be  removed,  and 
estimating  the  probable  expense.  He  also  advised  a 
similar  survey  of  the  rivers  west  of  the  Ohio  as  far  as 
Detroit.  "These  things  being  done,"  said  he,  "I  shall 
be  mistaken  if  prejudice  does  not  yield  to  facts,  jeal 
ousy  to  candor,  and  finally,  if  reason  and  nature,  thus 
aided,  do  not  dictate  what  is  right  and  proper  to  be 
done."  The  governor  laid  this  letter  before  the  legis 
lature.  It  was  the  first  suggestion  of  the  great  sys 
tem  of  internal  improvements,  which  has  since  been 
pursued  in  the  United  States. 

A  short  time  before  his  journey  to  the  west,  Wash 
ington  had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  at  Mount  Ver- 
non  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  for  whom  he  cherished 
the  warmest  friendship,  heightened  by  gratitude  for 
the  disinterestedness  and  ardor  with  which  he  had  es 
poused  the  cause  of  American  freedom,  and  the  sig 
nal  services  he  had  rendered.  Two  or  three  months 
were  passed  by  Lafayette  in  the  middle  and  eastern 


.ET.52.]  LIFE    OP    WASHINGTON.  413 

States,  and  in  November  he  arrived  at  Richmond  in 
Virginia.  Washington  met  him  at  that  place,  where 
they  were  both  received  with  public  honors  by  the 
legislature  then  in  session.  They  returned  together 
to  Mount  Vernon;  and,  when  Lafayette's  visit  was  con 
cluded,  Washington  accompanied  him  on  his  way  to 
Annapolis.  In  a  letter  to  Lafayette's  wife  he  said  ; 
"  We  restore  the  Marquis  to  you  in  good  health,  crown 
ed  with  wreaths  of  love  and  respect  from  every  part 
of  the  Union."  The  parting  of  the  two  friends  was 
affecting,  and  showed  the  strength  of  the  ties  by 
which  they  were  united.  As  soon  as  he  reached 
home,  Washington  wrote  to  him  as  follows.  "In  the 
moment  of  our  separation,  upon  the  road  as  I  travel 
led,  and  every  hour  since,  I  have  felt  all  that  love,  re 
spect,  and  attachment  for  you,  with  which  length  of 
years,  close  connexion,  and  your  merits  have  inspired 
me.  I  often  asked  myself,  as  our  carriages  separated, 
whether  that  was  the  last  sight  I  ever  should  have  of 
you  ?  And,  though  I  wished  to  say  No,  my  fears  an 
swered  Yes.  I  called  to  mind  the  days  of  my  youth, 
and  found  they  had  long  since  fled  to  return  no  more; 
that  I  was  now  descending  the  hill  I  had  been  fifty- 
two  years  climbing,  and  that,  though  I  was  blest  with 
a  good  constitution,  I  was  of  a  short-lived  family,  and 
might  soon  expect  to  be  entombed  in  the  mansion  of 
my  fathers.  These  thoughts  darkened  the  shades,  and 
gave  a  gloom  to  the  picture,  and  consequently  to  my 
prospect  of  seeing  you  again."  This  melancholy  pre 
sage  was  fulfilled.  They  never  met  afterwards.  But 
their  attachment  remained  indissoluble,  and  Washing 
ton  lived  to  sympathize  in  the  misfortunes  of  his  friend, 
and  to  have  the  consolation  of  using  all  the  means  in 
his  power  to  rescue  him  from  the  sufferings  he  so 
long  endured  in  a  cruel  imprisonment. 

n* 


414  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [i785. 

The  hopes  of  General  Washington,  in  regard  to  his 
favorite  scheme  of  internal  navigation  were  more  than 
realized.  The  legislature  of  Virginia,  after  duly  con 
sidering  his  letter  to  the  governor,  not  only  appointed 
the  commission  for  surveys,  but  organized  two  com 
panies,  called  the  Potomac  Company  and  the  James 
River  Company,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  the  plan 
into  effect.  They  moreover  complimented  him,  with 
out  a  dissenting  voice,  by  a  donation  of  fifty  shares  in 
the  former  company,  and  one  hundred  shares  in  the 
latter;  the  fifty  shares  being  estimated  at  ten  thousand 
dollars,  and  the  others  at  five  thousand  pounds  sterling. 
Aware  of  his  delicacy  on  the  subject  of  receiving  money 
from  the  public,  the  legislature  contrived  to  frame  the 
preamble  of  the  act  in  such  language,  as,  it  was  hoped, 
would  remove  his  scruples.  "It  is  the  desire  of  the 
representatives  of  this  commonwealth  to  embrace  every 
suitable  occasion  of  testifying  their  sense  of  the  unex 
ampled  merits  of  George  Washington  towards  his  coun 
try;  and  it  is  their  wish  in  particular,  that  those  great 
works  for  its  improvement,  which,  both  as  springing 
from  the  liberty  which  he  has  been  so  instrumental  in 
establishing,  and  as  encouraged  by  his  patronage,  will 
be  durable  monuments  of  his  glory,  may  be  made 
monuments  also  of  the  gratitude  of  his  country." 

If  he  was  highly  gratified,  as  he  must  have  been, 
with  this  public  testimony  of  affection  and  respect,  he 
was  scarcely  less  embarrassed  by  it.  Not  that  he 
hesitated,  as  to  the  course  he  should  pursue ;  but  the 
grant  had  been  made  in  so  liberal  a  manner,  and  from 
motives  so  pure,  that  he  feared  a  refusal  might  be 
regarded  in  an  unfavorable  light,  as  evincing  either 
ingratitude  to  his  friends,  or  a  disposition  to  gain 
applause  by  a  show  of  disinterestedness,  unusual  if 
not  unnecessary.  He  stated  his  difficulties  freely  in 


^ET.  53.]  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  415 

private  letters  to  the  governor,  and  to  some  of  the 
principal  members  of  the  legislature ;  declaring,  at  the 
same  time,  that  he  could  not,  consistently  with  his 
principles,  accept  the  proffered  gift  in  such  a  way, 
that  he  should  derive  from  it  any  emolument  to  him 
self.  A  positive  decision  was  not  required  till  the  next 
session  of  the  legislature,  when  he  wrote  officially  to 
the  governor  declining  the  grant,  but,  lest  the  opera 
tions  of  the  companies  should  be  retarded  by  with 
drawing  the  subscriptions  for  the  shares,  which  had 
been  made  by  the  treasurer  on  his  account,  he  sug 
gested,  that,  if  the  Assembly  should  think  proper  to 
submit  to  him  the  appropriation  of  them  for  some  ob 
ject  of  a  public  nature,  he  would  accept  the  trust. 
His  proposition  was  cheerfully  acceded  to ;  and,  by  an 
act  of  the  Assembly,  the  shares  were  assigned  to  such 
public  objects,  as  he  should  direct  during  his  life,  or 
by  his  last  will  and  testament. 

The  purpose,  which  he  first  had  in  view,  was  the 
encouragement  of  education,  and  this  purpose  was  ul 
timately  accomplished.  Some  time  before  his  death 
he  made  over  the  shares  in  the  James  River  Compa 
ny  to  an  institution  in  Rockbridge  County,  then  called 
Liberty  Hall  Academy.  The  name  has  since  been 
changed  to  Washington  College.  The  fifty  shares  in 
the  Potomac  Company  he  bequeathed  in  perpetuity 
for  the  endowment  of  a  university  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  under  the  auspices  of  the  government ;  and, 
if  such  a  seminary  should  not  be  established  by  the 
government,  the  fund  was  to  increase  till  it  should  be 
adequate,  with  such  other  resources  as  might  be  ob 
tained,  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  design.  The 
establishing  of  a  national  university  was  always  one 
of  his  favorite  schemes.  He  recommended  it  in  his 
messages  to  Congress,  and  often  in  his  letters  spoke 


416  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1785. 

of  the  advantages  which  would  be  derived  from  it  to 
the  nation.* 

It  may  here  be  added,  that  he  was  a  zealous  ad 
vocate  for  schools  and  literary  institutions  of  every 
kind,  and  sought  to  promote  them,  whenever  an  op 
portunity  offered,  by  his  public  addresses  and  by  pri 
vate  benefactions.  In  this  spirit  he  accepted  the  chan 
cellorship  of  William  and  Mary  College,  being  earnestly 
solicited  by  the  trustees.  In  his  answer  to  them,  ac 
cepting  the  appointment,  he  said  ;  "  I  rely  fully  in 
your  strenuous  endeavours  for  placing  the  system  on 
such  a  basis,  as  will  render  it  most  beneficial  to  the 
State  and  the  republic  of  letters,  as  well  as  to  the 
more  extensive  interests  of  humanity  and  religion." 
The  chancellor's  duty  consisted  chiefly  in  suggesting 
arfd  approving  measures  for  the  management  of  the 
college,  and  in  recommending  professors  and  teachers 
to  fill  vacancies  in  the  departments  of  instruction. 

The  acts  of  charity  by  which  he  contributed  from 
his  private  means  to  foster  education  were  not  few 
nor  small.  During  many  years,  he  gave  fifty  pounds 
annually  for  the  instruction  of  indigent  children  in 
Alexandria ;  and  by  will  he  left  a  legacy  of  four  thou 
sand  dollars,  the  net  income  of  which  was  to  be  used 
for  the  same  benevolent  object  for  ever.  Two  or  three 
instances  are  known,  in  which  he  offered  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  young  men  through  their  collegiate  course. 
When  General  Greene  died,  he  proposed  to  take  under 
his  protection  one  of  the  sons  of  his  departed  friend, 

*  The  donation  to  Washington  College  has  been  productive,  and  the 

•ceeds  arising  from  it  have  contributed  essential  aid  to  that  institu- 

No  part  of  the  other  fund  has  been  as  yet  employed  for  literary 

purposes.    The  Potomac  Company  seems  to  have  been  merged  in  the 

Chesapeake   and  Ohio  Canal   Company.     The  shares  appropriated   by 

Washington's  will  are  doubtless  held  in  trust  by  the   latter  company 

for  their  destined  object. 


^ET.  53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  417 

pay  the  charges  of  his  education,  and  bring  him  for 
ward  into  life.  Fortunately  the  circumstances,  in  which 
General  Greene  left  his  family,  rendered  this  act  of 
munificence  and  paternal  care  unnecessary.  Other  ex 
amples  might  be  cited ;  and,  from  his  cautious  habit 
of  concealing  from  the  world  his  deeds  of  charity,  it 
may  be  presumed  many  others  are  unknown,  in  which 
his  heart  and  his  hand  were  open  to  the  relief  of  in 
digent  merit. 

The  Countess  of  Huntington,  celebrated  for  her  relig 
ious  enthusiasm  and  liberal  charities,  formed  a  scheme 
for  civilizing  and  Christianizing  the  North  American 
Indians.  Being  a  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Ferrers, 
who  was  descended  through  the  female  line  from  a 
remote  branch  of  the  Washington  family,  she  claimed 
a  relationship  to  General  Washington,  and  wrote  to 
him  several  letters  respecting  her  project  of  benevolence 
and  piety  in  America.  It  was  her  design  to  form,  at 
her  own  charge,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  some  of  the 
Indian  tribes,  a  settlement  of  industrious  emigrants,  who, 
by  their  example  and  habits,  should  gradually  intro 
duce  among  them  the  arts  of  civilization ;  and  mis 
sionaries  were  to  teach  them  the  principles  of  Chris 
tianity.  Lady  Huntington  proposed,  that  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  should  grant  a  tract  of 
wild  lands,  upon  which  her  emigrants  and  missionaries 
should  establish  themselves.  A  scheme,  prompted  by 
motives  so  pure,  and  founded  on  so  rational  a  basis, 
gained  at  once  the  approbation  and  countenance  of 
Washington.  He  wrote  to  the  President  of  Congress, 
and  to  the  governors  of  some  of  the  States,  express 
ing  favorable  sentiments  of  Lady  Huntington's  appli 
cation.  Political  and  local  reasons  interfered  to  defeat 
the  plan.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  thought  doubtful 
whether  a  colony  of  foreigners  settled  on  the  western 

VOL.  i.  53 


418  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1785. 

frontier,  near  the  English  on  one  side  and  the  Span 
iards  on  the  other,  would  in  the  end  prove  conducive 
to  the  public  tranquillity.  And,  in  the  next  place,  the 
States  individually  had  ceded  all  their  wild  lands  to  the 
Union,  and  Congress  were  not  certain  that  they  pos 
sessed  power  to  grant  any  portion  of  the  new  territory 
for  such  an  object.  Hence  the  project  was  laid  aside, 
although  Washington  offered  to  facilitate  it  as  far  as  he 
could  on  a  smaller  scale,  by  allowing  settlers  to  occu 
py  his  own  lands,  and  be  employed  according  to  Lady 
Huntington's  views. 

In  the  spring  of  1785,  he  was  engaged  for  several 
weeks  in  planting  his  grounds  at  Mount  Vernon  with 
trees  and  shrubs.  To  this  interesting  branch  of  hus 
bandry  he  had  devoted  considerable  attention  before 
the  war,  and  during  that  period  he  had  endeavoured  to 
carry  out  his  plans  of  improvement.  In  some  of  his 
letters  from  camp,  he  gave  minute  directions  to  his 
manager  for  removing  and  planting  trees;  but  want 
of  skill  and  other  causes  prevented  these  directions 
from  being  complied  with,  except  in  a  very  imperfect 
manner.  The  first  year  after  the  war,  he  applied  him 
self  mainly  to  farming  operations,  with  the  view  of  re 
storing  his  neglected  fields  and  commencing  a  regular 
system  of  practical  agriculture.  He  gradually  aban 
doned  the  cultivation  of  tobacco,  which  exhausted  his 
lands,  and  substituted  wheat  and  grass,  as  better  suit 
ed  to  the  soil,  and  in  the  aggregate  more  profitable. 
He  began  a  new  method  of  rotation  of  crops,  in 
which  he  studied  the  particular  qualities  of  the  soil  in 
the  different  parts  of  his  farms,  causing  wheat,  maize, 
potatoes,  oats,  grass,  and  other  crops  to  succeed  each 
other  in  the  same  field  at  stated  times.  So  exact 
was  he  in  this  method,  that  he  drew  out  a  scheme  in 
which  all  his  fields  were  numbered,  and  the  crops 


^T.  53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  419 

assigned  to  them  for  several  years  in  advance.  It 
proved  so  successful,  that  he  pursued  it  to  the  end 
of  his  life,  with  occasional  slight  deviations  by  way 
of  experiment. 

Having  thus  arranged  and  systematized  his  agri 
cultural  operations,  he  now  set  himself  at  work  in 
earnest  to  execute  his  purpose  of  planting  and  adorn 
ing  the  grounds  around  the  mansion-house.  In  the 
direction  of  the  left  wing,  and  at  a  considerable  dis 
tance,  was  a  vegetable  garden ;  and  on  the  right,  at 
an  equal  distance,  was  another  garden  for  ornamental 
shrubs,  plants,  and  flowers.  Between  these  gardens, 
in  front  of  the  house,  was  a  spacious  lawn,  surrounded 
by  serpentine  walks.  Beyond  the  gardens  and  lawn 
were  the  orchards.  Very  early  in  the  spring  he  be 
gan  with  the  lawn,  selecting  the  choicest  trees  from 
the  woods  on  his  estates,  and  transferring  them  to  the 
borders  of  the  serpentine  walks,  arranging  them  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  produce  symmetry  and  beauty 
in  the  general  effect,  intermingling  in  just  proportions 
forest  trees,  evergreens,  and  flowering  shrubs.  He  at 
tended  personally  to  the  selection,  removal,  and  plant 
ing  of  every  tree ;  and  his  Diary,  which  is  very  par 
ticular  from  day  to  day  through  the  whole  process, 
proves  that  he  engaged  in  it  with  intense  interest,  and 
anxiously  watched  each  tree  and  shoot  till  it  showed 
signs  of  renewed  growth.  Such  trees  as  were  not  found 
on  his  own  lands,  he  obtained  from  other  parts  of  the 
country,  and  at  length  his  design  was  completed  ac 
cording  to  his  wishes. 

The  orchards,  gardens,  and  green-houses  were  next 
replenished  with  all  the  varieties  of  rare  fruit-trees, 
vegetables,  shrubs,  and  flowering  plants,  which  he  could 
procure.  This  was  less  easily  accomplished ;  but,  hor 
ticulture  being  with  him  a  favorite  pursuit,  he  con- 


420  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1785. 

tinued  during  his  life  to  make  new  accessions  of  fruits 
and  plants,  both  native  and  exotic.  Pruning  trees 
was  one  of  his  amusements;  and  in  the  proper  season 
he  might  be  seen  almost  daily  in  his  grounds  and  gar 
dens  with  a  pruning-hook  or  other  horticultural  imple 
ments  in  his  hands.  Skilful  gardeners  were  sought  by 
him  from  Europe,  whose  knowledge  and  experience 
enabled  him  to  execute  his  plans.  Although  re 
lieved  from  public  cares,  he  soon  discovered,  that  the 
prospect,  which  he  had  so  fondly  cherished,  of  en 
joying  the  repose  of  retirement,  was  much  brighter 
than  the  reality.  Writing  to  General  Knox,  he  said, 
"It  is  not  the  letters  from  my  friends,  which  give  me 
trouble,  or  add  aught  to  my  perplexity.  It  is  refer 
ences  to  old  matters,  with  which  I  have  nothing  to 
do ;  applications  which  oftentimes  cannot  be  complied 
with;  inquiries  which  would  require  the  pen  of  an  his 
torian  to  satisfy ;  letters  of  compliment,  as  unmeaning 
perhaps  as  they  are  troublesome,  but  which  must  be 
attended  to ;  and  the  commonplace  business,  which 
employs  my  pen  and  my  time,  often  disagreeably.  In 
deed  these,  with  company,  deprive  me  of  exercise, 
and,  unless  I  can  obtain  relief,  must  be  productive  of 
disagreeable  consequences."  The  applications,  of  which 
he  complains,  were  chiefly  from  officers  or  other  per 
sons,  who  had  been  connected  with  the  army,  and 
who  wished  to  obtain  from  him  certificates  of  charac 
ter,  or  of  services  rendered  during  the  war,  or  some 
other  statement  from  his  pen,  for  the  purpose  of  sub 
stantiating  claims  upon  the  government.  His  real  at 
tachment  to  all  who  had  served  faithfully  in  the  army, 
as  well  as  his  humanity,  prompted  him  to  comply  with 
these  requests ;  but  in  many  cases  they  were  unrea 
sonable,  and  in  all  troublesome,  as  they  required  an 
examination  of  his  voluminous  papers,  and  a  recur- 


jET.53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  421 

rence  to  facts  which  often  could  not  be  easily  ascer 
tained.  And  then  his  correspondence  on  topics  of 
public  interest,  friendship,  and  civility,  with  persons  in 
Europe  and  America,  was  very  extensive.  Add  to 
this,  his  private  affairs,  the  keeping  of  accounts,  and 
his  letters  of  business.  For  more  than  two  years  after 
the  close  of  the  war  he  had  no  clerk  or  secretary,  and 
he  was  therefore  incessantly  employed  in  writing.  At 
length  this  labor  was  in  some  degree  lessened  by  the 
aid  of  Mr.  Lear,  who  became  his  secretary,  and  resided 
in  his  family  many  years  on  terms  of  intimate  friendship. 

The  multitude  of  visiters  at  Mount  Vernon  increas 
ed.  They  came  from  the  Old  World  and  the  New. 
Among  them  were  foreigners  of  distinction,  particular 
ly  from  France  and  other  countries  on  the  continent 
of  Europe,  bringing  letters  of  introduction  from  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  Count  de  Rochambeau,  Count 
d'Estaing,  and  some  of  the  other  general  officers,  who 
had  served  in  America.  The  celebrated  authoress 
and  champion  of  liberty,  Catharine  Macaulay  Graham, 
professed  to  have  crossed  the  Atlantic  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  testifying  in  person  her  admiration  of  the 
character  and  deeds  of  Washington.  His  own  coun 
trymen,  in  every  part  of  the  Union,  as  may  well  be 
supposed,  were  not  less  earnest  in  their  good  will, 
or  less  ready  to  prove  their  respect  and  attachment. 
Some  came  to  keep  alive  friendship,  some  to  ask  coun 
sel  on  public  affairs,  and  many  to  gratify  a  natural 
and  ardent  curiosity.  This  throng  of  visiters  neces 
sarily  demanded  much  of  his  time;  but  in  other  re 
spects  the  task  of  receiving  them  was  made  easy  by 
the  admirable  economy  of  the  household  under  the 
management  of  Mrs.  Washington. 

His  habits  were  uniform,  and  nearly  the  same  as  they 
had  been  previously  to  the  war.  He  rose  before  the  sun, 

VOL.  I.  JJ 


422  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1785. 

and  employed  himself  in  his  study,  writing  letters  or 
reading,  till  the  hour  of  breakfast.  When  breakfast  was 
over,  his  horse  was  ready  at  the  door,  and  he  rode  to 
his  farms  and  gave  directions  for  the  day  to  the  man 
agers  and  laborers.  Horses  were  likewise  prepared  for 
his  guests,  whenever  they  chose  to  accompany  him,  or 
to  amuse  themselves  by  excursions  into  the  country. 
Returning  from  his  fields,  and  despatching  such  busi 
ness  as  happened  to  be  on  hand,  he  went  again  to 
his  study,  and  continued  there  till  three  o'clock,  when 
he  was  summoned  to  dinner.  The  remainder  of  the 
day  and  the  evening  were  devoted  to  company,  or  to 
recreation  in  the  family  circle.  At  ten  he  retired  to 
rest.  From  these  habits  he  seldom  deviated,  unless 
compelled  to  do  so  by  particular  circumstances. 

The  State  of  Virginia  having  resolved  to  erect  a 
statue  in  honor  of  General  Washington,  the  governor 
was  authorized  to  employ  an  artist  in  Europe  to  exe 
cute  it.  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  then  in  Paris, 
were  commissioned  to  select  the  artist  and  make  the 
contract.  They  chose  M.  Houdon,  who  was  accounted 
one  of  the  first  statuaries  of  his  time.  It  was  the  in 
tention,  that  the  statue  should  bear  an  exact  resem 
blance  to  the  original.  M.  Houdon  engaged  in  the 
undertaking  with  great  enthusiasm,  and  came  to  Amer 
ica  in  the  same  vessel,  that  conveyed  Dr.  Franklin 
home  from  his  long  and  brilliant  mission  to  France. 
He  was  at  Mount  Vernon  three  weeks,  in  the  month 
of  October,  1785,  and  modelled  a  bust  of  General 
Washington,  as  exact  in  all  its  lineaments  as  his  skill 
could  make  it.  The  statue  is  a  precise  copy  of  the 
model,  and  is  undoubtedly  the  best  representation  of 
the  original  that  exists.* 

•  For  a  description  of  it,  see  above,  page  397,  note.  -  Innumerable 
have  been  taken  from  moulds  formed  upon  Houdon's  bust.    It  is 


^Er.  53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  423 

However  much  Washington  was  devoted  to  his  pri 
vate  pursuits,  so  congenial  to  his  taste  and  so  exacting 
in  their  claims  on  his  attention,  yet  neither  his  zeal 
for  the  public  good,  nor  the  importunity  of  his  corre 
spondents,  would  allow  his  thoughts  to  be  withdrawn 
from  the  political  condition  of  his  country.  His  opin 
ions  were  asked  and  his  advice  was  sought  by  the 
patriotic  leaders  in  the  public  councils,  and  by  such 
eminent  persons  as  had  been  his  coadjutors  in  the 
great  work  of  independence,  who  now  looked  with 
concern  upon  the  system  of  national  government, 
which  was  confessedly  inadequate  to  stand  by  its 
own  strength,  much  less  to  sustain  the  Union  of  the 
States.  This  union  had  hitherto  been  preserved  by 
the  pressure  of  war.  It  was  rather  the  last  resort  of 
a  stern  necessity,  than  the  spontaneous  choice  of  all 
the  thirteen  republics.  Peace  had  taken  away  its  main 
props,  and  was  fast  dissolving  the  slender  bands  by 
which  it  was  bound  together.  Congress  was  its  cen 
tre  of  action;  and  this  body,  imperfectly  organized, 
possessing  little  real  authority,  never  confident  in  what 
it  possessed,  and  often  distracted  by  party  discords, 
had  become  almost  powerless.  The  confederation  had 
proved  itself  to  be  defective  in  many  points  absolutely 
essential  to  the  prosperity  of  a  national  government, 
if  not  to  its  very  existence.  The  most  remarkable 
of  these  defects  was  the  want  of  power  to  regulate 
commerce,  and  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  debts 

rare,  however,  to  find  an  accurate  one.  The  moulds  have  been  so  often 
repeated  from  imperfect  casts,  with  the  attempts  of  bungling  fabricators 
to  correct  or  improve  them,  that  the  features  have  become  changed  and 
distorted,  till  very  little  of  the  original  likeness  remains,  and  all  the  spirit 
is  gone.  The  busts  commonly  sold  in  Italy  are  from  a  different  artist, 
probably  some  one  who  came  to  America  after  Houdon.  Their  resem 
blance  to  Washington  is  scarcely  perceptible.  The  best  casts  from 
Houdon's  bust  are  those  executed  by  Deville,  in  the  Strand,  London. 


424  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1785. 

contracted  by  the  confederacy.  Without  such  power 
it  was  impossible  to  execute  treaties,  fulfil  foreign  en 
gagements,  or  cause  the  nation  to  be  respected  abroad ; 
and  equally  so,  to  render  justice  to  public  creditors  at 
home,  and  to  appease  the  clamor  of  discontent  and 
disaffection,  which  so  glaring  a  breach  of  public  faith 
would  naturally  raise. 

It  was  evident  to  all,  that  an  alarming  crisis  was 
near  at  hand,  scarcely  less  to  be  dreaded  than  the 
war  from  which  the  country  had  just  emerged,  un 
less  a  timely  and  effectual  remedy  could  be  provided. 
Washington's  sentiments  were  often,  freely,  and  feel 
ingly  expressed.  "That  we  have  it  in  our  power," 
said  he,  "  to  become  one  of  the  most  respectable  na 
tions  upon  earth,  admits,  in  my  humble  opinion,  of  no 
doubt,  if  we  would  but  pursue  a  wise,  just,  and  liberal 
policy  towards  one  another,  and  keep  good  faith  with 
the  rest  of  the  world.  That  our  resources  are  ample 
and  increasing,  none  can  deny  ;  but,  while  they  are 
grudgingly  applied,  or  not  applied  at  all,  we  give  a 
vital  stab  to  public  faith,  and  shall  sink,  in  the  eyes 
of  Europe,  into  contempt.  It  has  long  been  a  specu 
lative  question  among  philosophers  and  wise  men, 
whether  foreign  commerce  is  of  real  advantage  to  any 
country;  that  is,  whether  the  luxury,  effeminacy  and 
corruptions,  which  are  introduced  along  with  it,  are 
counterbalanced  by  the  convenience  and  wealth  which 

brings.  But  the  decision  of  this  question  is  of  very 
little  importance  to  us.  We  have  abundant  reason  to 
be  convinced,  that  the  spirit  of  trade,  which  pervades 
these  States,  is  not  to  be  restrained.  It  behoves  us 
then  to  establish  just  principles ;  and  this  cannot,  any 
more  than  other  matters  of  national  concern,  be  done 
by  thirteen  heads,  differently  constructed  and  organ 
ized.  The  necessity,  therefore,  of  a  controlling  power 


^ET.  53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  425 

is  obvious ;  and  why  it  should  be  withheld  is  beyond 
my  comprehension." 

Again,  in  writing  to  Mr.  Jay;  "To  be  fearful  of 
investing  Congress,  constituted  as  that  body  is,  with 
ample  authorities  for  national  purposes,  appears  to  me 
the  very  climax  of  popular  absurdity  and  madness. 
Could  Congress  exert  them  for  the  detriment  of  the 
public,  without  injuring  themselves  in  an  equal  or 
greater  proportion  ?  Are  not  their  interests  insepar 
ably  connected  with  those  of  their  constituents  ?  By 
the  rotation  of  appointment,  must  they  not  mingle  fre 
quently  with  the  mass  of  citizens  ?  Is  it  not  rather 
to  be  apprehended,  if  they  were  possessed  of  the 
powers  before  described,  that  the  individual  members 
would  be  induced  to  use  them,  on  many  occasions, 
very  timidly  and  inefficaciously  for  fear  of  losing  their 
popularity  and  future  election  ?  We  must  take  human 
nature  as  we  find  it.  Perfection  falls  not  to  the  share 
of  mortals.  Many  are  of  opinion,  that  Congress  have 
too  frequently  made  use  of  the  suppliant,  humble  tone 
of  requisition  in  applications  to  the  States,  when  they 
had  a  right  to  assert  their  imperial  dignity  and  com 
mand  obedience.  Be  that  as  it  may,  requisitions  are 
a  perfect  nullity  where  thirteen  sovereign,  independ 
ent,  disunited  States  are  in  the  habit  of  discussing 
and  refusing  compliance  with  them  at  their  option. 
Requisitions  are  actually  little  better  than  a  jest  and 
a  by-word  throughout  the  land.  If  you  tell  the  legis 
latures  they  have  violated  the  treaty  of  peace,  and 
invaded  the  prerogatives  of  the  confederacy,  they 
will  laugh  in  your  face.  What  then  is  to  be  done? 
Things  cannot  go  on  in  the  same  train  for  ever.  It 
is  much  to  be  feared,  as  you  observe,  that  the  better 
kind  of  people,  being  disgusted  with  the  circumstan 
ces,  will  have  their  minds  prepared  for  any  revolution 

VOL.  i.  54  jj* 


426  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1785 

whatever.  We  are  apt  to  run  from  one  extreme  to 
another.  To  anticipate  and  prevent  disastrous  con 
tingencies  would  be  the  part  of  wisdom  and  patriotism. 

"What  astonishing  changes  a  few  years  are  capa 
ble  of  producing.  I  am  told,  that  even  respectable 
characters  speak  of  a  monarchical  form  of  government 
without  horror.  From  thinking  proceeds  speaking  ; 
thence  to  acting  is  often  but  a  single  step.  But  how 
irrevocable  and  tremendous  !  What  a  triumph  for  our 
enemies  to  verify  their  predictions  !  What  a  triumph 
for  the  advocates  of  despotism  to  find,  that  we  are 
incapable  of  governing  ourselves,  and  that  systems 
founded  on  the  basis  of  equal  liberty  are  merely  ideal 
and  fallacious  !  Would  to  God,  that  wise  measures 
may  be  taken  in  time  to  avert  the  consequences  we 
have  but  too  much  reason  to  apprehend." 

Nor  were  his  apprehensions  confined  to  the  defects 
in  the  system  of  government  and  the  modes  of  ad 
ministering  it.  The  intrigues  of  designing  and  un 
principled  men,  little  restrained  by  the  arm  of  an  effi 
cient  power,  were  still  more  to  be  feared.  "There 
are  errors  in  our  national  government,"  he  said,  "  which 
call  for  correction;  loudly,  I  would  add.  We  are  cer 
tainly  in  a  delicate  situation ;  but  my  fear  is,  that  the 
people  are  not  yet  sufficiently  misled  to  retract  from 
error.  To  be  plainer,  I  think  there  is  more  wicked 
ness  than  ignorance  mixed  in  our  councils.  Ignorance 
and  design  are  difficult  to  combat.  Out  of  these  pro 
ceed  illiberal  sentiments,  improper  jealousies,  and  a 
train  of  evils,  which  oftentimes  in  republican  govern 
ments  must  be  sorely  felt  before  they  can  be  removed. 
The  former,  that  is  ignorance,  being  a  fit  soil  for  the 
latter  to  work  in,  tools  are  employed  which  a  gener 
ous  mind  would  disdain  to  use;  and  which  nothing 
but  time,  and  their  own  puerile  or  wicked  productions, 


Mr.53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  427 

can  show  the  inefficacy  and  dangerous  tendency  of.     I 
think  often  of  our  situation,  and  view  it  with  concern." 

Demagogues  are  the  natural  fruit  of  republics ;  and 
the  fabled  Upas  could  not  be  more  poisonous  or  des 
olating  to  the  soil  from  which  it  springs.  Envious  of 
his  superiors,  panting  for  honors  which  he  is  con 
scious  he  can  never  deserve,  endowed  with  no  higher 
faculties  than  cunning  and  an  impudent  hardihood, 
reckless  of  consequences,  and  grovelling  alike  in  spirit 
and  motive,  the  demagogue  seeks  first  to  cajole  the 
people,  then  to  corrupt,  and  last  of  all  to  betray  and 
ruin  them.  When  he  has  brought  down  the  high  to 
a  level  with  himself,  and  depressed  the  low  till  they 
are  pliant  to  his  will,  his  work  is  achieved.  The 
treachery  of  a  Cataline  or  a  Borgia  may  be  detected 
by  a  fortunate  accident,  and  crushed  in  its  infancy  j 
but  the  demagogue,  under  his  panoply  of  falsehood 
and  chicane,  may  gradually  sap  the  foundations  of 
social  order,  and  his  country  may  be  left  with  no  other 
recompense  for  the  ruin  he  has  wrought  and  the  mis 
ery  he  has  caused,  than  the  poor  consolation  of  exe 
crating  his  name. 

In  short,  the  embarrassments  growing  out  of  the 
weakness  of  the  confederacy,  the  utter  inability  of 
Congress  to  collect  the  means  for  paying  the  public 
debts  or  to  provide  for  their  security,  the  jealousies 
of  the  States,  and  the  factious  spirit  of  individuals, 
filled  the  mind  of  every  true  friend  to  his  country  with 
gloom  and  despondency.  Congress  had  recommended 
an  impost,  or  rate  of  duties,  which  was  to  be  uniform 
in  all  the  States,  and  the  proceeds  of  which  were  to 
be  appropriated  to  relieve  the  national  wants.  The 
States  came  tardily  into  this  measure,  as  it  seemed 
to  be  yielding  a  power,  which  was  claimed  as  a  spe 
cial  prerogative  of  State  sovereignty.  The  States,  in 


428  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1785. 

which  commerce  chiefly  centred,  were  influenced  by 
another  motive.  A  larger  amount  would  be  drawn  from 
the  revenue  in  such  States,  than  in  others  of  equal  or 
greater  extent,  population,  and  internal  wealth.  The 
fact  was  overlooked  or  disregarded,  that  the  consumers, 
wherever  they  resided,  actually  paid  the  impost,  and 
that  the  commercial  States,  by  controlling  the  impost 
in  their  own  ports,  enjoyed  advantages  which  the 
others  did  not  possess.  New  York  never  acceded 
to  the  recommendation  of  Congress  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  make  it  operative ;  and,  as  the  success  of  the 
measure  everywhere  depended  on  the  caprice  of  the 
legislatures,  and  a  rigid  system  of  collection  faithfully 
administered,  there  was  but  little  hope  of  its  answering 
the  important  end  of  supplying  the  national  treasury. 
A  dissolution  of  the  Union,  or  an  early  and  thorough 
reform,  was  inevitable.  The  mode  of  effecting  the  lat 
ter,  and  saving  the  republic,  was  a  theme  upon  which 
Washington  dwelt  with  deep  solicitude  in  his  corre 
spondence  and  conversations  with  his  friends.  By  a 
concurrence  of  favorable  circumstances  his  advice  and 
personal  efforts  were  made  available  at  the  beginning 
of  the  train  of  events,  which  ended  in  the  achievement 
of  the  constitution.  "To  form  a  compact  relative  to 
the  navigation  of  the  rivers  Potomac  and  Pocomoke, 
and  of  part  of  the  bay  of  Chesapeake,  commissioners 
were  appointed  by  the  legislatures  of  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  who  assembled  at  Alexandria,  in  March, 
1785.  While  at  Mount  Vernon  on  a  visit,  they  agreed 
to  propose  to  their  respective  governments  the  ap 
pointment  of  other  commissioners,  with  power  to  make 
conjoint  arrangements,  to  which  the  assent  of  Con 
gress  was  to  be  solicited,  for  maintaining  a  naval  force 
in  the  Chesapeake,  and  to  establish  a  tariff  of  duties 
on  imports,  to  which  the  laws  of  both  States  should 


<ET.  54.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  429 

conform.  When  these  propositions  received  the  as 
sent  of  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  an  additional  reso 
lution  was  passed,  directing  that  which  respected  the 
duties  on  imports  to  be  communicated  to  all  the  States 
in  the  Union,  which  were  invited  to  send  deputies  to 
the  meeting."  * 

Accordingly,  in  January  following,  the  Assembly  of 
Virginia  appointed  commissioners,  who  were  instructed 
to  meet  such  as  should  be  appointed  by  the  other 
States,  "  to  take  into  consideration  the  trade  of  the 
United  States,  to  examine  the  relative  situation  and 
trade  of  the  said  States,  to  consider  how  far  a  uniform 
system  in  their  commercial  relations  may  be  necessary 
to  their  common  interest  and  their  permanent  harmo 
ny,  and  to  report  to  the  several  States  such  an  act 
relative  to  this  great  object,  as,  when  unanimously  rati 
fied  by  them,  will  enable  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled  effectually  to  provide  for  the  same."  The 
commissioners  met  at  Annapolis,  in  September,  1786. 
Five  States  only  sent  deputies,  and  some  of  these 
came  with  such  limited  powers,  that  it  was  soon  ascer 
tained  that  nothing  could  be  done  towards  effecting 
the  object  for  which  they  had  come  together.  Their 
deliberations  ended  in  a  report  to  their  respective 
States,  in  which  they  represented  the  defects  of  the 
federal  system,  and  the  necessity  of  a  revision.  They 
likewise  recommended  another  convention  of  deputies 
from  all  the  States,  furnished  with  requisite  powers, 
who  should  meet  at  Philadelphia  on  the  second  day 
of  May.  At  the  same  time  they  sent  a  letter  to  Con 
gress,  accompanied  with  a  copy  of  their  report  to  the 
States. 

When  the  legislature  of  Virginia  assembled,  the  re 
port  of  the  deputies  was  taken  into  consideration,  and 

*  MARSHALL'S  Life  of  Washington,  2d  edition,  Vol.  II.  p.  105. 


430  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1786. 

it  was  resolved  to  appoint  seven  delegates  to  meet 
those  from  the  other  States  in  a  general  convention. 
Washington's  name  was  put  at  the  head  of  the  list, 
and  he  was  chosen  by  a  unanimous  vote  of  the  rep 
resentatives.  The  intelligence  was  first  communicated 
to  him  by  Mr.  Madison,  then  a  member  of  the  Assem 
bly,  and  afterwards  officially  by  the  governor. 

He  was  not  a  little  embarrassed  with  this  choice; 
for,  although  he  heartily  approved  the  measure,  yet  he 
thought  there  were  reasons  of  a  personal  nature,  which 
made  it  inexpedient,  if  not  improper,  for  him  to  take 
any  part  in  it.  He  did  not  absolutely  decline,  but 
suggested  his  difficulties,  and  expressed  a  hope,  that 
some  other  person  would  be  appointed  in  his  place. 
As  the  weight  of  his  name  and  the  wisdom  of  his 
counsels  were  felt  to  be  extremely  important,  in  giv 
ing  dignity  and  success  to  the  proceedings  of  the 
convention,  and  as  several  months  would  intervene 
before  the  meeting,  neither  the  governor  nor  his  other 
friends  pressed  him  to  a  hasty  decision,  trusting  that 
time  and  reflection  would  remove  his  doubts. 

His  objections  were  frankly  stated,  and  they  are 
among  the  many  evidences  of  his  scrupulous  regard 
to  directness  and  consistency  in  every  act  of  his  life. 
"It.  is  not  only  inconvenient  for  me  to  leave  home," 
said  he  to  the  governor,  "but  there  will  be,  I  appre 
hend,  too  much  cause  to  charge  my  conduct  with 
inconsistency  in  again  appearing  on  a  public  theatre, 
after  a  public  declaration  to  the  contrary;  and  it  will, 
I  fear,  have  a  tendency  to  sweep  me  back  into  the 
tide  of  public  affairs,  when  retirement  and  ease  are 
so  much  desired  by  me,  and  so  essentially  necessary." 
There  can  be  no  doubt,  that,  when  he  resigned  his 
commission  in  the  army,  he  firmly  believed  nothing 
could  again  occur  to  draw  him  from  the  retirement, 


JEv.  55.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  431 

to  which  he  returned  with  such  unfeigned  satisfaction, 
and  which  no  other  consideration  than  the  superior 
claims  of  his  country  could  induce  him  to  forego.  On 
the  present  occasion  he  was  not  convinced,  that  his 
services  would  be  more  valuable  than  those  of  other 
citizens,  whose  ability  and  knowledge  of  public  affairs, 
as  his  modesty  would  persuade  him,  better  qualified 
them  for  the  task  of  devising  and  maturing  a  system 
of  civil  government. 

There   was   another  objection,   also,  which   seemed 
to   bear  with   considerable   weight   on  his  mind.      At 
the  close  of  the  war  some  of  the  officers  had  formed 
themselves  into  an  association,   called   the   Society  of 
the  Cincinnati,  the   object  of  wrhich  was  to  establish 
a  bond  of  union  and  fellowship  between  the  officers, 
who  had    served   together  during   the   war,  and  wrere 
then  about  to  be  separated,  and   particularly  to  raise 
a  permanent  fund  for  the  relief  of  unfortunate  mem 
bers,  their  widows,  and  orphans.     Although  Washing 
ton    was    not   concerned   in    forming   this   society,  yet 
he  was  well  pleased  with  its  benevolent  design,  and 
consented  to  be  its  president.     Unexpectedly  to  him, 
however,  and  to  all  others  connected  with  it,  a  very 
general  dissatisfaction  arose  throughout  the  country,  in 
regard    to  some  of  the  principles  upon  which  the  so 
ciety  was  founded.      It   was    to   be  hereditary  in  the 
families  of  the  members  ;   it  had   a   badge,  or  order, 
offensive  in  republican  eyes,  as  imitating  the  European 
orders  of  knighthood  ;  it  admitted  foreign  officers,  who 
had  served  in  America,  and  their  descendants  ;  it  pro 
vided   for  an  indefinite    accumulation   of  funds,   which 
were  to  be  disposed  of  at  the  discretion  of  the  members. 
Discontents  grew  into  clamorous  censures.     Pamphlets 
were  written  against  the  society,  and  it  was  denounced 
as  anti-republican,  and  a  dangerous  political  engine.    At 


432  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1787. 

the  first  general  meeting,  which  was  held  at  Philadel 
phia  in  May,  1784,  Washington  exerted  himself  suc 
cessfully  to  have  the  most  objectionable  features  alter 
ed,  and  the  articles  of  association  were  new  modelled 
conformably  to  his  suggestions.  After  these  changes 
the  alarmists  were  less  vehement  in  their  attacks ;  but 
they  were  not  silenced,  and  the  society  continued  to 
be  looked  upon  with  jealousy  and  disapprobation. 

A   second   general   meeting   was   to   take   place   in 
Philadelphia  at  the  time  appointed   for  the  assembling 
of  the   convention.      Before   receiving   notice   that   he 
was   chosen   a   delegate,   Washington   had    written    a 
circular  letter  to  the  branches  of  the  Society  in  the 
different  States,  declaring   his  intention    to  resign   the 
presidency,  and   giving  reasons  why  it  would   be  in 
convenient  for  him  to  attend  the  general  meeting.    He 
thought    himself    thus   placed   in   a   delicate   situation. 
Were  he  to  be  present  at  the  convention,  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Cincinnati  Society  might  suppose  they  had 
just  grounds  for  suspecting  his  sincerity,  or  even  of 
charging  him  with  having  deserted   the  officers,  who 
had  so  nobly  supported  him  during  the  war,  and  al 
ways  manifested  towards  him  uncommon  respect  and 
attachment.     Having  a  grateful  sense  of  their  affection, 
and  reciprocating  in  reality  all  their  kind  feelings,  he 
was  reluctant  to  put  himself  in  a  condition,  by  which 
their   favorable   sentiments  would    be   altered,  or  their 
sensibility  in  any  degree  wounded. 

Again,  some  of  his  friends,  in  various  parts  of  the 
country  expressed  themselves  doubtingly  in  their  let 
ters,  as  to  the  propriety  of  his  going  to  the  conven 
tion,  -and  some  advised  against  it.  Many  thought  the 
scheme  illegal,  since  there  was  no  provision  in  the  ar 
ticles  of  the  confederation  for  such  a  mode  of  revision, 
and  it  had  not  been  proposed  by  Congress.  It  was 


>ET.  55.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  433 

feared,  therefore,  that  the  doings  of  the  convention 
would  end  in  a  failure,  and  perhaps  in  the  disgrace 
of  the  delegates.  They,  who  were  perplexed  with 
apprehensions  of  this  sort,  were  unwilling  that  the  bril 
liant  reputation  of  Washington  should  be  put  to  the 
hazard  of  being  tarnished  by  an  abortive  experiment, 
and  believed  the  interests  of  the  country  required  it 
to  be  held  in  reserve  for  a  more  fitting  opportunity. 

These  obstacles,  formidable  for  a  time,  were  at  last 
removed.  Congress  took  the  subject  into  considera 
tion,  and  recommended  to  the  States  to  send  delegates 
to  the  convention  for  the  purposes  mentioned  in  the 
Annapolis  report.  Thus  the  measure  was  sanctioned 
by  law.  Congress  likewise  appointed  the  second 
Monday  in  May,  as  the  day  for  the  delegates  to  as 
semble  at  Philadelphia.  The  time  was  fixed  with  ref 
erence  to  the  meeting  of  the  Cincinnati,  which  was 
to  be  a  week  earlier,  whereby  General  Washington 
would  be  enabled  to  join  his  brethren  of  that  frater 
nity,  should  he  think  proper,  and  explain  his  motives 
for  declining  to  be  again  elected  president. 

After  these  proceedings,  and  after  it  was  found  that 
the  more  enlightened  part  of  the  community  very  gen 
erally  approved  the  scheme  of  a  convention,  his  friends 
everywhere  urged  him  to  accept  the  appointment  as 
one  of  the  delegates  from  Virginia,  and  he  acceded  to 
their  wishes.  Another  circumstance  had  much  influ 
ence  in  bringing  him  to  this  decision.  It  began  to  be 
whispered,  that  the  persons  opposed  to  the  convention 
were  at  heart  monarchists,  and  that  they  were  glad  to 
see  the  distractions  of  the  country  increasing,  till  the 
people  should  be  weary  of  them,  and  discover  their 
only  hope  of  security  to  consist  in  a  strong  govern 
ment,  as  it  was  gently  called,  or,  in  other  words,  a 
constitutional  monarchy  ;  for  no  one  was  ever  supposed 

VOL.  I.  55  KK 


434  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1787. 

to  dream  of  a  despotic  power  in  America.  It  has  been 
said  and  believed,  that  a  small  party,  in  despair  of 
better  things,  actually  meditated  such  a  project,  and 
turned  their  eyes  to  some  of  the  royal  families  in  Eu 
rope  for  a  sovereign  suited  to  control  the  jarring  ele 
ments  of  republicanism  in  the  United  States.  However 
this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  no  imagined  remedy  could 
have  been  more  severely  reprobated  by  Washington. 
We  have  seen  with  what  a  stern  rebuke  the  proposal 
to  be  a  king  was  met  by  him,  even  when  he  literally 
had  the  power  of  the  nation  in  his  hands.  From  the 
beginning  of  the  revolution  to  the  end  of  his  life,  he 
was  an  uncompromising  advocate  for  a  republican  sys 
tem.  In  the  abstract  he  regarded  it  as  the  best ;  and 
he  had  faith  enough  in  the  virtue  of  the  people,  and 
in  the  efficacy  of  their  former  habits,  to  convince  him 
that  it  might  be  successfully  established.  At  all  events, 
he  was  for  having  the  experiment  thoroughly  tried ;  and 
his  whole  conduct  proves,  that,  in  regard  to  himself, 
foe  was  ready  to  risk  his  reputation,  his  property,  and 
his  life,  if  necessary,  in  a  cause  so  momentous  to  the 
welfare  of  his  country  and  to  the  social  progress  of 
mankind. 

He  did  not  go  to  the  convention  unprepared  for 
the  great  work  there  to  be  undertaken.  His  knowl 
edge  of  the  institutions  of  his  own  country  and  of  its 
political  forms,  both  in  their  general  character  and  mi 
nute  and  affiliated  relations,  gained  by  inquiry  and  long 
experience,  was  probably  as  complete  as  that  of  any 
other  man.  But  he  was  not  satisfied  with  this  alone. 
He  read  the  history  and  examined  the  principles  of 
the .  ancient  and  modern  confederacies.  There  is  a 
paper  in  his  handwriting,  which  contains  an  abstract 
of  each,  and  in  which  are  noted,  in  a  methodical  order, 
•their  chief  characteristics,  the  kinds  of  authority  they 


jET.55.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  435 

possessed,  their  modes  of  operation,  and  their  defects. 
The  confederacies  analyzed  in  this  paper  are  the  Ly- 
cian,  Amphictyonic,  Achaean,  Helvetic,  Belgic,  and  Ger 
manic.  He  also  read  the  standard  works  on  general 
politics  and  the  science  of  government,  abridging  parts 
of  them,  according  to  his  usual  practice,  that  he  might 
impress  the  essential  points  more  deeply  on  his  mind. 
He  was  apprehensive,  that  the  delegates  might  come 
together  fettered  with  instructions,  which  would  em 
barrass  and  retard,  if  not  defeat,  the  salutary  end  pro 
posed.  "  My  wish  is,"  said  he,  "  that  the  convention 
may  adopt  no  temporizing  expedients,  but  probe  the 
defects  of  the  constitution  to  the  bottom,  and  provide 
a  radical  cure,  whether  they  are  agreed  to  or  not.  A 
conduct  of  this  kind  will  stamp  wisdom  and  dignity 
on  their  proceedings,  and  hold  up  a  light,  which  sooner 
or  later  will  have  its  influence."  Such  were  the  prep 
arations,  and  such  the  sentiments,  with  which  he  went 
to  the  convention. 

His  arrival  at  Philadelphia  was  attended  with  public 
honors.  At  Chester  he  was  met  by  General  Mifflin, 
Speaker  of  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  and  several 
officers  and  gentlemen  of  distinction,  who  proceeded 
with  him  from  that  place.  At  Gray's  Ferry  a  com 
pany  of  light-horse  took  charge  of  him,  and  escorted 
him  into  the  city.  His  first  visit  was  to  Dr.  Franklin, 
at  that  time  President  of  Pennsylvania.  All  the  States 
were  represented  in  the  convention,  except  Rhode 
Island ;  and,  when  the  body  was  organized  for  busi 
ness,  General  Washington  was  elected  by  a  unanimous 
vote  to  the  president's  chair.  The  convention  was  in 
session  four  months,  and  the  diligence  of  the  mem 
bers  is  proved  by  the  fact,  that  they  sat  from  five  to 
seven  hours  a  day.  The  result  was  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  which  was  proposed  to  be  sub- 


436  LJFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1787 

stituted  for  the  Articles  of  Confederation.  On  the  17th 
of  September,  1787,  the  constitution  was  signed  by 
all  the  members  present,  except  three,  and  forwarded 
with  a  letter  to  Congress.  By  that  assembly  it  was 
sent  to  the  State  legislatures,  for  the  purpose  of  being 
submitted  in  each  State  to  a  convention  of  delegates 
chosen  by  the  people,  in  conformity  with  a  resolve  of 
the  general  convention. 

The  constitution,  as  it  came  from  the  hands  of  its 
framers,  was  regarded  by  no  one  as  theoretically  per 
fect.  To  form  a  compact,  which  should  unite  thirteen 
independent  republics  into  a  consolidated  government 
possessing  a  control  over  the  whole,  was  not  a  work 
of  easy  attainment,  even  if  there  had  been  a  uniformity 
in  the  previously  established  systems  of  the  several 
States.  The  difficulty  was  increased  by  the  wide  dif 
ferences  in  their  situation,  extent,  habits,  wealth,  and 
particular  interests.  Rights  and  privileges  were  to  be 
surrendered,  not  always  in  proportion  to  the  advan 
tages  which  seemed  to  be  promised  as  an  equivalent. 
In  short,  the  constitution  was  an  amicable  compromise, 
the  result  of  mutual  deference  and  concession.  Dr. 
Franklin  said,  in  a  short  speech  near  the  close  of  the 
convention;  "I  consent  to  this  constitution,  because  I 
expect  no  better,  and  because  I  am  not  sure  it  is  not 
the  best.  The  opinions  I  have  had  of  its  errors  I 
sacrifice  to  the  public  good."  And  Washington  wrote 
not  long  afterwards  ;  "  There  are  some  things  in  the 
new  form,  I  will  readily  acknowledge,  which  never 
did,  and  I  am  persuaded  never  will,  obtain  my  cordial 
approbation  ;  but  I  did  then  conceive,  and  do  now 
most  firmly  believe,  that  in  the  aggregate  it  is  the  best 
constitution,  that  can  be  obtained  at  this  epoch,  and 
that  this,  or  a  dissolution,  awaits  our  choice,  and  is  the 
only  alternative."  Again;  "It  appears  to  me  little  short 


jEr.56.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  437 

of  a  miracle,  that  the  delegates  from  so  many  States, 
different  from  each  other  in  their  manners,  circum 
stances,  and  prejudices,  should  unite  in  forming  a  sys 
tem  of  national  government,  so  little  liable  to  well- 
founded  objections.  Nor  am  I  yet  such  an  enthusi 
astic,  partial,  or  undiscriminating  admirer  of  it,  as  not 
to  perceive  it  is  tinctured  with  some  real  though  not 
radical  defects."  Similar  sentiments  were  doubtless 
entertained  by  all  the  prominent  friends  to  the  consti 
tution.  Faulty  as  it  was,  they  looked  upon  it  as  the 
best  that  could  be  made,  in  the  existing  state  of  things, 
and  as  such  they  wished  it  to  be  fairly  tried.  It  was 
moreover  remarkable,  that  what  one  called  a  defect, 
another  thought  its  most  valuable  part,  so  that  in  detail 
it  was  almost  wholly  condemned  and  approved.  This 
was  a  proof,  that  there  was  nothing  in  it  essentially 
bad,  and  that  it  approached  very  nearly  to  a  just  me 
dium.  If  we  judge  from  the  tenor  of  Washington's 
letters,  after  it  was  sent  out  to  the  world,  he  watch 
ed  its  fate  with  anxious  solicitude,  and  was  animated 
with  joy  at  the  favor  it  gradually  gained  with  the 
public,  and  its  ultimate  triumph.  It  was  universally 
agreed,  that  his  name,  affixed  to  the  constitution,  car 
ried  with  it  a  most  effective  influence  on  the  minds 
of  the  people. 

The  legislatures  of  all  the  States,  which  had  been 
represented  in  the  general  convention,  directed  State 
conventions  to  be  assembled,  consisting  of  delegates 
chosen  by  the  people  for  the  express  purpose  of  de 
ciding  on  the  adoption  of  the  constitution.  The  ratifi 
cation  of  nine  States  was  necessary  to  give  it  validity 
and  effect.  The  conventions  in  the  several  States  met 
at  different  times,  and  it  was  nearly  a  year  before  the 
requisite  number  had  passed  a  decision.  In  the  mean 
time  both  the  friends  and  opponents  of  the  constitution 

KK* 


433  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1788. 

were  extremely  active.  The  weight  of  opinion,  how 
ever,  was  found  everywhere  to  preponderate  on  the 
side  of  the  constitution.  In  some  of  the  States  it  was 
adopted  unanimously,  and  in  nearly  all  of  them  the 
majority  was  much  larger  than  its  most  zealous  advo 
cates  had  ventured  to  hope.  Amendments  were  re 
commended  in  some  instances,  but  in  none  was  the 
ratification  clogged  by  positive  conditions  of  this  sort. 
The  same  spirit  of  compromise  and  mutual  concession 
seemed  to  prevail,  that  had  been  manifested  in  the  gen 
eral  convention.  In  fine,  though  the  opposition  was 
strong,  and  upheld  by  a  few  of  the  ablest  and  best 
men  in  the  country,  yet  the  popular  voice  was  so  de 
cidedly  expressed  on  the  other  side,  as  to  afford  the 
most  encouraging  presages  of  the  successful  operation 
of  the  new  form  of  government. 

Each  State  convention  transmitted  to  Congress  a 
testimonial  of  its  ratification,  signed  by  all  its  members. 
When  these  testimonials  had  been  received  from  the 
requisite  number  of  States,  an  act  was  passed  by  Con 
gress  appointing  a  day  for  the  people  throughout  the 
Union  to  choose  electors  of  a  President  of  the  United 
States,  according  to  the  constitution,  and  another  day 
for  the  electors  to  meet  and  vote  for  the  person  of 
their  choice.  The  former  election  was  to  take  place 
on  the  first  Wednesday  in  February,  1789,  and  the 
latter  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  March  following. 

It  was  no  sooner  ascertained,  that  the  constitution 
would  probably  be  adopted,  than  the  eyes  of  the  nation 
were  turned  upon  Washington,  as  the  individual  to 
be  selected  for  that  office,  the  highest,  most  honorable, 
and  most  responsible,  that  could  be  conferred  by  the 
suffrages  of  a  free  people.  His  reluctance  to  being  far 
ther  engaged  in  public  life  was  well  known;  but  every 
one  knew  also,  that  he  never  refused  to  obey  the  call 


^ET.  56.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  439 

of  his  country,  or  to  make  personal  sacrifices  for  the 
public  good.  This  was  a  ground  of  hope  and  of  con 
fidence.  In  him  the  whole  people  would  be  united. 
As  to  other  candidates,  there  would  be  differences  of 
opinion,  rivalships,  and,  it  was  feared,  unhappy  divisions, 
that  might  mar  the  work  so  successfully  begun,  and 
perhaps  end  in  its  overthrow  and  ruin.  The  interest 
felt  in  the  subject,  therefore,  was  intense ;  and  at  no 
period,  even  during  the  struggle  of  the  revolution,  was 
the  strong  support  of  Washington  more  necessary,  than 
at  this  crisis. 

The  public  sentiment  was  too  openly  and  loudly 
proclaimed  to  be  concealed  from  him.  Indeed  those 
of  his  compatriots  and  associates,  whose  intimacy  en 
titled  them  to  use  such  a  freedom,  began  early  to  pre 
pare  him  for  the  result,  by  such  arguments  and  advice, 
as  they  knew  would  be  candidly  considered,  and  be 
the  best  suited  to  act  upon  his  mind.  Some  time 
before  the  election,  in  reply  to  a  letter  in  which  the 
subject  had  been  brought  pointedly  before  him  by  a 
gentleman,  then  a  member  of  Congress,  he  wrote  as 
follows. 

"  Should  the  contingency  you  suggest  take  place, 
and  should  my  unfeigned  reluctance  to  accept  the  of 
fice  be  overcome  by  a  deference  to  the  reasons  and 
opinions  of  my  friends,  might  I  not,  after  the  declara 
tions  I  have  made  (and  Heaven  knows  they  were  made 
in  the  sincerity  of  my  heart),  in  the  judgment  of  the 
impartial  world  and  of  posterity,  be  chargeable  with 
levity  and  inconsistency,  if  not  with  rashness  and  am 
bition  1  Nay,  farther,  would  there  not  be  some  appar 
ent  foundation  for  the  two  former  charges?  Now  jus 
tice  to  myself  and  tranquillity  of  conscience  require, 
that  I  should  act  a  part,  if  not  above  imputation,  at 
least  capable  of  vindication.  Nor  will  you  conceive  me 


440  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

to  be  too  solicitous  for  reputation.  Though  I  prize 
as  I  ought  the  good  opinion  of  my  fellow-citizens,  yet, 
if  I  know  myself,  I  would  not  seek  or  retain  popularity 
at  the  expense  of  one  social  duty  or  moral  virtue. 

"  While  doing  what  my  conscience  informed  me  was 
right,  as  it  respected  my  God,  my  country,  and  my 
self,  I  could  despise  all  the  party  clamor  and  unjust 
censure,  which  might  be  expected  from  some,  whose 
personal  enmity  might  be  occasioned  by  their  hostility 
to  the  government.  I  am  conscious,  that  I  fear  alone 
to  give  any  real  occasion  for  obloquy,  and  that  I  do 
not  dread  to  meet  with  unmerited  reproach.  And 
certain  I  am,  whensoever  I  shall  be  convinced  the 
good  of  my  country  requires  my  reputation  to  be  put 
in  risk,  regard  for  my  own  fame  will  not  come  in 
competition  with  an  object  of  so  much  magnitude.  If 
I  declined  the  task,  it  would  lie  upon  quite  another 
principle.  Notwithstanding  my  advanced  season  of  life, 
my  increasing  fondness  for  agricultural  amusements, 
and  my  growing  love  of  retirement,  augment  and  con 
firm  my  decided  predilection  for  the  character  of  a 
private  citizen,  yet  it  would  be  no  one  of  these  mo 
tives,  nor  the  hazard  to  which  my  former  reputation 
might  be  exposed,  nor  the  terror  of  encountering  new 
fatigues  and  troubles,  that  would  deter  me  from  an  ac 
ceptance  ;  but  a  belief,  that  some  other  person,  who  had 
less  pretence  and  less  inclination  to  be  excused,  could 
execute  all  the  duties  full  as  satisfactorily  as  myself." 

Suffice  it  to  say,  that  his  scruples  yielded  to  the 
earnest  solicitations  of  his  friends,  to  mature  reflection, 
and  to  the  counsels  of  his  unerring  judgment.  The 
day  of  election  came,  and  GEORGE  WASHINGTON  was 
chosen,  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  electors,  and 
probably  without  a  dissenting  voice  in  the  whole  na 
tion,  the  first  President  of  the  United  States. 


^ET.57.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  441 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

He  receives  official  Notice  of  being  chosen  President.  —  His  Journey 
to  the  Seat  of  Government  at  New  York.  —  His  Oath  of  Office  and 
Inaugural  Speech.  —  Acquaints  himself  with  the  State  of  public  Af 
fairs.  —  His  Attention  to  his  private  Pursuits.  —  His  Manner  of  re 
ceiving  Visits  and  entertaining  Company.  —  Afflicted  with  a  severe 
Illness.  —  Death  of  his  Mother.  —  Executive  Departments  formed,  and 
the  Officers  appointed. — Judiciary  System  organized. — Washington's 
Opinion  of  the  Supreme  Court.  —  His  Rule  in  Appointments  to  Office. 

IT  being  known  that  the  choice  of  the  people  had 
fallen  on  General  Washington  for  President,  he  made 
preparations  to  begin  the  duties  of  the  office  as  soon 
as  his  election  should  be  notified  to  him  by  the  proper 
authority.  The  4th  of  March  was  assigned  as  the  day 
for  the  meeting  of  Congress,  but  a  quorum  did  not 
come  together  till  a  month  later.  The  votes  of  the 
electors  were  then  opened  and  counted ;  and  a  special 
messenger  was  despatched  to  Mount  Vernon  with  a 
letter  from  the  President  of  the  Senate  to  General 
Washington,  conveying  official  intelligence  of  his  elec 
tion.  John  Adams  was  at  the  same  time  declared  to 
be  chosen  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.  Two 
days  after  receiving  the  notification,  Washington  left 
home  for  New7  York,  which  was  then  the  seat  of 
Congress. 

His  feelings  on  this  occasion  are  indicated  in  the  fol 
lowing  extract  from  his  Diary,  written  on  the  day  of  his 
departure.  "About  ten  o'clock  I  bade  adieu  to  Mount 
Vernon,  to  private  life,  and  to  domestic  felicity ;  and, 
with  a  mind  oppressed  with  more  anxious  and  painful 
sensations  than  I  have  words  to  express,  set  out  for 
New  York  in  company  with  Mr.  Thomson  and  Colonel 
Humphreys,  with  the  best  disposition  to  render  ser- 

VOL.  i.  56 


442  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

vice  to  my  country  in  obedience  to  its  call,  but  with 
less  hope  of  answering  its  expectations."  The  whole 
journey  was  a  kind  of  triumphal  procession.  He  had 
hardly  left  his  own  house,  when  he  was  met  by  a 
company  of  gentlemen  from  Alexandria,  who  proceed 
ed  with  him  to  that  town,  where  an  entertainment 
was  provided  for  him,  and  where  he  received  and 
answered  a  public  address.  The  people  gathered  to 
see  him  as  he  passed  along  the  road.  When  he  ap 
proached  the  several  towns,  the  most  respectable  citi 
zens  came  out  to  meet  and  welcome  him  ;  he  was 
escorted  from  place  to  place  by  companies  of  militia ; 
and  in  the  principal  cities  his  presence  was  announced 
by  the  firing  of  cannon,  ringing  of  bells,  and  military 
display. 

A  committee  of  Congress,  consisting  of  three  mem 
bers  of  the  Senate  and  five  of  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives,  was  appointed  to  meet  him  in  New  Jersey  and 
attend  him  to  the  city  of  New  York.  To  Elizabeth- 
town  Point  came  many  other  persons  of  distinction, 
and  the  heads  of  the  several  departments  of  govern 
ment.  He  was  there  received  in  a  barge,  splendidly 
fitted  up  for  the  occasion,  and  rowed  by  thirteen  pilots 
in  white  uniforms.  This  was  followed  by  vessels  and 
boats,  fancifully  decorated,  and  crowded  with  specta 
tors.  When  the  President's  barge  came  near  to  the 
city,  a  salute  of  thirteen  guns  was  fired  from  the  ves 
sels  in  the  harbour,  and  from  the  Battery.  At  the 
landing  he  was  again  saluted  by  a  discharge  of  artillery, 
and  was  joined  by  the  governor  and  other  officers  of 
the  State,  and  the  corporation  of  the  city.  A  pro 
cession  was  then  formed,  headed  by  a  long  military 
train,  which  was  followed  by  the  principal  officers 
of  the  State  and  city,  the  clergy,  foreign  ministers, 
and  a  great  concourse  of  citizens.  The  procession 


/Ex  57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  443 

advanced  to  the  house  prepared  for  the  reception  of  the 
President.  The  day  was  passed  in  festivity  and  joy, 
and  in  the  evening  the  city  was  brilliantly  illuminated. 

The  first  public  act  of  the  President  was  that  of 
taking  the  oath  of  office.  It  was  decided  by  Con 
gress,  that  this  should  be  done  with  some  ceremony. 
In  the  morning  of  the  day  appointed,  April  30th,  at 
nine  o'clock,  religious  services  suited  to  the  occasion 
were  performed  in  all  the  churches  of  the  city.  At 
twelve  the  troops  paraded  before  the  President's  door, 
and  soon  afterwards  came  the  committees  of  Congress 
and  the  heads  of  departments  in  carriages,  to  attend 
him  to  the  Federal  Hall,  where  the  two  houses  of 
Congress  were  assembled.  The  procession  moved  for 
ward  with  the  troops  in  front,  next  the  committees  and 
heads  of  departments,  then  the  President  in  a  coach 
alone,  followed  by  the  foreign  ministers,  civil  officers 
of  the  State,  and  citizens.  Arrived  at  the  Hall,  he 
ascended  to  the  senate-chamber,  and  passed  thence 
to  a  balcony  in  front  of  the  house,  where  the  oath 
was  administered  to  him  in  presence  of  the  people  by 
Chancellor  Livingston.  The  President  returned  to  the 
senate-chamber,  in  the  midst  of  loud  acclamations  from 
the  surrounding  throng  of  spectators,  and  delivered  to 
the  two  branches  of  Congress  his  Inaugural  Speech. 
He  then  went  on  foot  to  St.  Paul's  Church,  where 
prayers  were  read  by  the  bishop,  and  the  ceremonies 
were  closed.  Tokens  of  joy  were  everywhere  exhibited, 
as  on  the  day  of  his  arrival,  and  at  night  there  was 
a  display  of  illuminations  and  fireworks. 

Under  auspices  thus  favorable,  Washington  entered 
again  upon  the  career  of  public  life,  surrounded  and 
sustained  by  the  eminent  leaders,  who  had  acted  with 
him  in  establishing  the  liberties  of  his  country,  and 
cheered  with  the  conviction  of  having  received  the 


444  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

voluntary  suffrage  and  Assessing  the  good  wishes  of 
every  American  citizen*  Yet  he  was  aware,  that  the 
task  he  had  undertaken  was  one  of  no  common  re 
sponsibility  or  easy  execution.  The  hopes  and  expec 
tations  of  his  countryman,*  he  knew,  were  in  proportion 
to  the  unanimity  with  which  they  had  crowned  him 
with  honors,  ancT~Taid  the  burden  of  their  public  cares 
on  his  shoulders.  *  A  new  system  of  government  was 
to  be  put  in  action,  upon  which  depended  the  destiny 
of  his  country,  and  with  the  good  or  ill  success  of 

.  which  his  future  reputation  would  be  identified. 

In  his  inaugural  speech,  after  expressing  his  deep 
sense  of  the  magnitude  of  the  trust  confided  to  him, 
the  struggles  his  mind  had  undergone  in  deciding  to 
accept  it,  and  a  consciousness  of  his  deficiencies,  he 
added  ;  "In  this  conflict  of  emotions,  all  I  dare  aver 
is,  that  it  has  been  my  faithful  study  to  collect  my  duty 
from  a  just  appreciation  of  every  circumstance  by  which 

'  it  might  be  affected.  'All  I  dare  hope  is,  that,  if  in 
accepting  this  task  I  have  been  too  much  swayed  by 
a  grateful  remembrance  of  former  instances,  or  by  an 
affectionate  sensibility  to  this  transcendent  proof  of  the 
confidence  of  my  fellow-citizens,  and  have  thence  too 
little  consulted  my  incapacity,  as  well  as  disinclination 
for  the  weighty  and  untried  cares  before  me,  my  error 
will  be  palliated  by  the  motives  which  misled  me,  and 
its  consequences  be  judged  by  my  country  with  some 
share  of  the  partiality  in  which  they  originated."  With 
these  sentiments,  and  with  fervent  supplications  to  the 
Almighty  Being,  whose  guidance  and  overruling  Provi 
dence  he  acknowledged  in  all  the  events  of  his  life, 
he  commenced  the  arduous  duties  of  chief  magistrate 
of  the  nation.  In  conformity  with  the  rule  to  which 
he  had  hitherto  adhered,  he  gave  notice  to  Congress, 
that  he  should  accept  no  other  compensation  for  his 


£ST.57J  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  445 

services,  than  such  as  would  be  necessary  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  his  household  and  other  charges  inci 
dent  to  his  public  station. 

As  the  various  departments  of  government  under  the 
new  system  could  not  be  instituted,  till  Congress  had 
passed  laws  for  their  organization  and  support,  the 
business  belonging  to  these  departments  continued  to 
be  transacted  by  the  officers,  who  had  previously  been 
charged  with  it.  Mr.  Jay  acted  as  secretary  of  foreign 
affairs,  and  General  Knox  as  secretary  of  war.  The 
treasury  was  under  the  control  of  a  board  of  commis 
sioners.  The  President  requested  from  each  of  them 
an  elaborate  report,  that  he  might  become  acquainted 
with  the  actual  state  of  the  government  in  all  its  for 
eign  and  domestic  relations.  These  reports  he  read 
and  condensed  with  his  own  hand,  particularly  that 
from  the  treasury  board,  till  he  made  himself  master  of 
their  contents.  In  regard  to  foreign  affairs,  he  pursued 
a  still  more  laborious  process.  With  pen  in  hand  he 
perused  from  beginning  to  end  the  official  correspond 
ence,  deposited  in  the  public  archives,  from  the  date 
of  the  treaty  of  peace  at  the  termination  of  the  war 
till  the  time  he  entered  upon  the  Presidency.  These 
voluminous  papers  he  abridged  and  studied,  according 
to  his  usual  practice,  with  the  view  of  fixing  in  his 
mind  every  important  point  that  had  been  discussed, 
as  well  as  the  history  of  what  had  been  done. 

Among  the  private  reasons,  which  had  disinclined 
him  to  leave  his  retirement  at  Mount  Vernon,  were 
his  growing  attachment  to  agriculture,  and  his  desire 
to  pursue  the  system  adopted  for  the  cultivation  of  his 
farms.  Since  the  war  he  had  devoted  himself  with 
equal  delight  and  constancy  to  this  pursuit,  and  brought 
his  plans  into  a  train,  which  promised  the  most  satis 
factory  results.  He  had  procured  from  Europe  the 

VOL.  I.  LL 


446  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

works  of  the  best  writers  on  the  subject,  which  he 
read  with  diligence  and  reflection,  drawing  from  them 
such  scientific  principles  and  practical  hints,  as  he  could 
advantageously  use  in  improving  his  modes  of  agricul 
ture.  He  was  resolved  to  mature  his  designs,  and  in 
the  intervals  of  public  duties  to  bestow  a  part  of  his 
leisure  upon  that  object.  With  his  chief  manager  at 
Mount  Yernon  he  left  full  and  minute  directions  in 
writing,  and  exacted  from  him  a  weekly  report,  in  which 
were  registered  the  transactions  of  each  day  on  all  the 
farms,  such  as  the  number  of  laborers  employed,  their 
health  or  sickness,  the  kind  and  quantity  of  work  ex 
ecuted,  the  progress  in  planting,  sowing,  or  harvesting 
the  fields,  the  appearance  of  the  crops  at  various  stages 
of  their  growth,  the  effects  of  the  weather  on  them, 
and  the  condition  of  the  horses,  cattle,  and  other  live 
stock.  By  these  details  he  was  made  perfectly  ac 
quainted  with  all  that  was  done,  and  could  give  his 
orders  with  almost  as  much  precision  as  if  he  had 
been  on  the  spot. 

Once  a  week  regularly,  and  sometimes  twice,  he 
wrote  to  the  manager,  remarking  on  his  report  of  the 
preceding  week,  and  adding  new  directions.  These 
letters  frequently  extended  to  two  or  three  sheets,  and 
were  always  written  with  his  own  hand.  Such  was 
his  laborious  exactness,  that  the  letter  he  sent  away 
was  usually  transcribed  from  a  rough  draft.  A  press 
copy  was  taken  of  the  transcript,  which  was  carefully 
filed  with  the  manager's  report  for  his  future  inspec 
tion.  In  this  habit  he  persevered  with  unabated  dili 
gence  through  the  whole  eight  years  of  his  Presidency, 
except  during  the  short  visits  he  occasionally  made  to 
Mount  Veriion,  at  the  close  of  the  sessions  of  Con 
gress,  when  his  presence  could  be  dispensed  with  at 
the  seat  of  government.  He  moreover  maintained  a 


^T.57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  447 

large  correspondence  on  agriculture  with  gentlemen  in 
Europe  and  America.  His  letters  to  Sir  John  Sinclair, 
Arthur  Young,  and  Dr.  Anderson,  have  been  pub 
lished  and  are  well  known.  Indeed  his  thoughts  never 
seemed  to  flow  more  freely,  nor  his  pen  to  move  more 
easily,  than  when  he  was  writing  on  agriculture,  ex 
tolling  it  as  a  most  attractive  pursuit,  and  describing 
the  pleasure  he  derived  from  it,  and  its  superior  claims 
not  only  on  the  practical  economist,  but  on  the  states 
man  and  philanthropist. 

The  President  had  not  been  long  in  New  York 
before  he  found  it  necessary  to  establish  rules  for  re 
ceiving  visiters  and  entertaining  company.  There  being 
no  precedent  to  serve  as  a  guide,  this  was  an  affair  of 
considerable  delicacy  and  difficulty.  In  the  first  place, 
it  was  essential  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  the  office 
by  such  forms  as  would  inspire  deference  and  respect; 
and,  at  the  same  time,  the  nature  of  republican  institu 
tions  and  the  habits  of  the  people  required  the  chief 
magistrate  to  be  accessible  to  every  citizen  on  proper 
occasions  and  for  reasonable  purposes.  A  just  line 
was  therefore  to  be  drawn  between  too  much  pomp 
and  ceremony  on  the  one  hand,  and  an  extreme  of 
familiarity  on  the  other.  Regard  was  also  to  be  had 
to  the  President's  time  and  convenience.  After  a  short 
experiment  of  leaving  the  matter  to  the  discretion  of 
the  public,  it  was  proved,  that  without  some  fixed  rule 
he  would  never  have  an  hour  at  his  disposal.  From 
breakfast  till  dinner  his  door  was  besieged  with  persons 
calling  to  pay  their  respects,  or  to  consult  him  on  affairs 
of  little  moment.  His  sense  of  duty  to  the  claims  of 
his  office,  and  to  himself,  convinced  him  that  this  prac 
tice  could  not  be  endured.  The  Vice-President,  Mr. 
Jay,  Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Hamilton,  and  other  gentlemen, 
concurred  in  this  opinion,  and  by  their  advice  a  differ 
ent  mode  was  adopted. 


448  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789 

Every  Tuesday,  between  the  hours  of  three  and  four, 
he  was  prepared  to  receive  such  persons  as  chose  to 
call.  Foreign  ministers,  strangers  of  distinction,  and 
citizens,  came  and  went  without  ceremony.  The  hour 
was  passed  in  free  conversation  on  promiscuous  topics, 
in  which  the  President  joined.  Every  Friday  afternoon 
the  rooms  were  open  in  like  manner  for  visits  to  Mrs. 
Washington,  which  were  on  a  still  more  sociable  foot 
ing,  and  at  which  General  Washington  was  always 
present.  These  assemblages  were  in  the  nature  of 
public  levees,  and  they  did  not  preclude  such  visits  of 
civility  and  friendship,  between  the  President's  family 
and  others,  as  is  customary  in  society.  On  affairs  of 
business  by  appointment,  whether  with  public  officers 
or  private  citizens,  the  President  was  always  ready  to 
bestow  his  time  and  attention.  He  accepted  no  invi 
tations  to  dinner,  but  invited  to  his  own  table  foreign 
ministers,  officers  of  the  government,  and  strangers,  in 
such  numbers  at  once  as  his  domestic  establishment 
would  accommodate.  On  these  occasions  there  was 
neither  ostentation  nor  restraint,  but  the  same  simplicity 
and  ease  with  which  his  guests  had  been  entertained 
at  Mount  Vernon. 

No  visits  were  received  on  Sundays.  In  the  morn 
ing  he  uniformly  attended  church,  and  in  the  after 
noon  he  retired  to  his  private  apartment.  The  even 
ing  was  spent  with  his  family,  and  then  an  intimate 
friend  would  sometimes  call,  but  promiscuous  company 
was  not  admitted.* 

Having  laid  down  these  general  rules,  which  soon 
became  known  to  the  public,  he  found  relief  from  a 
heavy  tax  upon  his  time,  and  more  leisure  for  a  faithful 
discharge  of  his  duties.  In  the  course  of  the  summer, 

For  an  account  of  his  religious  opinions  and  habits,  see  Vol.  XII. 


jET.  57.]  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  449 

however,  he  was  seized  with  a  violent  malady,  which 
reduced  him  very  low,  and  which  for  a  few  days  was 
thought  to  endanger  his  life.  He  was  confined  six 
weeks  to  his  bed,  and  it  was  more  than  twelve  before 
his  strength  was  restored.  A  constitution  naturally 
strong,  and  the  attendance  of  Dr.  Bard,  a  physician 
equally  eminent  for  the  excellence  of  his  character  and 
skill  in  his  profession,  enabled  him  to  rise  from  an  illness 
the  most  painful  and  trying  that  he  had  ever  endured. 
From  the  effects  of  it  he  never  entirely  recovered. 

He  had  hardly  gained  strength  to  go  abroad,  when 
he  heard  of  the  death  of  his  mother,  who  died  in 
August,  at  the  age  of  eighty-two.  Writing  to  his  sis 
ter  on  this  occasion  he  said  ;  "  Awful  and  affecting 
as  the  death  of  a  parent  is,  there  is  consolation  in 
knowing,  that  Heaven  has  spared  ours  to  an  age  be 
yond  which  few  attain,  and  favored  her  with  the  full 
enjoyment  of  her  mental  faculties,  and  as  much  bodily 
strength  as  usually  falls  to  the  lot  of  fourscore.  Under 
these  considerations,  and  a  hope  that  she  is  translated 
to  a  happier  place,  it  is  the  duty  of  her  relatives  to 
yield  due  submission  to  the  decrees  of  the  Creator." 
A  short  time  before  he  left  Mount  Vernon  for  New 
York,  he  made  a  visit  to  his  mother  at  Fredericksburg, 
the  place  of  her  residence.  She  was  then  sinking 
under  a  disease,  which  he  foresaw  would  prove  fatal; 
and  he  took  an  affecting  and  final  leave  of  her,  con 
vinced  he  should  never  see  her  again.  She  had  been 
a  widow  forty-six  years.  Through  life  she  was  re 
markable  for  vigor  of  mind  and  body,  simplicity  of 
manners,  and  uprightness  of  character.  She  must  have 
felt  a  mother's  joy  at  the  success  and  renown  of  her 
son,  but  they  caused  no  change  in  her  deportment  or 
style  of  living.  Whenever  he  visited  her  at  her  dwel 
ling,  even  in  the  height  of  his  greatness,  he  literally 

VOL.    I.  57  LL* 


450  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789 

returned  to  the  scenes  and  domestic  habits  of  his  boy 
hood.  Neither  pride  nor  vanity  mingled  with  the  feel 
ings  excited  by  the  attentions  she  received  as  the 
mother  of  Washington.  She  listened  to  his  praises  and 
was  silent,  or  added  only  that  he  had  been  a  good  son, 
and  she  believed  he  had  done  his  duty  as  a  man. 

As  soon  as  he  was  established  in  his  office,  Wash 
ington  introduced  strict  habits  of  economy  into  his 
household,  which  were  preserved  without  essential 
change  to  the  end  of  his  public  life.  The  whole  was 
under  the  care  of  a  steward,  to  whom  he  gave  general 
directions.  All  other  persons  connected  with  the  es 
tablishment  were  accountable  to  the  steward,  but  each 
of  them  was  required  to  keep  an  exact  record  of  the 
purchases  and  expenditures  made  by  him,  specifying 
.every  particular.  These  accounts,  with  tradesmen's 
'bills  and  other  vouchers,  wrere  presented  once  a  week 
to  Washington,  who  inspected  them  minutely,  and 
certified  with  his  own  signature  that  they  were  ap 
proved.  By  this  method  he  was  enabled  to  ascertain 
at  any  moment  the  precise  state  of  his  pecuniary  af 
fairs,  and  to  guard  against  extravagance  and  waste. 
He  might  say  with  Seneca  ;  "  I  keep  an  account  of 
my  expenses ;  I  cannot  affirm  that  I  lose  nothing,  but 
I  can  tell  you  what  I  lose,  and  why,  and  in  what 
manner."  The  salary  of  the  President,  as  fixed  by  law, 
was  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  a  year.  But  with 
the  most  rigid  economy  his  expenses  were  seldom 
within  this  limit,  and  he  was  of  course  obliged  to  draw 
on  his  private  fortune  to  make  up  the  deficiency. 

Congress  continued  in  session  till  near  the  end  of 
September,  when  they  adjourned  for  three  months. 
They  had  been  mostly  occupied  in  passing  laws  for 
the  organization  of  government,  the  administration  of 
justice,  and  the  raising  of  a  revenue.  Mercantile  reg- 


jET.57.1  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  451 

illations  were  established,  imposing  duties  on  tonnage 
and  imported  goods.  Amendments  to  the  constitution 
were  framed,  and  recommended  to  the  States  for  adop 
tion.  Three  executive  departments  were  formed,  at 
the  head  of  each  of  which  was  to  be  a  secretary, 
namely,  the  departments  of  foreign  affairs,  of  the  treas 
ury,  and  of  war.  The  first  was  afterwards  called  the 
department  of  state,  and  included  both  foreign  and 
domestic  affairs.  So  large  a  portion  of  the  adminis 
tration  of  government  is  effected  by  the  executives  of 
the  several  States,  that  a  separate  department  for  in 
ternal  affairs  was  not  thought  necessary.  The  navy 
too  was  at  this  time  so  small,  as  not  to  require  a  dis 
tinct  department.  It  was  mainly  in  the  charge  of  the 
secretary  of  war. 

The  requisite  laws  being  passed,  it  next  devolved 
on  the  President  to  select  proper  persons  to  fill  the 
several  offices.  In  regard  to  the  executive  depart 
ments,  this  was  of  very  great  importance,  inasmuch 
as  the  secretaries  were  not  only  to  discharge  the  duties 
assigned  to  them  by  the  constitution  and  laws,  but 
were  to  be  his  cabinet,  or  council  of  state.  On  the 
wisdom  of  his  choice,  therefore,  would  in  a  great  de 
gree  depend  the  character  and  success  of  his  adminis 
tration.  So  much  time  had  elapsed  in  the  session  of 
Congress,  that  he  had  been  able  to  take  a  full  survey 
of  the  subject,  and  to  decide  with  deliberation.  Long 
experience  in  public  affairs,  a  high  political  standing, 
and  acknowledged  talents,  pointed  out  Thomas  Jeffer 
son  as  eminently  qualified  for  the  state  department. 
He  was  about  to  return  from  France,  where  he  had 
filled  the  office  of  minister  plenipotentiary,  as  succes 
sor  to  Dr.  Franklin,  with  much  credit  to  himself  and 
his  country.  Alexander  Hamilton  was  appointed  to 
the  head  of  the  treasury.  His  transcendent  abilities, 


452  l^FE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

integrity,  firmness,  and  patriotism  were  well  known  to 
Washington,  after  a  thorough  trial  and  familiar  acquaint 
ance  in  the  revolution;  and  they  were  scarcely  less 
known  or  less  appreciated  by  his  countrymen  at  large. 
In  the  convention,  Hamilton  disapproved  and  opposed 
some  of  the  principal  articles  of  the  constitution ;  and 
the  more  praise  is  due  to  him,  that,  after  it  was  carried 
by  a  majority,  and  was  proved  to  be  the  best  that 
could  be  hoped  for  in  the  circumstances  of  the  times, 
he  gave  up  his  predilections,  joined  heartily  with  its 
friends,  and  put  into  their  scale  the  whole  weight  of 
his  great  powers  of  eloquence  and  argument,  both  in 
debate  and  by  the  use  of  his  pen.  Henry  Knox  was 
continued  secretary  of  war,  which  station  he  had  held 
under  the  confederation.  As  an  officer,  a  man,  and  a 
friend,  he  was  esteemed  by  Washington;  and  his  steady 
principles  and  public  services  had  gained  for  him  a 
general  confidence.  The  post  of  attorney -general  was 
conferred  on  Edmund  Randolph,  a  gentleman  distin 
guished  by  success  in  his  profession  at  the  bar,  and 
by  having  been  governor  of  Virginia,  and  a  conspicuous 
member  of  the  convention  that  framed  the  constitution. 
Such  were  the  heads  of  the  executive  departments, 
and  such  the  composition  of  the  council,  on  which  the 
President  was  mainly  to  rely  for  advice  and  support. 
For  administering  justice,  in  the  execution  of  the 
laws  for  national  purposes,  the  constitution  had  pro 
vided,  that  there  should  be  a  supreme  court,  and  such 
inferior  courts  as  congress  should  establish.  In  organ 
izing  the  judiciary  system,  it  was  decided  that  the 
supreme  court  should  consist  of  a  chief  justice  and 
five  associate  justices,  and  that  there  should  be  dis 
trict  courts,  with  one  judge  in  each  State.  An  asso 
ciate  justice  and  a  district  judge  constituted  a  circuit 
court.  Washington's  opinion  of  the  importance  of  the 


jE-r.57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  453 

supreme  court  is  forcibly  described  in  his  own  lan 
guage.  "  Impressed  with  a  conviction,"  said  he,  "  that 
the  due  administration  of  justice  is  the  firmest  pillar 
of  good  government,  I  have  considered  the  first  ar 
rangement  of  the  judicial  department  as  essential  to 
the  happiness  of  the  country,  and  to  the  stability  of  its 
political  system.  Hence  the  selection  of  the  fittest 
characters  to  expound  the  laws,  and  dispense  justice, 
has  been  an  invariable  object  of  my  anxious  concern." 
And  again,  in  giving  notice  to  Mr.  Jay  of  his  appoint 
ment  as  chief  justice ;  "  I  have  a  full  confidence,  that 
the  love  which  you  bear  to  our  country,  and  a  desire 
to  promote  the  general  happiness,  will  not  suffer  you 
to  hesitate  a  moment  to  bring  into  action  the  talents, 
knowledge,  and  integrity,  which  are  so  necessary  to 
be  exercised  at  the  head  of  that  department,  which 
must  be  considered  the  key-stone  of  our  political  fa 
bric."  These  views  of  the  judiciary  department,  as 
forming  a  most  essential  branch  of  the  government, 
and  as  claiming  the  highest  consideration,  he  always 
entertained ;  and  in  the  appointment  of  justices,  and 
judges  of  the  district  courts,  he  was  extremely  solicit 
ous  to  secure  the  services  of  those,  who  were  eminent v 
for  judicial  knowledge,  talents,  personal  worth,  and 
experience.  In  placing  John  Jay  at  the  head  of  the 
supreme  court,  he  consulted  alike  the  public  good,  the 
dignity  of  the  court,  and  his  own  feelings.  No  man 
in  the  nation  possessed  a  larger  share  of  confidence, 
whether  in  regard  to  his  ability  or  his  legal  attain 
ments;  none  was  more  valued  for  the  services  he  had 
rendered  to  his  country,  none  more  esteemed  for  his 
private  virtues.  The  choice  of  his  associates  was  also 
fortunate,  and  the  court  assumed  a  respectability  and 
weight  suited  to  the  rank  conferred  upon  it  by  the 
constitution. 


454  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

No  part  of  the  President's  duties  gave  him  more 
anxiety,  than  that  of  distributing  the  offices  in  his  gift. 
Applications  innumerable  flowed  in  upon  him  even  be 
fore  he  left  Mount  Vernon,  many  of  them  from  his 
personal  friends,  and  others  supported  by  the  recom 
mendations  of  his  friends ;  nor  did  they  cease  as  long 
as  any  vacancies  remained.  He  early  prescribed  to 
himself  a  rule,  however,  from  which  he  never  swerv 
ed,  which  was  to  give  no  pledges  or  encouragement 
to  any  applicant.  He  answered  them  all  civilly,  but 
avowed  his  determination  to  suspend  a  decision  till  the 
time  of  making  the  appointments  should  arrive,  and 
then,  without  favor  or  bias,  to  select  such  individuals 
as  in  his  judgment  were  best  qualified  to  execute  with 
faithfulness  and  ability  the  trust  reposed  in  them.  His 
sentiments  and  motives  are  well  explained  in  a  letter 
written  to  a  gentleman,  who  had  solicited  an  office 
for  another  person. 

"  From  the  moment  when  the  necessity  had  become 
more  apparent,"  said  he,  "and  as  it  were  inevitable,  I 
anticipated,  with  a  heart  filled  with  distress,  the  ten 
thousand  embarrassments,  perplexities,  and  troubles,  to 
which  I  must  again  be  exposed  in  the  evening  of  a 
life  already  nearly  consumed  in  public  cares.  Among 
all  these  anxieties,  I  will  not  conceal  from  you,  I  an 
ticipated  none  greater,  than  those  that  were  likely  to 
be  produced  by  applications  for  appointments  to  the 
different  offices,  which  would  be  created  under  the 
new  government.  Nor  will  I  conceal,  that  my  ap 
prehensions  have  already  been  but  too  well  justified. 
Scarcely  a  day  passes,  in  which  applications  of  one 
kind  or  another  do  not  arrive  ;  insomuch  that,  had  I 
not  early  adopted  some  general  principles,  I  should 
before  this  time  have  been  wholly  occupied  in  this 
business.  As  it  is,  I  have  found  the  number  of  answers, 


MT.  57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  455 

which  I  have  been  necessitated  to  give  in  my  own 
hand,  an  almost  insupportable  burden  to  me. 

"  The  points  in  which  all  these  answers  have  agreed 
in  substance  are,  that,  should  it  be  my  lot  to  go  again 
into  public  office,  I  would  go  without  being  under  any 
possible  engagements  of  any  nature  whatsoever ;  that, 
so  far  as  I  knew  my  own  heart,  I  would  not  be  in 
the  remotest  degree  influenced,  in  making  nominations, 
by  motives  arising  from  the  ties  of  family  or  blood  ; 
and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  three  things,  in  my  opin 
ion,  ought  principally  to  be  regarded,  namely,  the  fit 
ness  of  characters  to  fill  offices,  the  comparative  claims 
from  the  former  merits  and  sufferings  in  service  of  the 
different  candidates,  and  the  distribution  of  appoint 
ments  in  as  equal  a  proportion  as  might  be  to  per 
sons  belonging  to  the  different  States  in  the  Union. 
Without  precautions  of  this  kind,  I  clearly  foresaw  the 
endless  jealousies,  and  possibly  the  fatal  consequences, 
to  which  a  government,  depending  altogether  on  the 
good- will  of  the  people  for  its  establishment,  would 
certainly  be  exposed  in  its  early  stages.  Besides,  I 
thought,  whatever  the  effect  might  be  in  pleasing  or 
displeasing  any  individuals  at  the  present  moment,  a 
due  concern  for  my  own  reputation,  not  less  decisive 
ly  than  a  sacred  regard  to  the  interests  of  the  com 
munity,  required,  that  I  should  hold  myself  absolutely 
at  liberty  to  act,  while  in  office,  with  a  sole  reference 
to  justice  and  the  public  good." 

In  practice  he  verified  these  declarations,  acting  in 
every  case  with  perfect  independence,  looking  first  to 
the  national  interests  and  next  to  the  best  means  of 
promoting  them,  and  admitting  no  other  ground  of 
preference  between  candidates,  whose  pretensions  were 
in  other  respects  equal,  than  that  of  former  efforts  or 
sacrifices  in  serving  their  country. 


456  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

His  Journey  through  the  Eastern  States. — Letter  from  Mrs.  Washington. 
—  System  of  Funding  the  public  Debts.  —  Place  for  the  permanent 
Seat  of  Government  agreed  upon.  —  The  President  visits  Rhode  Island 
and  Mount  Vernon.  —  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States.  — 
France,  England,  Spain.  —  Indian  War.  —  Washington's  Policy  re 
specting  the  Indians.  —  Congress  meets  at  Philadelphia. —  A  National 
Bank  established.  —  Tax  on  distilled  Spirits.  —  The  President's  Tour 
through  the  Southern  States. —  Apportionment  Bill.  —  Parties  and  their 
Causes.  —  Dissensions  between  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury.  —  Washington's  Attempts  to  reconcile  them. 

FOR  some  time  it  had  been  the  President's  inten 
tion  in  the  recess  of  Congress  to  make  a  tour  through 
the  eastern  States,  as  well  for  the  reestablishment  of 
his  health,  as  for  observing  the  condition  of  the  peo 
ple,  and  the  general  disposition  in  regard  to  the  new 
form  of  government.  He  anticipated  pleasure  also  in 
reviewing  the  scenes  of  his  first  military  campaign  as 
Commander-in-chief,  and  in  meeting  the  associates,  who 
had  contributed  to  lessen  his  toils  and  invigorate  his 
spirit  in  times  of  peril  and  despondency.  About  the 
middle  of  October  he  left  New  York,  accompanied 
by  his  two  secretaries,  Mr.  Lear  and  Mr.  Jackson,  and 
he  was  absent  a  month.  He  travelled  in  his  own 
carriage,  and  proceeded  by  way  of  New  Haven,  Hart 
ford,  Worcester,  Boston,  Salem,  and  Newburyport,  as 
far  as  Portsmouth  in  New  Hampshire.  He  returned 
by  a  different  route  through  the  interior  of  the  coun 
try  to  Hartford,  and  thence  to  New  York. 

Such  was  the  enthusiasm,  which  was  now  felt  by  all 
classes  of  the  community  in  regard  to  Washington,  an 
enthusiasm  inspired  by  his  virtues  and  his  fame,  that  it 
was  impossible  for  him  to  move  in  any  direction  with 
out  drawing  around  him  thousands  of  spectators,  eager 


jE-r.57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  457 

to  gratify  their  eyes  with  a  sight  of  his  person,  to 
greet  him  with  acclamations  of  joy,  and  to  exhibit  tes 
timonies  of  their  respect  and  veneration.  Men,  women, 
and  children,  people  of  all  ranks,  ages,  and  occupa 
tions,  assembled  from  far  and  near  at  the  crossings 
of  the  roads  and  other  public  places,  where  it  was 
known  he  would  pass.  Military  escorts  attended  him 
on  the  way,  and  at  the  principal  towns  he  was  re 
ceived  and  entertained  by  the  civil  authorities.  Ad 
dresses  were  as  usual  presented  to  him  by  corporate 
bodies,  religious  societies,  and  literary  institutions,  to 
which  he  returned  appropriate  answers. 

This  journey  was  in  all  respects  satisfactory  to  him, 
not  more  as  furnishing  proofs  of  the  strong  attach 
ment  of  the  people,  than  as  convincing  him  of  the 
growing  prosperity  of  the  country,  and  of  the  favor 
which  the  constitution  and  the  administration  of  gov 
ernment  were  gaining  in  the  public  mind.  He  was 
happy  to  see,  that  the  effects  of  the  war  had  almost 
disappeared,  that  agriculture  was  pursued  with  ac 
tivity,  that  the  harvests  were  abundant,  manufactures 
increasing,  the  towns  flourishing,  and  commerce  be 
coming  daily  more  extended  and  profitable.  The  con 
dition  of  society,  the  progress  of  improvements,  the 
success  of  industrious  enterprise,  all  gave  tokens  of 
order,  peace,  and  contentment,  and  a  most  cheering 
promise  for  the  future.* 

*  The  reader  cannot  fail  to  be  interested  in  this  place  with  an  ex 
tract  from  a  letter  written  by  Mrs.  Washington  to  Mrs.  Warren  soon 
after  the  President's  return  from  his  tour.  So  little  remains,  which  is 
known  to  have  come  from  the  pen  of  this  lady,  that  it  would  be  an  act 
of  injustice  to  her  memory  to  withhold  a  specimen  so  creditable  to  her 
understanding,  her  heart,  and  her  views  of  life,  as  the  following,  which 
is  transcribed  from  the  original. 

"  Your  very  friendly  letter  of  last  month  has  afforded  much  more 
satisfaction,  than  all  the  formal  compliments  and  empty  ceremonies  of 
mere  etiquette  could  possibly  have  done.  I  am  not  apt  to  forget  the 
VOL.  I.  58  MM 


458  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1790. 

The  time  for  the  adjournment  of  Congress  having 
expired,  the  two  houses  reassembled  in  the  first  week 
of  January.  The  President  met  them  in  the  senate- 
chamber,  and  delivered  his  speech  at  the  opening  of 
the  session.  Such  was  the  custom  during  Washing 
ton's  administration ;  but  it  was  afterwards  changed,  and 
the  President  communicated  with  Congress  only  by 
written  messages.  This  was  likewise  Washington's 
practice,  except  at  the  beginning  of  a  session,  when  he 
addressed  the  two  houses  in  person.  These  addresses 
were  called  speeches,  and  other  communications  were 
designated  as  messages.  At  this  time,  after  congratu 
lating  Congress  on  the  prosperous  condition  of  the 
country,  and  the  favor  with  which  their  previous  doings 
had  been  received,  he  recommended  several  subjects 

feelings,  which  have  been  inspired  by  my  former  society  with  good  ac 
quaintances,  nor  to  be  insensible  to  their  expressions  of  gratitude  to  the 
President ;  for  you  know  me  well  enough  to  do  me  the  justice  to  believe, 
that  I  am  fond  only  of  what  comes  from  the  heart.  Under  a  conviction, 
that  the  demonstrations  of  respect  and  affection  to  him  originate  in  that 
source,  I  cannot  deny,  that  I  have  taken  some  interest  and  pleasure  in 
them.  The  difficulties,  which  presented  themselves  to  view  on  his  first 
entering  upon  the  Presidency,  seem  thus  to  be  in  some  measure  sur 
mounted.  It  is  owing  to  the  kindness  of  our  numerous  friends  in  all 
quarters,  that  my  new  and  unwished-for  situation  is  not  indeed  a  burden 
to  me.  When  I  was  much  younger,  I  should  probably  have  enjoyed  the 
innocent  gayeties  of  life  as  much  as  most  persons  of  my  age  ;  but  I  had 
long  since  placed  all  the  prospects  of  my  future  worldly  happiness  in 
the  still  enjoyments  of  the  fireside  at  Mount  Vernon. 

"  I  little  thought,  when  the  war  was  finished,  that  any  circumstances 
could  possibly  happen,  which  would  call  the  General  into  public  life 
again.  I  had  anticipated,  that  from  that  moment  we  should  be  suffered 
to  grow  old  together  in  solitude  and  tranquillity.  That  was  the  first  and 
dearest  wish  of  my  heart.  I  will  not,  however,  contemplate  with  too 
much  regret  disappointments,  that  were  inevitable,  though  his  feelings 
and  my  own  were  in  perfect  unison  with  respect  to  our  predilection  for 
private  life.  Yet  I  cannot  blame  him  for  having  acted  according  to  his 
ideas  of  duty  in  obeying  the  voice  of  his  country.  The  consciousness 
of  having  attempted  to  do  all  the  good  in  his  power,  and  the  pleasure  of 
finding  his  fellow-citizens  so  well  satisfied  with  the  disinterestedness  of 
his  conduct,  will  doubtless  be  some  compensation  for  the  great  sacrifices, 


J3T.58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  459 

as  claiming  their  attention,  particularly  a  provision  for 
the  common  defence,  laws  for  naturalizing  foreigners, 
a  uniformity  in  the  currency,  weights,  and  measures, 
the  encouragement  of  agriculture,  commerce,  and  man 
ufactures,  the  promotion  of  science  and  literature,  and 
an  effective  system  for  the  support  of  public  credit. 

To  the  difficulties  involved  in  this  last  subject  may 
indeed  be  traced  the  primary  causes  of  the  constitution, 
and  it  had  already  attracted  the  notice  of  the  national 
legislature.  The  former  session  had  necessarily  been 
consumed  in  framing  laws  for  putting  the  new  govern 
ment  in  operation;  but,  a  few  days  before  its  close,  a 
resolution  was  passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives, 
in  which  it  was  declared  that  an  adequate  provision 
for  the  support  of  public  credit  was  essential  to  the 

which  I  know  he  has  made.  Indeed,  on  his  journey  from  Mount  Vernon 
to  this  place,  in  his  late  tour  through  the  Eastern  States,  by  every  public 
and  every  private  information  which  has  come  to  him,  I  am  persuaded 
he  has  experienced  nothing  to  make  him  repent  his  having  acted  from 
what  he  conceived  to  be  a  sense  of  indispensable  duty.  On  the  contrary, 
all  his  sensibility  has  been  awakened  in  receiving  such  repeated  and 
unequivocal  proofs  of  sincere  regard  from  his  countrymen. 

"  With  respect  to  myself,  I  sometimes  think  the  arrangement  is  not 
quite  as  it  ought  to  have  been,  that  I,  who  had  much  rather  be  at  home, 
should  occupy  a  place,  with  which  a  great  many  younger  and  gayer 
women  would  be  extremely  pleased.  As  my  grandchildren  and  domestic 
connexions  make  up  a  great  portion  of  the  felicity,  which  I  looked  for  in 
this  world,  I  shall  hardly  be  able  to  find  any  substitute,  that  will  indem 
nify  me  for  the  loss  of  a  part  of  such  endearing  society.  I  do  not  say 
this  because  I  feel  dissatisfied  with  my  present  station,  for  everybody 
and  every  thing  conspire  to  make  me  as  contented  as  possible  in  it ;  yet 
I  have  learned  too  much  of  the  vanity  of  human  affairs  to  expect  felicity 
from  the  scenes  of  public  life.  I  am  still  determined  to  be  cheerful  and 
happy  in  whatever  situation  I  may  be  ;  for  I  have  also  learned  from  expe 
rience,  that  the  greater  part  of  our  happiness  or  misery  depends  on  our 
dispositions,  and  not  on  our  circumstances.  We  carry  the  seeds  of  the 
one  or  the  other  about  with  us  in  our  minds  wherever  we  go. 

"I  have  two  of  my  grandchildren  with  me,  who  enjoy  advantages  in 
point  of  education,  and  who,  I  trust,  by  the  goodness  of  Providence,  will 
be  a  great  blessing  to  me.  My  other  two  grandchildren  are  with  their 
mother  in  Virginia."  —  New  York,  December  26th,  1789. 


460  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1790. 

national  honor  and  prosperity,  and  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  was  directed  to  prepare  a  plan  for  the  pur 
pose,  and  report  it  to  the  house  at  the  next  session. 
The  national  debt  had  its  origin  chiefly  in  the  Revolu 
tion.  It  was  of  two  kinds,  foreign  and  domestic.  The 
foreign  debt  amounted  to  nearly  twelve  millions  of 
dollars,  and  was  due  to  France,  the  Hollanders,  and 
a  very  small  part  to  Spain.  The  domestic  debt,  due 
to  individuals  in  the  United  States  for  loans  to  the 
government  and  supplies  furnished  to  the  army,  was 
about  forty-two  millions.  These  debts  had  been  con 
tracted  by  Congress,  and  were  acknowledged  to  be  a 
national  charge.  There  was  another  description  of 
debts,  amounting  by  estimate  to  about  twenty-five 
millions  of  dollars,  which  rested  on  a  different  footing. 
The  States  individually  had  constructed  works  of  de 
fence  within  their  respective  limits,  advanced  pay  and 
bounties  to  Continental  troops  and  militia,  and  supplied 
provisions,  clothing,  and  munitions  of  war.  The  sec 
retary  proposed,  that  all  the  domestic  debts,  including 
those  of  the  particular  States,  should  be  funded,  and 
that  the  nation  should  become  responsible  for  their 
payment  to  the  full  amount. 

The  report  was  able,  perspicuous,  and  comprehen 
sive,  embracing  a  complete  view  of  the  subject,  and 
containing  arguments  of  great  cogency  in  support  of 
the  plan  suggested.  As  to  the  foreign  debt,  there  was 
no  question  in  the  mind  of  any  one,  that  it  ought  to  be 
discharged  according  to  the  strict  letter  of  the  con 
tracts,  but  in  regard  to  the  domestic  debts  a  difference 
of  opinion  prevailed.  The  secretary  endeavoured  to 
prove,  that  no  distinction  should  be  admitted,  that  the 
expenditures  had  all  been  made  for  national  objects, 
and  that  in  equity  the  public  faith  was  solemnly  pledged 
for  their  reimbursement.  The  obligation  was  increased 


jE-r.58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  461 

by  their  being  "the  price  of  liberty,"  without  which 
the  nation  itself  could  never  have  attained  an  inde 
pendent  existence.  He  argued  that  the  policy  of  the 
measure  was  not  less  obvious  than  its  justice,  that 
public  credit  was  essential  to  the  support  of  government 
under  any  form,  and  that  this  could  be  maintained  only 
by  good  faith  in  all  transactions,  and  by  honorably  fulfil 
ling  engagements.  Who  would  confide  in  a  govern 
ment,  that  had  refused  to  pay  its  debts,  or  respect  a 
nation  that  had  shown  a  disregard  to  the  principles, 
which  constitute  the  cement  of  every  well-ordered  com 
munity  ? 

When  the  report  was  considered  in  Congress,  it  gave 
rise  to  warm  and  protracted  debates.  The  opponents 
of  the  secretary's  plan  were  not  without  plausible  rea 
sons.  As  to  the  debt  contracted  by  Congress,  it  was 
said  that  the  usual  maxims  could  not  properly  be  ap 
plied.  The  evidences  of  this  debt  consisted  in  a 
paper  currency  and  certificates,  which,  as  there  was  no 
gold  or  silver,  the  creditors  were  from  the  necessity  of 
the  case  obliged  to  take.  This  paper  had  in  most 
cases  passed  through  many  hands,  and  was  immensely 
depreciated  below  its  nominal  value.  The  original 
creditors,  therefore,  and  the  subsequent  holders,  had 
lost  in  proportion  to  the  scale  of  depreciation.  Hence 
the  proposal  to  assume  the  whole  debt,  as  it  stood  on 
the  face  of  the  paper,  and  pay  it  to  the  present  holders, 
was  said  to  be  inequitable,  inasmuch  as  these  had  pur 
chased  it  at  the  depreciated  value,  and  had  no  claim 
to  be  remunerated  for  the  losses  of  the  previous  holders. 

Mr.  Madison  proposed  a  discrimination,  by  which  the 
purchasers  should  be  paid  a  certain  portion,  and  the 
original  holders  the  remainder.  This  was  objected  to 
as  unjust  and  impracticable.  By  the  form  and  tenor 
of  the  certificates,  the  debt  was  made  payable  to  the 

MM* 


462  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1790 

original  creditor  or  bearer.  On  these  terms  they  had 
been  sold,  and  the  sellers  had  relinquished  all  their 
claims  to  the  purchasers  for  what  was  deemed  an 
equivalent.  When  the  transfers  were  made,  it  was 
understood  by  both  parties  to  be  on  this  principle,  and 
the  purchaser  took  the  risk  of  eventual  payment.  It 
was  clear,  also,  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  make  the 
discrimination,  except  to  a  limited  extent  and  in  a 
partial  manner,  since  the  numerous  transfers  of  the 
original  creditors  could  not  be  ascertained  and  exam 
ined  ;  and  even  at  best  no  provision  was  offered  for 
the  losses  of  the  intermediate  holders  by  the  gradual 
depreciation.  After  a  long  debate  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  this  scheme  was  rejected. 

Next  came  up  the  State  debts ;  and  the  proposition 
to  assume  them  created  still  greater  divisions  and  heats 
in  Congress,  and  much  excitement  abroad.  It  brought 
into  action  all  the  local  prejudices  and  high-toned  doc 
trines  of  State  rights  and  State  sovereignty,  which  had 
been  so  heavy  a  stumblingblock  in  the  way  of  union  and 
concord  from  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution.  The 
debts  of  the  respective  States  were  very  unequal  in 
amount.  This  led  to  an  investigation  of  the  services 
rendered  by  each,  and  to  invidious  comparisons.  The 
project  was  opposed  as  unconstitutional  and  unjust. 
Congress,  it  was  said,  had  no  power  to  take  this  burden 
upon  the  nation.  Such  an  assumption  of  power  was 
moreover  an  encroachment  upon  the  sovereignty  of 
the  States,  tending  to  diminish  their  importance,  and 
lead  to  a  consolidation  destructive  of  the  republican 
system.  Each  State  was  responsible  for  the  debts  it 
had  contracted,  and  there  was  no  reason  for  taxing 
those  States,  which  owed  little,  to  pay  a  portion  of  the 
large  debt  of  others. 

It  was  argued  in  reply,  that,  as  the  expenditures  had 


jET.58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  463 

all  been  for  the  common  cause  of  the  nation,  they  came 
strictly  within  the  legitimate  control  of  Congress ;  and 
also,  as  the  constitution  had  transferred  to  the  national 
legislature  the  entire  power  of  raising  funds  from  duties 
on  imports  and  the  sales  of  public  lands,  the  principal 
sources  of  revenue,  it  was  just  that  the  debts  should  be 
paid  out  of  these  funds.  The  States  could  pay  them, 
only  by  excise  duties,  or  direct  taxes,  which  would  be 
odious  to  the  people  and  difficult  to  collect.  In  any 
event  there  must  be  long  delays,  and  much  uncertainty 
as  to  the  result.  The  creditors  had  a  right  to  claim  more 
prompt  payment,  and  better  security  from  the  nation. 

At  last  the  secretary's  plan  for  funding  all  the  do 
mestic  debts  was  carried  by  a  small  majority  in  both 
houses  of  Congress.  In  regard  to  the  State  debts, 
however,  the  original  proposition  was  modified.  The 
specific  sum  of  twenty-one  millions  and  a  half  of  dol 
lars  was  assumed,  and  apportioned  among  the  States 
in  a  proximate  ratio  to  the  amount  of  the  debts  of  each. 
An  act  was  passed  by  which  the  whole  of  the  domestic 
debt  became  a  loan  to  the  nation.  It  was  made  redeem 
able  at  various  times,  and  at  various  rates  of  interest. 

One  of  the  principal  arguments  for  funding  the  debt, 
in  addition  to  that  of  its  equity,  was  the  advantage  that 
would  be  derived  from  it  as  an  active  capital  for  imme 
diate  use.  Sustained  by  the  credit  of  the  nation,  bear 
ing  interest  and  redeemable  at  certain  times,  the  paper 
securities  of  the  government  would  have  a  permanent 
value  in  the  market,  and  thus  be  a  spur  to  enterprise, 
and  increase  the  prosperity  of  the  country  in  its  agri 
culture,  manufactures,  and  commerce.  All  that  was 
anticipated  from  the  funding  system,  in  these  respects, 
was  realized.  Politically  considered,  however,  it  had 
an  unhappy  influence.  It  widened  the  breach  of  par 
ties,  produced  irritations,  and  excited  animosities.  Nor 


464  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [1790. 

was  it  to  be  expected  that  the  adversaries  of  the  plan, 
and  these  a  large  minority,  would  readily  change  their 
opinion  after  the  strenuous  opposition  they  had  shown, 
or  cease  from  their  hostility.  The  President  expressed 
no  sentiments  on  the  subject  while  it  was  under  debate 
b  Congress,  but  he  approved  the  act  for  funding  the 
public  debt,  and  was  undoubtedly,  from  conviction,  a 
decided  friend  to  the  measure. 

Another  important  point,  upon  which  Congress  under 
the  old  Confederation  had  been  for  a  long  time  divided, 
was  settled  in  the  course  of  this  session.  Local  inter 
ests,  and  other  considerations,  made  it  difficult  to  agree 
on  the  place  for  the  permanent  seat  of  government. 
It  was  at  length  determined,  that  it  should  be  re 
moved  for  ten  years  to  Philadelphia,  and  then  be 
established  at  some  place  on  the  Potomac  River.  Ul 
timately  the  position  was  selected,  which  has  since  been 
called  the  District  of  Columbia;  and  the  territory  was 
surveyed,  the  city  planned,  and  the  public  buildings 
commenced,  under  the  direction  of  Washington,  this 
duty  devolving  on  him  as  President.  For  three  or  four 
years  it  occupied  a  great  deal  of  his  attention ;  and,  in 
compliance  with  the  laws,  he  appointed  commissioners 
for  managing  the  business,  with  whom  he  carried  on  a 
voluminous  correspondence,  giving  personal  directions, 
and  requiring  exact  accounts  of  all  proceedings. 

Rhode  Island  having  adopted  the  constitution,  and 
acceded  to  the  Union,  the  President  made  a  visit  to 
that  State  immediately  after  the  session  of  Congress. 
In  his  eastern  tour  he  had  avoided  going  to  Rhode 
Island,  because  it  had  not  then  joined  the  Union  under 
the  new  government. 

Another  severe  disease,  and  constant  application  to 
business,  had  much  impaired  his  health ;  and  he  deter 
mined  to  take  advantage  of  the  recess  of  Congress, 


jEx.58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  466 

throw  off  for  a  brief  space  the  burden  of  public  cares, 
and  seek  repose  and  recreation  in  his  own  quiet  home 
at  Mount  Vernon.  He  always  returned  to  that  spot 
with  delight ;  and  it  was  now  doubly  dear  to  him,  as  it 
promised  rest  from  labor,  refreshment  to  his  weary  spirit 
and  debilitated  body,  and  a  few  days  of  leisure  to  ride 
over  his  farms,  view  his  gardens,  orchards,  and  fields, 
and  observe  the  progress  of  his  agricultural  operations. 

The  foreign  relations  of  the  United  States,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  new  government,  though  not  compli 
cated,  were  nevertheless  in  an  unsettled  condition. 
With  France  there  was  a  good  understanding,  the 
treaties  of  alliance  and  commerce  having  been  scru 
pulously  fulfilled  on  both  sides.  The  revolutionary 
disorders,  however,  soon  broke  out,  and  produced  dis 
agreements,  alienation,  and  trouble. 

With  Morocco  a  sort  of  informal  treaty  existed,  and 
Washington  wrote  two  letters  to  the  Emperor,  who 
had  received  American  vessels  into  his  ports,  and  prom 
ised  his  aid  to  conciliate  the  Barbary  powers.  This 
promise  was  unavailing.  The  Algerines  had  seized 
vessels  belonging  to  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and 
held  the  officers  and  sailors  in  bondage  for  several  years. 

The  government  stood  in  a  more  delicate  relation 
to  England,  than  to  any  other  power.  The  old  feuds 
and  bitter  feelings  of  the  war  subsided  slowly.  All 
attempts  to  bring  about  a  treaty  of  commerce  between 
the  two  countries  had  failed.  The  British  cabinet, 
probably  distrusting  the  stability  of  the  Union  under 
the  old  Confederation,  had  shown  no  disposition  to 
enter  into  a  treaty  of  this  sort,  and  had  never  sent  a 
minister  to  the  United  States.  The  military  posts  on 
the  frontiers  had  not  been  given  up,  as  was  stipulated  in 
the  treaty  of  peace.  The  reason  assigned,  that  some 

VOL.  i.  59 


466  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1790. 

of  the  States  had  refused  to  pay  the  debts  due  to  Brit 
ish  subjects,  which  they  were  likewise  bound  to  do  by 
the  treaty,  was  plausible,  and  perhaps  well  founded. 
Congress  had  but  a  limited  power  to  enforce  a  com 
pliance  with  treaties ;  and  it  was  natural  in  such  a  case, 
that  other  nations  should  be  tardy  in  making  them. 
This  state  of  things  being  altered  by  the  constitution, 
President  Washington  thought  it  desirable  to  ascertain 
the  views  and  intentions  of  the  British  government,  in 
regard  to  complying  with  the  treaty  of  peace,  and  to 
future  intercourse.  To  attain  this  end  he  commissioned 
Gouverneur  Morris  as  a  private  agent  to  hold  conver 
sations  with  the  British  ministers,  deeming  it  of  great 
importance,  as  he  said,  that  errors  should  be  avoided  in 
/-he  system  of  policy  respecting  Great  Britain. 

Affairs  with  Spain  were  yet  more  unpromising.  At 
t'he  outset  of  the  Revolution,  his  Catholic  Majesty,  yield 
ing  to  the  solicitations  of  France,  seemed  to  abet  the 
American  cause;  but  he  soon  changed  his  mind,  re 
fused  to  join  with  France  in  acknowledging  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States,  even  when  he  declared 
war  against  England,  and  gave  his  sanction  to  the  treaty 
of  peace  with  no  good  will.  He  feared  the  effect,  and 
•not  without  reason,  which  the  example  of  the  northern 
republicans  might  have  upon  his  colonies  in  South  Amer 
ica.  A  negotiation  had  been  going  on,  tedious  as  it 
was  unprofitable,  down  to  the  time  of  Washington's 
election  to  the  Presidency,  but  no  apparent  progress 
had  been  made.  The  Floridas  and  Louisiana  belonged 
to  Spain.  The  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  the 
great  point  of  controversy.  This  was  essential  to  the 
settlers  in  the  West,  and  was  becoming  every  day  more 
and  more  so  on  account  of  the  rapid  increase  of  the 
population.  Spain  persisted  in  withholding  all  rights 
and  privileges  in  that  navigation  from  citizens  of  the 


Mt.58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  467 

United  States.  There  were  various  grounds  of  policy 
for  this  refusal,  but  probably  the  most  operative  was  a 
secret  hope,  that  the  western  inhabitants,  weary  of  these 
obstacles  to  their  commerce,  and  dissatisfied  with  the 
national  government  for  not  removing  them,  might 
sooner  or  later  dissever  themselves  from  the  Union, 
and  form  a  separate  republic,  which  would  easily  fall 
under  the  control  of  Spain. 

Other  circumstances,  growing  out  of  the  relations 
with  England  and  Spain,  were  extremely  injurious  to 
the  interests  of  the  country.  During  the  war,  the  In 
dians  on  the  borders  of  the  United  States  had  almost 
everywhere  been  allied  with  the  enemy.  When  peace 
came,  it  found  them  in  the  attitude  of  hostility,  their 
savage  spirit  roused,  and  their  vindictive  tempers  eager 
for  slaughter  and  revenge ;  and  the  United  States  were 
left  to  appease  and  conciliate  them  as  they  could.  In 
any  case  this  would  have  been  an  arduous  task,  but 
the  difficulty  was  soon  perceived  to  be  increased  by  a 
foreign  influence,  keeping  alive  their  enmity,  and  stim 
ulating  them  to  acts  of  outrage.  British  agents  and 
traders  on  the  northern  frontier  furnished  the  Indians 
with  arms,  ammunition,  and  clothing.  In  Florida  the 
Spaniards  tampered  with  the  Creeks  and  other  South 
ern  Indians,  and  kept  them  at  variance  with  their  white 
neighbours.  These  acts  were  not  acknowledged,  pos 
sibly  not  authorized,  by  the  English  and  Spanish  gov 
ernments,  but  they  were  certainly  not  restrained,  and 
they  were  repeated  long  after  full  representations  had 
been  made. 

The  effect  was  a  protracted  and  expensive  war. 
Washington's  policy  in  regard  to  the  Indians  was 
always  pacific  and  humane.  He  considered  them  as 
children,  who  should  be  treated  with  tenderness  and 
forbearance.  He  aimed  to  conciliate  them  by  good 


468  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1790. 

usage,  to  obtain  their  lands  by  fair  purchase  and  punc 
tual  payments,  to  make  treaties  with  them  on  terms 
of  equity  and  reciprocal  advantage,  and  strictly  to  re 
deem  every  pledge.  In  these  respects  he  looked  upon 
the  Indian  tribes  as  holding  the  same  rank  and  the 
same  rights  as  civilized  nations.  But  their  faithless 
ness,  ravages,  and  murders  were  not  to  be  tolerated, 
from  whatever  causes  they  arose.  After  failing  in  every 
attempt  at  a  pacification,  he  was  convinced  that  war 
was  the  only  alternative.  It  continued  four  or  five 
years,  with  many  vicissitudes  of  misfortune  and  dis 
aster,  the  defeats  of  Harmar  and  St.  Clair,  unsuccessful 
campaigns,  and  much  waste  of  blood  and  treasure,  till 
General  Wayne  put  an  end  to  it,  first  by  a  battle,  and 
then  by  a  treaty  of  peace.  This  war  lasted  through 
a  large  part  of  Washington's  administration.  It  was 
a  source  of  regret  and  pain  to  him,  on  account  both 
of  its  cause,  the  necessity  of  subduing  by  force  the 
turbulence  of  an  ignorant  and  deluded  race  of  men, 
and  of  the  heavy  charge  it  imposed  on  the  nation  for 
maintaining  an  army. 

Congress  commenced  their  third  session  at  Phila 
delphia,  and  the  President  returned  from  Mount  Ver- 
non  to  that  city,  where  he  afterwards  resided  till  the 
term  of  his  office  expired.  The  debates  of  this  session 
were  scarcely  less  vehement,  or  less  deeply  tinged  with 
party  antipathies,  than  those  of  the  preceding.  Two 
important  measures  were  brought  forward,  discussed, 
and  adopted;  a  national  bank,  and  a  tax  on  ardent 
spirits  distilled  in  the  United  States. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had  previously  rec 
ommended  a  national  bank,  as  of  great  utility  in  ad 
ministering  the  finances  of  the  country,  and  facilitating 
the  operations  for  the  support  of  public  credit.  He 
now  called  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  subject  by 


JE-r.  58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  469 

a  special  report,  in  which  his  views  were  explained 
with  the  same  perspicuity  and  vigor  of  argument,  which 
marked  every  thing  that  came  from  his  pen.  The  pro 
ject  met  with  a  strong  opposition.  It  was  attacked 
chiefly  on  the  ground  of  its  being  unconstitutional. 
Much  was  said  of  the  express,  incidental,  and  implied 
powers  conferred  on  Congress  by  the  constitution ;  and 
it  was  averred,  that  none  of  these,  nor  all  of  them 
together,  authorized  the  incorporating  of  a  bank.  Its 
policy  was  questioned,  and  the  utility  of  banking  sys 
tems  denied.  To  this  it  was  answered,  that  such  in 
cidental  powers  must  necessarily  belong  to  every  form 
of  government,  as  will  enable  it  to  carry  into  effect  the 
positive  and  vested  powers,  and  to  employ  all  the  usual 
means  for  that  purpose ;  and  that  a  construction  of  the 
constitution  according  to  this  fundamental  principle  fairly 
included  the  means  afforded  by  a  bank,  to  which  almost 
all  commercial  nations  had  resorted,  and  the  advantages 
of  which  had  been  proved  by  long  experience.  The 
arguments  were  somewhat  metaphysical  and  attenuated 
on  both  sides ;  and  indeed  the  attempt  to  define  what 
is  intended  or  implied  by  a  written  instrument,  on 
points  about  which  it  says  nothing,  must  naturally  lead 
to  abstractions  little  suited  to  enlighten  or  convince. 
No  other  rule  of  interpretation  would  seem  to  be  ap 
plicable  in  practice,  than  that  a  proposed  measure  shall 
contribute  to  the  public  good,  and  not  contravene  any 
express  power.  The  contest  ended  in  the  establish 
ment  of  a  bank,  with  a  capital  of  ten  millions  of  dollars, 
of  which  eight  millions  were  to  be  held  by  individuals, 
and  the  residue  by  the  government. 

On  this  subject  the  cabinet  was  divided,  Jefferson 
and  Randolph  being  opposed  to  the  bank  as  unconsti 
tutional,  and  Hamilton  and  Knox  of  a  contrary  opinion. 
The  President  requested  from  each  a  statement  of 

VOL.  I.  NN 


470  LIFE    OP    WASHINGTON.  [1791. 

his  reasons  in  writing,  and  he  is  understood  to  have  re 
flected  deeply,  and  deliberated  even  with  more  than 
his  usual  caution,  before  he  affixed  his  signature  to 
the  act. 

The  object  of  the  tax  on  distilled  spirits  was  to  pro 
vide  a  fund  for  paying  the  interest  on  a  portion  of  the 
domestic  debt.  The  duties  on  imports  were  said  to 
be  strained  as  far  as  they  would  bear,  without  injury 
to  commerce,  and  perhaps  to  the  revenue  by  holding 
out  a  temptation  to  smuggling ;  and,  as  a  new  tax  must 
be  laid  somewhere,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
thought  it  could  fall  on  no  commodity  less  objection 
able  than  ardent  spirits  distilled  in  the  country.  The 
tax  was  opposed  as  impolitic  and  unequal  in  its  appli 
cation.  It  was  branded  as  an  odious  excise,  hostile  to 
liberty,  the  collecting  of  which  would  inflame  the  peo 
ple,  and  lead  to  evasions  and  perhaps  to  resistance. 
It  was  unequal,  because  distilling  was  practised  mostly 
in  the  West,  and  a  few  limited  districts  in  other  parts. 
This  argument  was  more  specious  than  sound,  since 
the  consumers  would  actually  pay  the  tax ;  but  it  was 
vehemently  urged  by  some  of  the  representatives. 
The  bill  was  carried,  and  was  more  remarkable  for  its 
consequences,  than  for  its  characteristics  as  a  legisla 
tive  act,  in  whatever  light  it  may  be  viewed. 

The  President  had  fixed  on  the  next  recess  of  Con 
gress  for  a  tour  through  the  southern  States.  He  set 
off  about  the  middle  of  March,  and  was  gone  three 
months,  performing  in  that  time  a  journey  of  eighteen 
hundred  and  eighty-seven  miles  with  the  same  horses. 
His  route  was  through  Richmond,  Wilmington,  and 
Charleston,  as  far  as  Savannah ;  whence  he  returned  by 
way  of  Augusta,  Columbia,  and  the  interior  of  North 
Carolina  and  Virginia.  Before  leaving  home,  he  had 
ascertained  with  great  accuracy  the  distances  between 


.ET.59.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  471 

one  place  and  another,  settled  the  precise  day  upon 
which  he  should  arrive  at  each,  and  the  length  of  time 
he  should  stop.  Not  a  single  accident  occurred ;  and 
with  such  exactness  and  method  had  his  calculations 
been  made,  that  his  original  plan  was  executed  in  every 
particular,  except  that  he  stayed  one  day  more  in  one 
place  than  he  intended,  and  one  day  less  in  another. 
He  everywhere  received  the  same  proofs  of  respect 
and  attachment,  which  had  been  manifested  in  his 
travels  through  the  middle  and  eastern  States. 

The  principal  laws  passed  at  the  next  session  were 
those  for  apportioning  the  representatives,  establishing  a 
uniform  militia  system,  and  increasing  the  army.  The 
constitution  had  prescribed,  that  the  representatives  in 
the  national  legislature  should  be  apportioned  among 
the  several  States  according  to  the  respective  numbers 
of  their  population,  but  that  the  whole  number  of 
representatives  should  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty 
thousand.  When  the  new  apportionment  bill  was 
proposed,  it  was  found  that  no  ratio  could  be  chosen, 
which  would  not  leave  large  fractions  to  some  of  the 
States.  For  instance,  if  thirty  thousand  were  taken 
as  the  ratio,  there  would  be  an  unrepresented  surplus 
of  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand,  more  or  less,  in  some 
of  the  States.  To  remedy  this  imperfection,  a  bill  was 
introduced  and  passed,  which  fixed  the  ratio  at  thirty 
thousand.  The  total  population  was  divided  by  this 
ratio,  which  gave  one  hundred  and  twenty  as  the  whole 
number  of  representatives.  But  this  included  the  sum 
of  all  the  fractions ;  and,  after  apportioning  to  each  State 
one  representative  for  every  thirty  thousand,  the  residu 
ary  members,  to  make  the  whole  number  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty,  were  distributed  among  the  States  in  which 
the  fractions  were  the  largest.  The  President  decided, 
that  this  bill  did  not  conform  to  the  constitution,  it 


472  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1791. 

being  obvious  that  the  ratio  was  meant  to  apply  to  the 
States  individually,  and  not  to  the  aggregate  amount 
of  population  in  them  all.  He  therefore  returned  the 
bill  to  Congress,  with  his  reasons  for  not  affixing  his 
signature.  A  new  bill  was  then  framed  and  approved, 
fixing  the  ratio  at  thirty-three  thousand,  and  throwing 
out  the  fractions. 

The  subject  derived  an  importance  from  the  spirit 
of  party,  and  local  jealousies,  which  entered  into  the 
discussion.  Many  of  the  members  were  strenuous  for 
as  large  a  representation  as  possible,  by  which  the 
rights  of  the  States  would  be  better  preserved,  and  a 
check  afforded  to  the  undue  increase  of  executive 
power.  The  bill  for  the  increase  of  the  army  was 
opposed  on  the  same  grounds.  It  would  enlarge  the 
executive  patronage,  which  might  ultimately  be  adverse 
to  liberty,  and  a  greater  evil  than  the  Indian  war,  for 
the  prosecution  of  which  the  army  was  wanted. 

It  became  evident,  indeed,  from  many  indications, 
both  in  Congress  and  abroad,  that  the  advocates  for 
different  measures  were  fast  arranging  themselves  into 
two  distinct  parties,  the  administration  and  its  friends 
on  one  side,  and  its  opponents  on  the  other.  In  the 
first  place,  they  who  had  opposed  the  constitution  would 
naturally  have  their  prejudices  arrayed  against  it  when 
put  in  practice,  and  be  ready  to  find  fault  with  any 
system  by  which  this  was  effected.  Again,  all  those 
who  had  watched  with  solicitude  over  the  rights  of  the 
States,  and  believed  these  in  danger,  would  be  prepared 
to  see  the  fulfilment  of  their  predictions  in  the  acts  of 
the  general  government,  however  administered.  If  to 
these  we  add  the  bias  of  personal  feelings,  the  influence 
of  the  passions,  an  unlimited  freedom  of  speech,  and 
the  tendency  of  opposition  to  beget  opposition,  we  shall 
have  abundant  materials  for  creating  parties  and  aliment 


^E'r.  59.J  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  473 

for  their  support.  And,  as  parties  gain  strength  by 
union,  it  was  easy  for  these  elements,  at  first  discordant, 
gradually  to  assimilate.  Nor  need  we  question  the  mo 
tives  of  any  individual  or  class  of  men.  It  is  fair  to 
presume,  that,  at  this  stage  of  our  political  progress, 
there  was  as  much  patriotism  and  sincerity  on  both 
sides  as  at  any  other  period.  It  is  true,  that,  when  a 
man  gives  himself  up  to  a  party,  he  is  apt  to  forget  his 
country ;  yet  in  all  free  communities  there  must  be  par 
ties,  and  every  man  must  belong  to  one  or  another, 
so  that  his  motives  should  be  judged  by  his  conduct 
and  character,  rather  than  by  the  side  he  takes.  The 
necessity  of  parties  is  not  identical  with  their  abuse. 
The  former  is  the  safeguard  of  liberty,  the  latter  its  bane. 
If  the  people  would  enjoy  the  one,  they  must  be  en 
lightened  enough  to  perceive  and  virtuous  enough  to 
correct  the  other. 

But  this  is  not  the  place  to  examine  into  the  origin 
or  principles  of  the  two  great  parties,  which  at  that  time 
began  to  divide  the  country,  and  which  have  continued 
ever  since,  with  such  modifications  as  have  sprung  from 
events  and  circumstances.  It  needs  only  to  be  said,  that 
they  were  viewed  with  deep  regret  by  Washington,  and 
with  a  painful  apprehension  of  their  effects.  Conscious 
of  acting  with  the  single  aim  of  administering  the  gov 
ernment  for  the  best  interests  and  happiness  of  the 
people,  he  was  mortified  to  find  his  endeavours  thwarted 
at  every  step  by  party  discords  and  personal  enmities 
among  those,  who  controlled  public  opinion  by  their 
standing  and  talents,  and  on  whose  aid  he  relied.  It 
was  not  in  Congress  alone,  that  these  jarrings  occurred. 
They  crept  into  the  cabinet,  disturbing  its  harmony,  and 
dividing  its  counsels. 

He  had  for  some  time  been  aware  of  a  radical  differ 
ence  of  opinion  between  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the 

VOL.  I.  60  NN* 


474 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1792. 


Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  on  some  of  the  most  impor 
tant  measures  of  the  administration.  The  causes  were 
deeply  seated.  Hamilton  regarded  the  Constitution  as 
affording  inadequate  powers  to  the  general  government, 
and  believed  its  weakness  to  be  its  greatest  defect. 
Hence  he  thought  its  success  could  be  hoped  for  only 
by  construing  and  administering  it  in  such  a  manner,  as 
would  add  the  greatest  degree  of  strength  to  the  ex 
ecutive.  Jefferson's  sentiments  and  fears  ran  in  an 
opposite  direction.  To  him  it  appeared,  that  there  was 
too  much  power  in  the  head,  that  the  exercise  of  the 
executive  authority  ought  to  be  restrained,  and  that  the 
rights  of  States  and  the  liberty  of  the  people  were  in 
jeopardy.  The  funding  system,  the  assumption  of  the 
State  debts,  the  bank,  and  the  tax  on  domestic  spirits, 
were  all  at  variance  with  his  principles. 

These  measures  originated  with  Hamilton,  and  con 
stituted  the  prominent  features  of  the   administration. 
The   ability  with  which   they  had   been  planned,  and 
their  success,  contributed  to  elevate  their  author  in  the 
public  estimation,  which,  to  say  the  least,  could  not  be 
supposed  to  gratify  the  feelings  of  his  colleague,  es 
pecially  as   he  looked  upon  the  measures  themselves 
to  be  wrong  and   fraught   with   mischief;   nor   could 
it  be   expected,  that   the   two  secretaries  would   har 
monize  in  devising  the  means  of  carrying  them  into 
execution.     It  should  be  stated,  nevertheless,  that  Jef 
ferson  discharged  the  duties  of  his  office  to  the  entire 
satisfaction  of  the  President.     Though  differing  in  opin 
ion  from  the  majority  of  the  cabinet,  he  did  not  allow 
his  private  views  to  influence  his  conduct  as  a  member 
of  that  council,  or  as  holding  a  responsible  station  in  the 
government.     Nothing  more,  perhaps,  could  reasonably 
be  required  of  him,  under  the  circumstances  in  which 
he  was  placed ;  yet,  as  it  regarded  the  success  of  the 


yET.60.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  475 

administration,  a  reluctant  performance  of  duty  was  far 
from  being  the  same  thing  as  the  cordial  and  vigorous 
support  of  a  willing  mind.  In  all  respects,  therefore, 
these  disagreements  were  unpropitious,  embarrassing  to 
the  President,  and  injurious  to  the  public  welfare. 

The  deep  anxiety  he  felt  on  this  subject,  his  ardent 
desire  to  heal  the  breach,  and  the  means  he  took  to 
accomplish  it,  will  appear  in  the  following  extract  from  a 
letter,  which  he  wrote  to  Jefferson. 

"  How  unfortunate,  and  how  much  to  be  regretted  is 
it,  that,  while  we  are  encompassed  on  all  sides  with 
avowed  enemies  and  insidious  friends,  internal  dis 
sensions  should  be  harrowing  and  tearing  our  vitals. 
The  latter,  to  me,  is  the  most  serious,  the  most  alarm 
ing,  and  the  most  afflicting  of  the  two;  and,  without 
more  charity  for  the  opinions  and  acts  of  one  another 
in  governmental  matters,  or  some  more  infallible  crite 
rion  by  which  the  truth  of  speculative  opinions,  before 
they  have  undergone  the  test  of  experience,  are  to  be 
forejudged,  than  has  yet  fallen  to  the  lot  of  fallibility, 
I  believe  it  will  be  difficult,  if  not  impracticable,  to 
manage  the  reins  of  government,  or  to  keep  the  parts 
of  it  together;  for  if,  instead  of  laying  our  shoulders 
to  the  machine  after  measures  are  decided  on,  one 
pulls  this  way  and  another  that,  before  the  utility  of 
the  thing  is  fairly  tried,  it  must  inevitably  be  torn 
asunder;  and  in  my  opinion  the  fairest  prospect  of 
happiness  and  prosperity,  that  ever  was  presented  to 
man,  will  be  lost  perhaps  for  ever. 

"My  earnest  wish  and  my  fondest  hope,  therefore, 
is,  that,  instead  of  wounding  suspicions  and  irritating 
charges,  there  may  be  liberal  allowances,  mutual  for 
bearances,  and  temporizing  yieldings  on  all  sides.  Un 
der  the  exercise  of  these,  matters  will  go  on  smoothly, 
and,  if  possible,  more  prosperously.  Without  them, 


476  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1792. 

every  thing  must  rub ;  the  wheels  of  government  will 
clog ;  our  enemies  will  triumph,  and,  by  throwing  their 
weight  into  the  disaffected  scale,  may  accomplish  the 
ruin  of  the  goodly  fabric  we  have  been  erecting. 

"  I  do  not  mean  to  apply  this  advice,  or  these  obser 
vations,  to  any  particular  person  or  character.  I  have 
given  them  in  the  same  general  terms  to  other  officers 
of  the  government;  because  the  disagreements,  which 
have  arisen  from  difference  of  opinions,  and  the  attacks, 
which  have  been  made  upon  almost  all  the  measures 
of  government,  and  most  of  its  executive  officers,  have 
for  a  long  time  past  filled  me  with  painful  sensations, 
and  cannot  fail,  I  think,  of  producing  unhappy  conse 
quences  at  home  and  abroad." 

He  wrote  likewise  to  Hamilton,  nearly  at  thesfltffS 
time  and  almost  in  the  same  words,  and  added^f"  Dif 
ferences  in  political  opinions  are  as  unavoidable,  as,  to  a 
certain  point,  they  may  perhaps  be  necessary;  but  it 
is  exceedingly  to  be  regretted,  that  subjects  cannot  be 
discussed  with  temper  on  the  one  hand,  or  decisions 
submitted  to  without  having  the  motives,  which  led  to 
them,  improperly  implicated  on  the  other ;  and  this  re 
gret  borders  on  chagrin,  when  we  find  that  men  of 
abilities,  zealous  patriots,  having  the  same  general  ob 
jects  in  view,  and  the  same  upright  intentions  to  prose 
cute  them,  will  not  exercise  more  charity  in  deciding  on 
the  opinions  and  actions  of  one  another.  When  matters 
get  to  such  lengths,  the  natural  inference  is,  that  both 
sides  have  strained  the  cords  beyond  their  bearing,  and 
that  a  middle  course  would  be  found  the  best,  until 
experience  shall  have  decided  on  the  right  way,  or 
(which  is  not  to  be  expected,  because  it  is  denied  to 
mortals,)  there  shall  be  some  infallible  rule  by  which  we 
could  forejudge  events."  fl 

In  another  letter  to  JefCson,  after  again  recommend- 


jEi.  60.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  477 

ing  mutual  forbearance  and  conciliation,  he  said;  "A 
measure  of  this  sort  would  produce  harmony  and  con 
sequent  good  in  our  public  councils.  The  contrary 
will  inevitably  introduce  confusion  and  serious  mis 
chiefs;  and  for  what?  Because  mankind  cannot  think 
alike,  but  would  adopt  different  means  to  attain  the 
same  ends.  For  I  will  frankly  and  solemnly  declare, 
that  I  believe  the  views  of  both  of  you  to  be  pure  and 
well-meant,  and  that  experience  only  will  decide,  with 
respect  to  the  salutariness  of  the  measures,  which  are 
the  subjects  of  dispute.  Why,  then,  when  some  of  the 
best  citizens  in  the  United  States,  men  of  discernment, 
uniform  and  tried  patriots,  who  have  no  sinister  views 
to  promote,  but  are  chaste  in  their  ways  of  thinking  and 
acting,  are  to  be  found,  some  on  one  side  and  some  on 
the  other  of  the  questions,  which  have  caused  these 
agitations,  should  either  of  you  be  so  tenacious  of  your 
opinions,  as  to  make  no  allowances  for  those  of  the 
other?  I  could,  and  indeed  was  about  to  add  more  on 
this  interesting  subject,  but  will  forbear,  at  least  for 
the  present,  after  expressing  a  wish,  that  the  cup, 
which  has  been  presented  to  us,  may  not  be  snatched 
from  our  lips  by  a  discordance  of  action,  when  I  am 
persuaded  there  is  no  discordance  in  your  views.  I 
have  a  great,  a  sincere  esteem  and  regard  for  you  both, 
and  ardently  wish  that  some  line  may  be  marked  out 
by  which  both  of  you  could  walk." 

Unhappily  this  line  was  never  found.  The  two  sec 
retaries  continued  to  diverge  from  each  other,  both  in 
their  political  course  and  their  private  feelings,  till  their 
differences  settled  into  a  personal  enmity,  which  neither 
the  advice  of  friends  could  modify,  nor  time  eradicate. 
This  was  the  more  lamented  by  Washington,  as,  ac 
cording  to  his  own  declaration  and  the  whole  tenor  of 
his  intercourse,  he  had  a  sincere  attachment  to  both 


478  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1792. 

of  them  and  confidence  in  their  patriotic  intentions,  and 
as  he  foresaw  the  fatal  consequences,  which  might  re 
sult  from  a  heated  strife  between  men,  whose  talents 
and  political  consideration  gave  them  so  commanding 
an  influence  over  the  public  will.* 

*  The  letters  of  Hamilton  and  Jefferson  on  this  subject,  and  the  merits 
of  their  controversy  as  explained  by  themselves,  may  be  seen  in  Vol 
ume  X.  p.  515,  Appendix. 


;ET.60.J  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  479 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Washington  is  elected  President  for  a  Second  Term.  —  Takes  the  Oath 
of  Office.  —  Relations  between  the  United  States  and  France.  —  Opin 
ions  of  the  Cabinet.  —  Proclamation  of  Neutrality.  —  Party  Divisions 
and  Excitements.  —  Genet  received  as  Minister  from  France.  —  His 
extraordinary  Conduct. —  Democratic  Societies. —  Washington's  Opin 
ion  of  these  Societies,  and  on  the  Subject  of  instructing  Representa 
tives. —  Relations  with  England.  —  British  Orders  in  Violation  of  Neu 
tral  Rights.  —  Meeting  of  Congress.  —  The  President  recommends 
Measures  of  Defence.  —  Character  of  Washington  by  Mr.  Fox.  —  Let 
ter  from  Lord  Erskine.  —  Commercial  Affairs.  —  Mr.  Madison's  Com 
mercial  Resolutions.  —  Mr.  Jay  appointed  Envoy  Extraordinary  to  ne 
gotiate  a  Treaty  with  England.  —  Military  Preparations.  —  Insurrection 
in  Pennsylvania.  —  Measures  adopted  by  the  President  for  suppressing 
it.  — Plan  for  redeeming  the  Public  Debt. 

WHEN  the  President's  term  of  office,  as  prescribed 
by  the  Constitution,  was  drawing  to  a  close,  no  little 
anxiety  was  felt  and  expressed,  as  to  his  willingness 
again  to  receive  the  suffrages  of  the  people.  The 
reluctance  with  which  he  had  consented  to  the  first 
election  was  so  great,  that  it  was  feared  he  could  not 
be  prevailed  upon  to  remain  longer  in  public  life.  From 
his  friends  in  different  parts  of  the  country  he  received 
early  communications  on  the  subject,  urging  him  not 
to  decide  hastily,  and,  if  possible,  to  reconcile  himself 
to  a  second  election.  Three  members  of  the  cabinet, 
Jefferson,  Hamilton,  and  Randolph,  each  wrote  to  him 
a  long  letter,  containing  reasons  why  it  was  of  the 
utmost  importance  to  his  own  reputation  and  to  the 
public  interests,  that,  for  the  present  at  least,  he  should 
not  retire. 

Each  of  these  gentlemen  drew  a  picture  of  the  con 
dition  of  the  country,  its  future  prospects,  and  the  state 
of  parties;  and,  although  they  differed  radically  con 
cerning  some  of  the  principal  measures  of  the  adminis- 


480  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1792. 

tration,  they  agreed  in  opinion,  that  the  character,  influ 
ence,  and  steady  hand  of  Washington  were  necessary 
to  secure  the  stability  of  government,  if  not  to  preserve 
the  nation  from  anarchy.  Their  language  is  strong, 
and  shows  the  anxious  concern  with  which  the  crisis 
was  viewed  by  men  of  all  parties. 

"  The  confidence  of  the  whole  Union,"  said  Jefferson, 
"is  centred  in  you.  Your  being  at  the  helm  will  be 
more  than  an  answer  to  every  argument,  which  can  be 
used  to  alarm  and  lead  the  people  in  any  quarter  into 
violence  or  secession.  North  and  south  will  hang  to 
gether,  if  they  have  you  to  hang  on;  and,  if  the  first 
corrective  of  a  numerous  representation  should  fail  in  its 
effect,  your  presence  will  give  time  for  trying  others  not 
inconsistent  with  the  union  and  peace  of  the  States.  I 
am  perfectly  aware  of  the  oppression  under  which  your 
present  office  lays  your  mind,  and  of  the  ardor  with 
which  you  pant  for  retirement  to  domestic  life.  But 
there  is  sometimes  an  eminence  of  character  on  which 
society  have  such  peculiar  claims,  as  to  control  the 
predilection  of  the  individual  for  a  particular  walk  of 
happiness,  and  restrain  him  to  that  alone  arising  from 
the  present  and  future  benedictions  of  mankind.  This 
seems  to  be  your  condition,  and  the  law  imposed  on 
you  by  Providence,  in  forming  your  character,  and  fash 
ioning  the  events  on  which  it  was  to  operate ;  and  it 
is  to  motives  like  these,  and  not  to  personal  anxieties 
of  mine  or  others,  who  have  no  right  to  call  on  you 
for  sacrifices,  that  I  appeal  from  your  former  determi 
nation  and  urge  a  revisal  of  it,  on  the  ground  of  change 
in  the  aspect  of  things.  Should  an  honest  majority 
result  from  the  new  and  enlarged  representation,  should 
those  acquiesce,  whose  principles  or  interests  they  may 
control,  your  wishes  for  retirement  would  be  gratified 
with  less  danger,  as  soon  as  that  shall  be  manifest, 


^ST.  60.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  481 

without  awaiting  the  completion  of  the  second  period 
of  four  years.  One  or  two  sessions  will  determine  the 
crisis  ;  and  I  cannot  but  hope,  that  you  can  resolve 
to  add  one  or  two  more  to  the  many  years  you  have 
already  sacrificed  to  the  good  of  mankind." 

Hamilton  was  equally  strenuous  and  decided.  "  It  is 
clear,"  said  he,  "  that  if  you  continue  in  office,  nothing 
materially  mischievous  is  to  be  apprehended ;  if  you 
quit,  much  is  to  be  dreaded;  that  the  same  motives, 
which  induced  you  to  accept  originally,  ought  to  decide 
you  to  continue  till  matters  have  assumed  a  more  de 
terminate  aspect ;  that  indeed  it  would  have  been  bet 
ter,  as  it  regards  your  own  character,  that  you  had 
never  consented  to  come  forward,  than  now  to  leave 
the  business  unfinished  and  in  danger  of  being  undone ; 
that,  in  the  event  of  storms  arising,  there  would  be  an 
imputation  either  of  want  of  foresight  or  want  of  firm 
ness  ;  and,  in  fine,  that  on  public  and  personal  accounts, 
on  patriotic  and  prudential  considerations,  the  clear  path 
to  be  pursued  by  you  will  be  again  to  obey  the  voice 
of  your  country.  I  trust,  and  I  pray  God,  that  you 
will  determine  to  make  a  further  sacrifice  of  your 
tranquillity  and  happiness  to  the  public  good." 

Randolph  spoke  with  the  same  urgency.  "  The  fuel, 
which  has  been  already  gathered  for  combustion,"  he 
observed,  "  wants  no  addition.  But  how  awfully  might 
it  be  increased,  were  the  violence,  which  is  now  sus 
pended  by  a  universal  submission  to  your  pretensions, 
let  loose  by  your  resignation.  The  constitution  would 
never  have  been  adopted,  but  from  a  knowledge  that 
you  had  once  sanctioned  it,  and  an  expectation  that 
you  would  execute  it.  It  is  in  a  state  of  probation. 
The  most  inauspicious  struggles  are  past,  but  the  pub 
lic  deliberations  need  stability.  You  alone  can  give 
them  stability.  You  suffered  yourself  to  yield  when 

VOL.  I.  61  OO 


482  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1793. 

the  voice  of  your  country  summoned  you  to  the  ad 
ministration.  Should  a  civil  war  arise,  you  cannot  stay 
at  home.  And  how  much  easier  will  it  be  to  dis 
perse  the  factions,  which  are  rushing  to  this  catastro 
phe,  than  to  subdue  them  after  they  shall  appear  in 
arms  ?  It  is  the  fixed  opinion  of  the  world,  that  you 
surrender  nothing  incomplete." 

Sentiments  like  these,  uttered  by  his  confidential 
advisers,  whose  political  opinions  he  knew  were  at 
variance  with  each  other,  could  not  fail  to  make  a 
deep  impression,  and  the  more  so  as  they  were  reiter 
ated  from  every  quarter.  He  seems  to  have  resolved 
at  one  time  to  follow  his  inclination,  and  retire  at  the 
•end  of  his  first  term  of  service.  This  is  evident  from 
his  having  prepared  a  farewell  address  to  the  people, 
designed  for  the  occasion  of  his  taking  leave  of  them. 
But  he  never  made  a  public  declaration  to  that  effect, 
and  he  was  finally  chosen  for  a  second  period  of  four 
years  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  electors.  On  the 
4th  of  March,  1793,  he  took  the  oath  of  office  in 
the  senate-chamber,  in  presence  of  the  members  of 
the  cabinet,  various  public  officers,  foreign  ministers, 
and  such  other  persons  as  could  be  accommodated. 

In  addition  to  the  Indian  war,  the  contests  of  par 
ties,  and  other  internal  troubles  with  which  the  ad 
ministration  was  embarrassed,  the  foreign  relations  of 
the  United  States  were  every  day  becoming  peculiarly 
delicate  and  inauspicious.  Scarcely  had  the  President 
entered  upon  his  new  term  of  office,  when  the  intel 
ligence  was  received,  that  France  had  declared  war 
against  England  and  Holland.  The  French  revolution, 
•in  its  earliest  stages,  was  hailed  by  almost  every  one 
in  the  United  States  as  a  joyful  event,  and  as  afford 
ing  a  presage  of  the  happiest  results  to  the  cause  of 
•freedom  and  the  welfare  of  mankind.  Such  would 


jEx.61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  483 

naturally  be  the  first  impulse  of  a  people,  who  had  re 
cently  been  engaged  in  a  similar  struggle,  encouraged 
by  the  good  wishes  and  strengthened  by  the  assistance 
of  the  French  nation.  Washington  partook  of  this  gen 
eral  sentiment. 

The  sanguinary  acts  that  followed,  and  the  ferocious 
temper  shown  by  the  leaders,  left  but  little  ground  for 
hope ;  yet  there  were  causes  still,  which  induced  many 
to  cling  to  the  interests  of  France,  and  approve  the 
revolution,  although  they  looked  with  horror  upon  the 
means  employed  to  carry  it  forward.  It  was  believed 
to  be  a  warfare  of  the  oppressed  against  their  oppres 
sors,  in  which  justice  was  asserting  her  rights,  and  res 
cuing  from  thraldom  the  victims,  who  had  been  so  long 
borne  down  by  the  yoke  of  bondage,  and  scourged 
by  the  rod  of  despotism.  A  new  era  was  supposed  to 
have  arisen,  when  liberty  was  about  to  go  forth  suc 
cessful  in  conquest,  breaking  down  the  strong-holds  of 
tyranny,  and  building  up  her  temples  of  peace  and  con 
cord  on  their  ruins.  Ardent  minds  were  easily  cap 
tivated  by  this  illusion,  especially  when  it  harmonized 
with  their  opinions  on  other  subjects.  Their  impressions 
also  derived  force  from  the  prejudices  against  England, 
deeply  rooted  and  of  long  standing,  which  the  conduct 
of  the  British  cabinet  since  the  peace  had  not  con 
tributed  to  remove. 

Gouverneur  Morris  had  been  sent  to  France  as  min 
ister  plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States.  A  friendly 
intercourse  had  been  kept  up  between  the  two  coun 
tries,  on  the  basis  of  the  treaties  of  alliance  and  com 
merce  ;  but,  after  the  downfall  of  the  King,  and  amidst 
the  distractions  succeeding  that  event,  the  minister's  sit 
uation  was  embarrassing.  It  was  the  opinion  of  Wash 
ington,  in  which  his  cabinet  agreed  with  him,  that  every 
nation  had  a  right  to  govern  itself  as  it  chose,  and  that 


484  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1793. 

other  nations  were  bound  to  recognise  and  respect  the 
existing  authority,  whatever  form  it  might  assume.  Mr 
Morris  was  furnished  with  instructions  according  to  this 
view  of  the  subject.  But  the  difficulty  for  a  time  con 
sisted  in  ascertaining  whether  there  was  any  actual 
government  resting  on  the  will  of  the  nation.  His  pru 
dence  in  this  respect,  and  his  caution  not  to  commit 
his  country  rashly,  gave  umbrage  to  the  nominal  rulers, 
or  rather  the  leaders  of  the  contending  factions,  who 
complained,  and  expressed  dissatisfaction,  that  the  United 
States  manifested  so  little  sympathy  with  their  earliest 
friends  and  allies,  the  vindicators  of  liberty  and  the 
rights  of  man.  Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  war 
was  declared  against  England. 

It  was  perceived,  that  this  aspect  of  affairs  would 
have  a  direct  influence  on  the  foreign  relations  of  the 
United  States,  and  that  it  would  require  the  greatest 
circumspection  to  prevent  the  country  from  being  em 
broiled  with  the  belligerent  powers,  particularly  England 
and  France.  When  the  President  first  heard  the  news 
of  the  declaration  of  war,  he  was  at  Mount  Vernon ;  and 
he  wrote  immediately  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  avowing 
his  determination  to  maintain  a  strict  neutrality  between 
the  hostile  parties.  Vessels  in  the  ports  of  the  United 
States  were  understood  to  be  already  designated  as 
privateers,  and  he  desired  that  measures  to  put  a  stop 
to  all  such  proceedings  should  be  adopted  without  delay. 

On  his  return  to  Philadelphia,  he  summoned  a  meet 
ing  of  the  cabinet,  submitting  to  each  member  at  the 
same  time  a  series  of  questions,  which  he  requested 
might  be  considered  as  preparatory  to  the  meeting. 
The  substance  of  these  questions  was,  whether  a  proc 
lamation  of  neutrality  should  be  issued ;  whether  a  min 
ister  from  the  French  republic  should  be  received,  and, 
if  so,  whether  it  should  be  absolutely  or  with  qualifi- 


yET.61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  485 

cations;  whether,  in  the  present  condition  of  France, 
the  United  States  were  bound  by  good  faith  to  execute 
the  treaties  between  the  two  nations,  or  whether  these 
ought  to  be  suspended  till  the  government  should  be 
established;  and  whether  the  guarantee  in  the  treaty 
of  alliance  was  applicable  to  a  defensive  war  only,  or 
to  a  war  either  defensive  or  offensive.  These  points 
involved  very  important  considerations.  If  the  treaty 
was  binding  in  the  case  of  an  offensive  war,  then  a  state 
of  neutrality  could  not  be  assumed  in  regard  to  France ; 
and,  if  it  was  applicable  to  a  defensive  war  only,  the  in 
tricate  question  was  still  to  be  settled,  whether  the  war 
on  the  part  of  the  French  was  offensive  or  defensive,  or 
of  a  mixed  and  equivocal  character,  and  how  far  the 
guarantee  ought  to  be  applied  under  such  circumstances. 
The  cabinet  decided  unanimously,  that  a  proclama 
tion  should  be  issued,  "forbidding  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  to  take  part  in  any  hostilities  on  the  seas, 
either  with  or  against  the  belligerent  powers,  and  warn 
ing  them  against  carrying  to  any  such  powers  any  of 
those  articles  deemed  contraband  according  to  the  mod 
ern  usages  of  nations,  and  enjoining  them  from  all  acts 
and  proceedings  inconsistent  with  the  duties  of  a  friend 
ly  nation  towards  those  at  war."  It  was  also  agreed, 
with  the  same  unanimity,  that  a  minister  from  the 
French  republic  should  be  received.  On  the  subject 
of  qualifying  his  reception,  the  members  of  the  cabinet 
were  divided  in  opinion,  Jefferson  and  Randolph  being 
opposed  to  any  qualification  implying  that  the  relations 
between  the  two  countries  were  changed,  and  Hamilton 
and  Knox  being  in  favor  of  it,  because  they  believed 
there  was  in  reality  no  fixed  government  in  France,  and 
they  feared  that  a  recognition  of  the  existing  authority 
might  involve  the  United  States  in  difficulties  with  that 
nation  and  with  other  powers. 

oo* 


486  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1793. 

As  to  the  question  of  guarantee,  the  two  former 
thought  it  not  necessary  to  come  to  any  formal  decision, 
while  the  two  latter  argued  that  the  treaty  of  alliance 
was  plainly  defensive,  and  that  the  guarantee  could  not 
apply  to  a  war,  which  had  been  begun  by  France.  The 
President  required  the  opinions  and  arguments  of  each 
member  of  the  cabinet  in  writing ;  and,  after  deliberately 
weighing  them,  he  decided,  that  a  minister  should  be 
received  on  the  same  terms  as  formerly,  and  that  the 
obligations  of  the  treaties  ought  to  remain  in  full  force, 
leaving  the  subject  of  guarantee  for  future  consideration, 
aided  by  a  better  knowledge  of  the  condition  and  pros 
pects  of  France. 

The  proclamation  of  neutrality  was  signed  on  the 
22d  of  April,  and  immediately  published.  This  measure, 
in  regard  both  to  its  character  and  its  consequences, 
was  one  of  the  most  important  of  Washington's  admin 
istration.  It  was  the  basis  of  a  system,  by  which  the 
intercourse  with  foreign  nations  was  regulated,  and 
which  was  rigidly  adhered  to.  In  fact  it  was  the  only 
step,  that  could  have  saved  the  United  States  from  be 
ing  drawn  into  the  vortex  of  the  European  wars,  which 
raged  with  so  much  violence  for  a  long  time  afterwards. 
Its  wisdom  and  its  good  effects  are  now  so  obvious,  on 
a  calm  review  of  past  events,  that  one  is  astonished  at 
the  opposition  it  met  with,  and  the  strifes  it  enkindled, 
even  after  making  due  allowance  for  the  passions  and 
prejudices,  which  had  hitherto  been  at  work  in  pro 
ducing  discord  and  divisions. 

But  so  it  was,  that  this  act,  emanating  from  the  purest 
motives,  founded  on  the  clearest  principles  of  justice, 
designed  to  keep  the  nation  in  peace  and  advance  its 
prosperity,  was  distorted  into  an  instrument  for  effecting 
party  objects,  and  made  a  rallying-point  whence  to  assail 
the  administration  and  embarrass  its  movements.  It 


^Ex.  61.1  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  487 

was  denounced  as  violating  the  treaty  with  France,  and 
as  indicating  an  open  hostility  to  that  country  and  par 
tiality  for  England.  In  short,  it  became  the  dividing 
line  between  the  two  great  parties,  which  had  been 
growing  up  from  the  time  the  constitution  was  framed, 
and  which  consolidated  themselves  under  the  names  of 
the  Federal  and  Democratic  parties,  the  former  adhering 
to  the  administration,  the  latter  opposing  it.  Foreign 
affairs  were  mingled  with  domestic  politics.  The  friends 
of  neutrality  were  stigmatized  as  partisans  of  England ; 
while  they,  in  their  turn,  charged  their  opponents  with 
being  devoted  to  France,  abetting  the  horrors  of  the 
revolution,  and  striving  to  lead  the  country  into  a  war, 
in  which  nothing  could  be  gained  and  much  might  be 
lost.  Thus  each  side  contributed  its  share  to  add  fuel 
to  the  flame. 

Washington  for  a  time  was  allowed  to  keep  aloof 
from  the  contest.  His  character,  revered  by  the  people, 
shielded  by  their  affections,  and  equally  above  reproach 
and  suspicion,  was  too  elevated  a  mark  for  the  shafts 
of  malevolence.  But  a  crisis  had  now  arrived,  when 
the  sacredness  of  virtue,  and  the  services  of  a  life  spent 
in  promoting  the  public  weal,  could  no  longer  secure 
him  from  the  assaults  of  party  animosity.  The  enemies 
of  the  administration  perceived,  that  the  attempt  to  ex 
ecute  their  plans  would  be  vain,  unless  they  could  first 
weaken  his  influence  by  diminishing  his  popularity. 
The  task  was  hard  and  repelling ;  and  it  may  reasonably 
be  presumed,  that  a  supposed  political  necessity,  rather 
than  cordial  good- will,  led  them  to  engage  in  so  un 
grateful  a  work.  It  was  pursued  with  a  perseverance 
and  sometimes  with  an  acrimony,  for  which  the  best  of 
causes  could  hardly  afford  an  apology;  but,  however 
much  it  might  disturb  his  repose  or  embarrass  his  public 
measures,  it  could  neither  shake  his  firmness,  nor  turn 


488  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1793. 

him  from  his  steady  purpose  of  sacrificing  every  other 
consideration  to  the  interests  of  his  country. 

In  the  midst  of  these  ferments,  M.  Genet  came  to  the 
United  States  as  minister  from  the  French  republic. 
He  landed  at  Charleston,  in  South  Carolina,  and  travelled 
thence  through  the  country  to  Philadelphia.  He  was 
received  everywhere  with  such  enthusiasm  and  extrava 
gant  marks  of  attention,  as  to  deceive  him  into  a  belief, 
that  the  great  body  of  the  American  people  heartily 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  French  revolution,  and  was 
ready  to  join  the  citizens  of  the  new  republic  in  carry 
ing  the  banner  of  liberty  and  equality  to  the  ends  of 
the  earth.  Being  of  an  ardent  temperament,  and  em 
boldened  by  these  indications,  the  citizen  minister,  as 
he  was  called,  at  once  commenced  a  career,  as  unjus 
tifiable  as  it  was  extraordinary.  Even  before  he  left 
Charleston  he  gave  orders  for  fitting  out  and  arming 
vessels  in  that  port  to  cruise  as  privateers,  and  commit 
hostilities  on  the  commerce  of  nations  at  peace  with  the 
United  States.  Notwithstanding  this  act  of  presump 
tion  and  rashness,  which  was  known  before  he  reached 
Philadelphia,  he  was  received  by  the  President  with 
frankness,  and  with  all  the  respect  due  to  the  represen 
tative  of  a  foreign  power. 

Genet  declared,  that  his  government  was  strongly 
attached  to  the  United  States,  and  had  no  desire  to  en 
gage  them  in  the  war ;  but  his  secret  instructions,  which 
he  afterwards  published,  were  of  a  different  complexion, 
and  proved  very  clearly,  that  the  designs  of  his  em 
ployers  were  contrary  to  the  professions  of  their  minis 
ter.  Indeed  his  whole  conduct,  from  beginning  to  end, 
could  have  no  other  tendency  than  to  bring  the  United 
States  into  an  immediate  conflict  with  all  the  powers 
at  war  with  France.  The  privateers  commissioned  by 
him  came  into  the  American  ports  with  prizes.  This 


^ET.  61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  489 

produced  remonstrances  from  the  British  minister,  and 
a  demand  of  restitution.  The  subject  accordingly  came 
before  the  cabinet.  In  regard  to  the  lawfulness  of  the 
seizures,  there  was  but  one  opinion.  It  was  decided, 
that,  since  every  nation  had  exclusive  jurisdiction  within 
its  own  territory,  the  act  of  fitting  out  armed  vessels 
under  the  authority  of  a  foreign  power  was  an  en 
croachment  on  national  sovereignty,  and  a  violation  of 
neutral  rights,  which  the  government  was  bound  to 
prevent. 

A  declaration  was  accordingly  made,  that  no  priva 
teers,  fitted  out  in  this  manner,  should  find  an  asylum 
in  the  ports  of  the  United  States;  and  the  custom 
house  officers  were  instructed  to  keep  a  careful  watch, 
and  report  every  vessel  which  contravened  the  laws  of 
neutrality.  The  question  of  restitution  involved  intricate 
points  of  maritime  law,  and  opinions  on  this  subject 
varied.  It  was  unanimously  agreed,  however,  that  the 
original  owners  might  justly  claim  indemnification,  and 
that,  if  the  property  was  not  restored  by  the  captors, 
the  value  of  it  ought  to  be  paid  by  the  government. 

The  French  minister  protested  against  these  decis 
ions,  became  angry  and  violent,  wrote  offensive  letters 
to  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  seemed  to  forget  alike  the 
dignity  of  his  station  and  his  character  as  a  man.  He 
still  continued  to  encourage  armed  vessels  to  sail  from 
American  ports  under  the  French  flag.  By  the  firm 
ness  of  the  executive  a  check  was  put  to  this  effrontery. 
Measures  were  taken  to  prevent  by  force  the  departure 
of  such  vessels.  The  madness  of  the  minister  was 
increased  by  the  obstacles  he  encountered.  Finding 
himself  baffled  in  all  his  schemes,  he  resorted  to  men 
aces,  accused  the  President  of  having  usurped  the 
powers  of  Congress,  and  more  than  insinuated  that  he 
would  appeal  to  the  people  for  redress.  This  insult, 

VOL.  i.  62 


490  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1793. 

aggravated  by  his  previous  conduct,  could  neither  be 
tolerated  nor  passed  over  in  silence.  It  was  obvious, 
indeed,  that  nothing  could  be  hoped  from  any  further 
intercourse  with  so  wrongheaded  a  man.  A  statement 
of  the  particulars  was  drawn  up,  and  forwarded  to  the 
French  government,  with  a  request  that  he  might  be 
recalled.  A  more  remarkable  chapter  can  hardly  be 
found  in  the  history  of  diplomacy,  than  might  be  fur 
nished  from  the  records  of  this  mission  of  Genet.  It 
is  a  memorable  instance  of  the  infatuation  to  which  a 
man  of  respectable  talents  and  private  character  may 
be  driven  by  political  frenzy. 

Among  the  pernicious  effects  of  Genet's  embassy  was 
the  establishment  of  associations  in  different  parts  of  the 
country,  called  Democratic  Societies,  upon  the  model  of 
the  Jacobin  clubs  in  France.  The  first  society  of  this 
sort  was  instituted  in  Philadelphia,  under  the  direction 
of  Genet  himself.  Others  soon  followed.  Their  objects 
and  influence  are  described  by  Washington. 

"  That  these  societies,"  he  observes,  "  were  instituted 
by  the  artful  and  designing  members,  (many  of  their 
body  I  have  no  doubt  mean  well,  but  know  little  of 
the  real  plan,)  primarily  to  sow  among  the  people  the 
seeds  of  jealousy  and  distrust  of  the  government,  by 
destroying  all  confidence  in  the  administration  of  it,  and 
that  these  doctrines  have  been  budding  and  blowing 
ever  since,  is  not  new  to  any  one,  who  is  acquainted 
with  the  character  of  their  leaders,  and  has  been  atten 
tive  to  their  manoeuvres. 

"  Can  any  thing  be  more  absurd,  more  arrogant,  or 
more  pernicious  to  the  peace  of  society,  than  for  self- 
created  bodies,  forming  themselves  into  permanent 
censors,  and  under  the  shade  of  night  in  a  conclave 
resolving  that  acts  of  Congress,  which  have  undergone 
the  most  deliberate  and  solemn  discussion  by  the  rep- 


<ET.61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  491 

resentatives  of  the  people,  chosen  for  the  express  pur 
pose  and  bringing  with  them  from  the  different  parts 
of  the  Union  the  sense  of  their  constituents,  endeav 
ouring,  as  far  as  the  nature  of  the  thing  will  admit,  to 
form  their  will  into  laws  for  the  government  of  the 
whole ;  I  say,  under  these  circumstances,  for  a  self- 
created  permanent  body  (for  no  one  denies  the  right 
of  the  people  to  meet  occasionally  to  petition  for,  or 
remonstrate  against,  any  act  of  the  legislature)  to  de 
clare  that  this  act  is  unconstitutional,  and  that  act  is 
pregnant  with  mischiefs,  and  that  all,  who  vote  contrary 
to  their  dogmas,  are  actuated  by  selfish  motives  or 
under  foreign  influence,  nay,  are  traitors  to  their  coun 
try  1  Is  such  a  stretch  of  arrogant  presumption  to  be 
reconciled  with  laudable  motives,  especially  when  we 
see  the  same  set  of  men  endeavouring  to  destroy 
all  confidence  in  the  administration,  by  arraigning  all 
its  acts,  without  knowing  on  what  ground  or  with 
what  information  it  proceeds?" 

He  had  declared  similar  opinions  some  years  before, 
when  it  was  a  practice  in  Virginia  to  form  societies  for 
discussing  political  topics,  examining  public  measures, 
and  instructing  delegates  to  the  legislature.  He  ex 
pressed  strong  disapprobation  of  these  societies  in  letters 
to  a  nephew,  who  belonged  to  one  of  them.  Nor  was 
he  in  any  case  friendly  to  positive  instructions  from 
electors,  believing  that  the  representative,  who  is  of 
course  acquainted  with  the  sentiments  of  his  constitu 
ents  among  whom  he  resides,  should  be  left  to  act 
according  to  the  judgment  he  shall  form,  after  being 
enlightened  by  the  arguments  and  collected  wisdom 
of  a  deliberative  assembly. 

The  relations  with  England  were  even  more  per 
plexed,  than  those  with  France.  A  diplomatic  inter 
course  had  been  commenced  after  the  constitution  was 


492  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1793. 

adopted.  Mr.  Hammond  resided  in  Philadelphia  as 
minister  from  the  British  government,  and  Mr.  Thomas 
Pinckney  represented  the  United  States  as  minister 
plenipotentiary  at  the  court  of  St.  James.  No  pro 
gress  had  been  made,  however,  in  negotiating  a  treaty 
of  commerce  or  removing  the  causes  of  complaint. 
The  catalogue  of  grievances  had  rather  grown  longer 
than  shorter.  The  posts  on  the  frontier  were  still  held, 
contrary  to  the  treaty  of  peace,  and  interferences  with 
the  Indians  continued.  Vessels  had  been  searched 
and  seamen  impressed  by  British  officers  within  the 
acknowledged  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States ;  and 
the  Bermuda  privateers  had  committed  depredations 
upon  American  vessels  not  only  with  impunity,  but 
with  the  open  sanction  of  the  admiralty  court  in  those 
islands. 

With  the  design  of  distressing  France,  by  cutting 
off  her  supplies,  two  orders  were  issued  by  the  British 
cabinet,  one  in  June  and  the  other  in  November,  which 
operated  with  peculiar  force  upon  American  commerce. 
By  the  first  order,  British  cruisers  were  instructed  to 
stop  all  ships  loaded  with  corn,  flour,  or  meal,  bound 
to  any  French  port,  and  send  them  to  some  convenient 
port,  where  the  cargoes  might  be  purchased  in  behalf 
of  his  Majesty's  government.  By  the  second,  ships 
of  war  and  privateers  were  required  to  detain  all  ves 
sels  laden  with  goods  produced  in  any  colony  belong 
ing  to  France,  or  with  provisions  for  any  such  colony, 
and  bring  them  to  legal  adjudication  in  the  British 
courts  of  admiralty.  These  orders  were  considered  as  a 
direct  and  flagrant  violation  of  neutral  rights,  and  the 
American  government  remonstrated  against  them  as  un 
just  in  principle  and  extremely  injurious  in  their  effects. 

When  Congress  assembled,  the  state  of  affairs,  both 
external  and  internal,  was  largely  explained  in  the 


^ET.6L]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  493 

President's  speech,  and  in  a  separate  message  accom 
panied  with  many  documents.  In  these  were  com 
prised  the  reasons  for  the  course  he  had  pursued, 
respecting  foreign  powers,  and  suggestions  for  addi 
tional  legislative  enactments  to  protect  the  rights  of 
American  citizens,  and  maintain  the  dignity  of  the 
country.  While  he  sought  peace,  and  urged  a  faithful 
discharge  of  every  duty  towards  others,  he  recommend 
ed,  that  prompt  measures  should  be  taken,  not  only  for 
defence,  but  for  enforcing  just  claims.  "  There  is  a 
rank  due  to  the  United  States  among  nations,"  said 
he,  "which  will  be  withheld,  if  not  absolutely  lost,  by 
the  reputation  of  weakness.  If  we  desire  to  avoid 
insult,  we  must  be  able  to  repel  it ;  if  we  desire  to 
secure  peace,  one  of  the  most  powerful  instruments 
of  our  prosperity,  it  must  be  known,  that  we  are  at 
all  times  ready  for  war."  These  communications  were 
well  received  by  the  two  houses.  Indeed  both  parties 
in  Congress  found  so  much  to  condemn  in  the  con 
duct  of  the  belligerent  powers  toward  neutrals,  that 
on  this  point  they  seemed  for  a  moment  to  forget  their 
dissensions ;  and,  although  the  proclamation  of  neutrali 
ty  continued  to  be  made  a  theme  of  declamation  and 
abuse  by  violent  partisans  and  the  presses  hostile  to 
the  administration,  it  met  with  no  marks  of  disappro 
bation  from  Congress.  * 

*  It  was  in  allusion  to  the  President's  communications  to  Congress  at 
the  opening  of  this  session,  that  Mr.  Fox  made  the  following  remarks  in 
the  British  Parliament,  January  31st,  1794. 

"And  here,  Sir,  I  cannot  help  alluding  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  General  Washington,  a  character  whose  conduct  has  been  so 
different  from  that,  which  has  been  pursued  by  the  ministers  of  this  coun 
try.  How  infinitely  wiser  must  appear  the  spirit  and  principles  manifested 
in  his  late  address  to  Congress,  than  the  policy  of  modern  European 
courts !  Illustrious  man,  deriving  honor  less  from  the  splendor  of  his 
situation  than  from  the  dignity  of  his  mind ;  before  whom  all  borrowed 
VOL.  I.  P  P 


494  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1794. 

Near  the  beginning  of  the  session  an  important  re 
port  was  made  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  respecting 
the  commercial  intercourse  of  the  United  States  with 
other  nations,  particularly  in  regard  to  its  privileges  and 
restrictions,  and  the  means  for  improving  commerce  and 
navigation.  The  report  was  able,  elaborate,  and  com 
prehensive,  presenting  a  view  of  the  trade  between  the 
United  States  and  the  principal  countries  of  Europe. 

Two  methods  were  suggested  by  the  secretary  for 
modifying  or  removing  restrictions;  first,  by  amicable 
arrangements  with  foreign  powers ;  secondly,  by  coun 
tervailing  acts  of  the  legislature.  He  preferred  the 
former,  if  it  should  be  found  practicable,  and  gave  his 
reasons.  The  subject  of  navigation  was  also  discussed, 
and  a  system  of  maritime  defence  recommended. 


greatness  sinks  into  insignificance,  and  all  the  potentates  of  Europe  (ex 
cepting  the  members  of  our  own  royal  family)  become  little  and  con 
temptible  !  He  has  had  no  occasion  to  have  recourse  to  any  tricks  of 
policy  or  arts  of  alarm ;  his  authority  has  been  sufficiently  supported  by 
the  same  means  by  which  it  was  acquired,  and  his  conduct  has  uniformly 
been  characterized  by  wisdom,  moderation,  and  firmness.  Feeling  grati 
tude  to  France  for  the  assistance  received  from  her  in  that  great  contest, 
which  secured  the  independence  of  America,  he  did  not  choose  to  give 
up  the  system  of  neutrality.  Having  once  laid  down  that  line  of  conduct, 
which  both  gratitude  and  policy  pointed  out  as  most  proper  to  be  pursued, 
not  all  the  insults  and  provocation  of  the  French  minister,  Genet,  could 
turn  him  from  his  purpose.  Intrusted  with  the  welfare  of  a  great  people, 
he  did  not  allow  the  misconduct  of  another,  with  respect  to  himself,  for 
one  moment  to  withdraw  his  attention  from  their  interest.  He  had  no 
fear  of  the  Jacobins,  he  felt  no  alarm  from  their  principles,  and  considered 
no  precaution  as  necessary  in  order  to  stop  their  progress. 

"  The  people  over  whom  he  presided  he  knew  to  be  acquainted  with 
their  rights  and  their  duties.  He  trusted  to  their  own  good  sense  to 
defeat  the  effect  of  those  arts,  which  might  be  employed  to  inflame  or 
mislead  their  minds  ;  and  was  sensible,  that  a  government  could  be  in  no 
danger,  while  it  retained  the  attachment  and  confidence  of  its  subjects  ; 
attachment,  in  this  instance,  not  blindly  adopted  ;  confidence  not  implicit 
ly  given,  but  arising  from  the  conviction  of  its  excellence,  and  the  expe 
rience  of  its  blessings.  I  cannot,  indeed,  help  admiring  the  wisdom  and 
fortune  of  this  great  man.  By  the  phrase  '  fortune  '  I  mean  not  in  the 


jEr.62.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  495 

Shortly  after  making  this  report,  Mr.  Jefferson  retired 
from  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  in  conformity  with 
an  intimation  he  had  given  some  months  before ;  hav 
ing  been  prevailed  upon  by  the  President,  apparently 
against  his  own  inclination,  to  remain  till  the  end  of 
the  year.  He  was  succeeded  by  Edmund  Randolph, 
whose  place  as  Attorney-general  was  supplied  by  Wil 
liam  Bradford  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  secretary's  report  gave  rise  to  Mr.  Madison's 
celebrated  commercial  resolutions,  which  were  long  de 
bated  in  the  House  of  Representatives  with  a  degree 
of  animation,  and  even  of  asperity,  that  had  not  been 
exceeded  since  the  adoption  of  the  funding  system. 
These  resolutions  embraced  the  general  principles  of 
the  report,  but  they  aimed  at  a  discrimination  in  the 


smallest  degree  to  derogate  from  his  merit.  But,  notwithstanding  his 
extraordinary  talents  and  exalted  integrity,  it  must  be  considered  as  sin 
gularly  fortunate,  that  he  should  have  experienced  a  lot,  which  so  seldom 
falls  to  the  portion  of  humanity,  and  have  passed  through  such  a  variety 
of  scenes  without  stain  and  without  reproach.  It  must,  indeed,  create 
astonishment,  that,  placed  in  circumstances  so  critical,  and  filling  for  a 
series  of  years  a  station  so  conspicuous,  his  character  should  never  once 
have  been  called  in  question  ;  that  he  should  in  no  one  instance  have 
been  accused  either  of  improper  insolence,  or  of  mean  submission,  in  his 
transactions  with  foreign  nations.  For  him  it  has  been  reserved  to  run 
the  race  of  glory,  without  experiencing  the  smallest  interruption  to  the 
brilliancy  of  his  career." 

To  this  eulogy  of  Mr.  Fox,  may  properly  be  appended  the  compli 
mentary  letter  of  Mr.  Erskine,  afterwards  Lord  Erskine,  to  General  Wash 
ington,  though  written  a  year  later.  It  accompanied  a  book  on  the  causes 
and  consequences  of  the  war  with  France. 

"London.  15  March,  1795. 
"  SIR, 

"  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  introduce  your  august  and  immortal  name 
in  a  short  sentence,  which  will  be  found  in  the  book  I  send  you.  I  have 
a  large  acquaintance  among  the  most  valuable  and  exalted  classes  of 
men ;  but  you  are  the  only  human  being  for  whom  I  ever  felt  an  awful 
reverence.  I  sincerely  pray  God  to  grant  a  long  and  serene  evening  to 
a  life  so  gloriously  devoted  to  the  universal  happiness  of  the  world. 

"T.  ERSKINE." 


496  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1794. 

commercial  intercourse  with  foreign  countries,  which 
was  viewed  in  very  different  lights  by  the  two  parties 
in  Congress.  They  imposed  restrictions  and  additional 
duties  on  the  manufactures  and  navigation  of  nations, 
which  had  no  commercial  treaties  with  the  United 
States,  and  a  reduction  of  duties  on  the  tonnage  of 
vessels  belonging  to  nations  with  which  such  treaties 
existed.  In  this  scheme  the  friends  of  the  administra 
tion  saw,  or  imagined  they  saw,  hostility  to  England 
and  undue  favor  to  France,  neither  warranted  by  poli 
cy,  nor  consistent  with  neutrality  ;  while  the  other  party 
regarded  it  as  equitable  in  itself,  and  as  absolutely 
necessary  to  protect  the  commerce  of  the  country  from 
insulting  aggression  and  plunder.  Mr.  Madison's  plan 
was  modified  in  its  progress ;  but  a  resolution,  retaining 
the  principle  of  commercial  restrictions,  finally  passed 
the  House  of  Representatives.  It  was  rejected  in  the 
Senate  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice-President. 

While  these  discussions  were  going  on  with  much 
heat  in  Congress,  a  measure  was  resorted  to  by  the 
President,  which  produced  considerable  effect  on  the 
results.  Advices  from  the  American  minister  in  Lon 
don  rendered  it  probable,  that  the  British  cabinet  were 
disposed  to  settle  the  differences  between  the  two 
countries  on  amicable  terms.  At  all  events  the  indica 
tions  were  such,  that  Washington,  firm  to  his  purpose 
of  neutrality  and  peace,  resolved  to  make  the  experi 
ment.  Accordingly,  on  the  16th  of  April,  he  nominat 
ed  Mr.  Jay  to  the  Senate,  as  an  envoy  extraordinary 
to  the  court  of  Great  Britain.  "  My  objects  are,"  said 
he,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  "  to  prevent  a 
war,  if  justice  can  be  obtained  by  fair  and  strong  rep 
resentations  of  the  injuries,  which  this  country  has 
sustained-  from  Great  Britain  in  various  ways,  to  put 
it  in  a  complete  state  of  military  defence,  and  to  provide 


jE-r.62.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  497 

eventually  for  the  execution  of  such  measures,  as  seem 
to  be  now  pending  in  Congress,  if  negotiation  in  a 
reasonable  time  proves  unsuccessful."  The  nomination 
\vas  confirmed  in  the  Senate  by  a  majority  of  more 
than  two  to  one ;  but  it  was  strenuously  opposed  by 
the  principal  members  of  the  democratic  party,  particu 
larly  Mr.  Monroe,  and  was  disapproved  by  the  same 
party  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

As  a  war  seemed  inevitable,  if  Mr.  Jay's  mission 
should  terminate  unfavorably,  Congress  passed  acts  for 
putting  the  country  in  a  state  of  defence.  The  prin 
cipal  harbours  were  to  be  fortified,  and  eighty  thou 
sand  militia  to  be  held  in  readiness  for  immediate  ser 
vice.  The  importation  of  arms  was  permitted  free  of 
duty,  and  the  President  was  authorized  to  purchase 
galleys,  and  lay  an  embargo,  if  he  should  think  the 
public  interests  required  it.  Additional  taxes  were  lev 
ied  to  meet  the  expense. 

Congress  adjourned,  after  a  long  and  boisterous  ses 
sion,  which  had  contributed  not  a  little  to  increase  the 
acrimony  of  parties,  multiply  the  causes  of  dissension, 
and  inflame  the  minds  of  the  people.  The  adminis 
tration,  however,  stood  firm;  and  neither  the  policy 
nor  the  opinions  of  Washington  were  in  any  degree 
changed.  In  fact,  having  no  personal  objects  to  gain, 
thinking  and  acting  only  for  his  country,  divested  of 
partiality  and  prejudice  as  far  as  it  was  possible  for 
any  man  to  be,  and  invariably  taking  counsel  of  his 
conscience  and  judgment,  he  stood  aloof  from  the  com 
motions  of  party  and  the  contagious  influence  of  party 
spirit.  Justice  to  all  nations,  peace  with  all,  and  a 
preparation  for  war  as  the  best  safeguard  of  peace, 
were  the  rules  of  his  policy,  and  his  constant  aim. 

In  the  course  of  the  preceding  winter,  M.  Fauchet 
arrived  in  the  United  States  as  minister  from  France. 

VOL.  i.  63  pp* 


498  LIFE    OP    WASHINGTON.  [1794. 

At  the  request  of  the  French  government,  Mr.  Morris 
was  recalled,  and  James  Monroe  was  appointed  as  his 
successor.  This  selection  afforded  a  strong  proof  of  the 
impartiality  of  the  President,  and  of  his  ardent  desire 
to  conciliate  differences  at  home,  and  preserve  amity 
with  foreign  nations.  Mr.  Monroe,  being  a  leader  among 
the  opponents  to  the  administration,  had  shown  himself 
a  zealous  advocate  for  France. 

Soon  after  Congress  adjourned,  the  President's  atten 
tion  was  called  to  another  subject,  of  very  serious  im 
port,  both  as  it  regarded  the  authority  of  the  laws,  and 
the  stability  of  the  union.  The  act  of  Congress  impos 
ing  a  tax  on  distilled  spirits  had,  from  its  first  operation, 
excited  much  uneasiness  in  various  parts  of  the  country, 
and  in  some  districts  it  had  been  evaded  and  openly 
resisted.  The  inspectors  of  the  revenue  appointed  by 
the  government  were  insulted,  threatened,  and  even 
prevented  by  force  from  discharging  their  duty.  To  so 
great  a  length  had  these  outrages  gone  in  some  places, 
as  early  as  September,  1792,  that  a  proclamation  was 
published  by  the  President,  admonishing  all  persons  to 
refrain  from  combinations  and  proceedings,  which  ob 
structed  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  requiring  the 
magistrates  and  courts  to  exert  the  powers  vested  in 
them  for  bringing  to  justice  the  offenders.  Bills  of  in 
dictment  were  found  against  some  of  these  persons,  and 
the  marshal  attempted  to  serve  the  processes  issued  by 
the  court.  He  was  met  by  a  body  of  armed  men, 
seized,  detained,  and  harshly  treated.  The  malecon- 
tents  proceeded  from  one  degree  of  excess  to  another, 
holding  seditious  meetings,  arming  themselves,  abusing 
the  officers  of  the  government,  and  bidding  defiance  to 
the  laws,  till  they  assumed  the  attitude  of  insurrection, 
and  prepared  for  an  organized  resistance. 

The  moderation  and  forbearance,  which,  according  to 


^T.  62.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  499 

his  usual  practice,  the  President  had  exercised  towards 
these  deluded  people  for  more  than  two  years,  served 
only  to  increase  their  violence,  and  encourage  their  de 
termined  spirit  of  hostility.  He  could  no  longer  hesi 
tate,  as  to  the  course  he  ought  to  pursue.  He  resolved 
to  employ  the  means  intrusted  to  him  by  the  laws,  and 
suppress  the  insurrection  by  a  military  force.  As  a 
preparatory  step,  he  issued  a  proclamation,  dated  on 
the  7th  of  August,  in  which,  after  briefly  narrating  the 
criminal  transactions  of  the  insurgents,  and  what  had 
been  done  by  the  government  to  allay  their  discontents 
and  turn  them  from  their  treasonable  practices,  he  de 
clared  his  determination  to  execute  the  laws  by  calling 
the  militia  to  his  aid,  and  commanded  the  insurgents 
and  all  persons  concerned  in  abetting  their  acts  to  dis 
perse  and  retire  peaceably  to  their  abodes  before  the 
first  day  of  September. 

Having  sent  out  this  proclamation,  as  a  preliminary 
measure  exacted  by  the  laws,  he  next  made  a  requisi 
tion  for  militia  on  the  governors  of  New  Jersey,  Penn 
sylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia.  The  insurgents  chiefly 
resided  in  the  western  counties  of  Pennsylvania.  It 
was  supposed  there  were  among  them  about  sixteen 
thousand  men  capable  of  bearing  arms,  and  that  they 
could  bring  at  least  seven  thousand  into  active  service. 
The  number  of  militia  at  first  ordered  out  was  twelve 
thousand,  and  it  was  subsequently  increased  to  fifteen 
thousand.  The  Governors  of  Pennsylvania  and  New 
Jersey  took  the  field  at  the  head  of  the  troops  from  their 
respective  States,  and  the  command  of  the  whole  was 
conferred  on  Governor  Lee  of  Virginia.*  The  place 

*  The  rank  of  the  principal  officers,  as  stated  in  Washington's  Diary, 
was  as  follows  ;  first,  Governor  Lee,  commander-in-chief ;  second,  Governor 
Mifflin ;  third,  Governor  Howell ;  fourth,  General  Daniel  Morgan.  The 
comparative  rank  of  the  brigadiers  is  not  mentioned.  General  Hand  was 
appointed  adjutant-general. 


500  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1794. 

of  rendezvous  for  the  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey 
troops  was  Bedford.  Those  from  Virginia  and  Mary 
land  assembled  at  Cumberland,  the  site  of  Old  Fort 
Cumberland,  at  the  junction  of  Will's  Creek  with  the 
Potomac  River.  From  every  quarter  the  militia  came 
forward  with  alacrity,  and  the  best  disposition  was  shown 
by  officers  and  privates  to  execute  the  orders  of  the 
government. 

The  President,  accompanied  by  the  Secretary  of  War, 
inspected  the  army  at  the  two  places  of  rendezvous. 
He  went,  by  way  of  Harrisburg  and  Carlisle,  first  to 
Cumberland,  and  thence  to  Bedford,  these  places  being 
about  thirty  miles  apart.  He  gave  directions  for  each 
division  to  march  across  the  Allegany  Mountains,  meet 
on  the  other  side,  and  act  against  the  insurgents  as  cir 
cumstances  should  require.  Ascertaining  from  personal 
examination  that  every  thing  was  in  readiness,  and  leav 
ing  written  instructions  with  General  Lee,  he  returned 
to  Philadelphia.  Congress  was  soon  to  meet,  and  it 
was  important  for  him  to  be  there  at  that  time.  He 
was  absent  four  weeks. 

When  he  left  home  he  intended  to  cross  the  moun 
tains  and  lead  the  army  in  person,  if  this  should  seem 
expedient;  but  the  intelligence  he  received  on  the  way, 
and  the  spirit  which  animated  the  troops,  convinced  him 
that  the  insurgents  would  make  no  formidable  resist 
ance  to  such  a  force,  and  that  his  further  attendance  on 
the  expedition  was  not  necessary.  The  Secretary  of 
War  went  on  with  the  army  to  Pittsburg.  The  result 
was  even  more  fortunate  than  could  have  been  expect 
ed.  No  resistance  was  attempted,  and  no  blood  was 
shed.  To  preserve  quiet,  and  secure  what  had  been 
gained,  a  body  of  troops  continued  for  some  time  in 
the  disaffected  country  under  the  command  of  General 
Morgan. 


&T.G&]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  501 

In  the  President's  speech  to  Congress,  after  mention 
ing  somewhat  in  detail  the  course  he  had  taken  to 
suppress  the  insurrection,  he  recommended  further  pro 
visions  for  defence,  particularly  a  reform  of  the  militia 
system,  and  also  advised  that  some  plan  should  be 
adopted  for  redeeming  the  public  debt,  which  now 
amounted  to  about  seventy-six  millions  of  dollars.  While 
this  last  subject  was  under  discussion  in  Congress,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  reported  a  scheme,  which  he 
had  matured  on  the  basis  of  the  laws  previously  enacted 
for  regulating  the  fiscal  operations  of  the  government. 
A  sinking  fund  had  already  been  established  by  setting 
apart  for  that  purpose  a  portion  of  certain  specified 
taxes ;  and  he  proposed  that  this  fund  should  be  enlarged 
by  increasing  the  duties  on  imports,  tonnage,  and  dis 
tilled  spirits,  by  the  money  accruing  from  the  sales  of 
public  lands,  the  dividends  on  bank  stock,  and  the  sur 
plus  revenue  remaining  after  the  annual  appropriations 
had  been  expended,  and  that  the  fund,  thus  increased, 
should  be  applied  to  the  redemption  of  the  debt.  This 
report  occasioned  much  debate,  but  the  secretary's  plan 
was  substantially  approved,  and  an  act  conformable  to 
it  was  passed. 

Before  the  end  of  the  session,  Hamilton  resigned  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  The  vacancy  was 
filled  by  Oliver  Wolcott,  who  was  strongly  recommend 
ed  by  Hamilton,  and  whose  character  was  well  known 
and  highly  respected  by  the  President.  General  Knox 
likewise  retired  from  the  war  department,  and  was  suc 
ceeded  by  Timothy  Pickering,  at  that  time  Postmaster- 
general,  whose  services  in  the  revolution  had  qualified 
him  in  an  eminent  degree  for  executing  the  duties  of 
Secretary  of  War. 


502  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1795. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  British  Treaty  ratified  by  the  Senate.— Popular  Excitement  respect 
ing  it.  —  The  Treaty  confirmed  by  the  Signature  of  the  President.  — 
Resignation  of  Mr.  Randolph.  —  Circumstances  attending  it.  —  The 
President  refuses  to  furnish  Papers  to  the  House  of  Representatives  in 
relation  to  the  British  Treaty.  —  Captivity  of  Lafayette,  and  Means 
used  by  Washington  to  procure  his  Liberation.  —  Difficulties  with 
France  in  regard  to  the  British  Treaty. —  Recall  of  Mr.  Monroe. — 
Washington's  Farewell  Address. —  His  last  Speech  to  Congress. — 
Inauguration  of  his  Successor.  —  Testimony  of  Respect  shown  to  him 
by  the  Citizens  of  Philadelphia.  —  He  retires  to  Mount  Vernon.  —  Re 
view  of  his  Administration.  —  Remarks  on  Mr.  Jefferson's  Conduct  to 
wards  Washington.  —  Troubles  with  France.  —  Preparations  for  War. 
—  Washington  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Provisional  Army 
of  the  United  States.  —  Organization  and  Arrangement  of  the  Army. — 
His  last  Illness  and  Death. 

THE  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  negotiated  by  Mr. 
Jay,  arrived  at  the  seat  of  government  in  March,  shortly 
after  the  session  of  Congress  was  closed.  The  Consti 
tution  had  provided,  that  all  treaties  should  be  ratified 
by  the  Senate,  and  the  President  summoned  that  body 
to  meet  in  June,  for  the  purpose  of  considering  it. 

In  the  interval,  he  examined  and  studied  the  treaty 
with  the  closest  attention.  It  was  not  altogether  such 
as  he  wished,  perhaps  not  such  as  he  had  hoped. 
Points  were  left  untouched,  which  he  would  gladly  have 
seen  introduced  and  definitively  settled;  others  were 
so  arranged,  that  he  feared  they  would  not  prove  a  suf 
ficient  guard  against  future  difficulties  between  the  two 
nations.  But  he  had  perfect  confidence  in  the  ability, 
knowledge,  and  patriotism  of  Mr.  Jay.  He  was  con 
vinced,  that  more  favorable  terms  could  not  be  obtained, 
and  that  the  only  alternative  was  this  treaty  or  none. 
Some  valuable  privileges  were  secured,  nothing  had  been 
sacrificed,  the  national  honor  was  maintained,  and  a 


Mr.GS.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  503 

pledge  of  amity  was  held  out.  If  the  treaty  was  re 
jected,  a  war  would  certainly  follow,  the  calamities  of 
which,  in  the  actual  state  of  Europe,  would  be  incalcu 
lable,  and  no  one  could  predict  when  they  would  end, 
or  to  what  they  would  lead.  Deeply  impressed  with 
these  sentiments,  and  believing  peace  the  greatest  bles 
sing  his  country  could  possess,  he  resolved,  in  case  the 
treaty  should  be  approved  by  the  Senate,  to  affix  to  it 
his  signature. 

The  Senate  assembled  in  June,  and,  after  two  weeks' 
discussion,  advised  the  ratification.  One  article,  how 
ever,  was  excepted.  By  this  article  it  was  stipulated, 
that  a  direct  trade  between  the  United  States  and  the 
British  West  India  Islands  should  be  allowed  to  Ameri 
can  vessels  not  exceeding  the  burden  of  seventy  tons, 
laden  with  the  produce  of  the  States  or  of  the  Islands ; 
but  that  molasses,  sugar,  coffee,  cocoa,  and  cotton 
should  not  be  transported  in  American  vessels,  either 
from  the  United  States  or  the  Islands,  to  any  part  of  the 
world.  As  cotton  was  then  becoming  a  product  of 
much  importance  in  the  southern  States,  and  had  begun 
to  be  exported,  this  restriction  was  deemed  inadmissible ; 
and  the  ratification  of  the  Senate  was  to  be  valid  onlv 
on  condition  that  an  article  should  be  introduced,  can 
celling  the  one  in  which  the  restriction  was  contained. 
Nor  was  there  a  unanimity  even  with  this  limitation.  A 
bare  constitutional  majority,  that  is,  exactly  two  thirds 
of  the  members,  voted  in  favor  of  the  treaty. 

As  this  was  a  novel  case,  the  President  was  some 
what  at  a  loss  to  determine  how  to  dispose  of  it. 
Whether  the  act  of  the  Senate  could  be  regarded  as  a 
ratification  of  the  treaty,  before  this  new  article  should 
be  approved  by  the  British  government,  and  whether 
his  signature  could  properly  be  affixed  to  it  previously 
to  that  event,  were  questions  which  he  took  time  to 


504  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1795. 

consider.  A  new  obstacle  was  thrown  in  the  way  by 
intelligence  from  Europe,  that  the  British  cabinet  had 
renewed  the  order  for  seizing  provisions  in  vessels 
bound  to  French  ports.  As  this  order  might  imply  a 
construction  of  the  treaty,  which  could  never  be  admit 
ted  in  the  United  States,  it  was  necessary  still  further 
to  suspend  his  decision.  Viewing  the  subject  in  all  its 
relations,  however,  he  inclined  to  the  opinion,  that  it 
was  best  to  ratify  the  treaty  with  the  condition  pre 
scribed  by  the  Senate,  and  at  the  same  time  to  accom 
pany  it  with  a  memorial  or  remonstrance  to  the  British 
government  against  the  provision  order. 

Meantime  the  treaty  was  published.  At  first  an  im 
perfect  abstract  only  appeared;  but  a  complete  copy 
was  soon  after  furnished  by  a  member  of  the  Senate  to 
the  editor  of  a  newspaper.  It  thus  came  clandestinely 
before  the  public,  without  the  authority  of  the  executive, 
and  without  any  of  the  official  documents  and  corre 
spondence,  by  which  the  objects  and  reasons  of  the 
negotiators  could  be  explained.  It  was  dissected,  criti 
cized,  and  condemned,  in  a  tone  of  passionate  and 
violent  declamation,  which  could  scarcely  have  been 
exceeded,  if  the  instrument  had  reduced  the  United 
States  to  their  former  colonial  dependence  on  England. 
The  merits  of  the  treaty  were  studiously  kept  out  of 
sight,  and  all  its  objectionable  parts  were  thrust  forward, 
exaggerated,  and  censured  as  disgraceful  and  humiliating 
to  the  nation.  It  was  impossible  that  a  clamor  so  loud 
and  so  universal  should  not  produce  a  strong  impres 
sion  upon  every  class  of  the  community.  The  friends 
of  the  administration  rallied  in  its  defence,  but  they 
used  the  weapons  of  reason  and  argument ;  they  talked 
of  moderation  and  peace,  of  consistency  and  good  faith. 
They  found  few  patient  listeners,  and  fewer  impartial 
judges.  The  torrent  was  neither  to  be  stemmed,  nor 


-43T.63.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  505 

diverted  from  its  course.  Public  meetings  were  held ; 
and  resolutions  and  addresses  condemning  the  treaty, 
and  designed  to  have  a  popular  effect,  and  to  intimidate 
the  executive,  were  voted,  published,  and  widely  cir 
culated  among  the  people. 

The  first  resolves  of  this  sort  proceeded  from  a  meet 
ing  in  Boston.  They  were  forwarded  by  an  express 
to  the  President,  with  a  letter  from  the  selectmen  of  the 
town.  He  received  them  at  Baltimore,  while  on  his 
way  to  Mount  Vernon.  Ten  days  afterwards,  having 
carefully  reviewed  the  subject,  and  ascertained  the  sen 
timents  of  the  cabinet,  he  answered  the  letter.  It  had 
been  his  aim,  he  said,  in  every  act  of  his  administration, 
to  seek  the  happiness  of  his  fellow-citizens,  to  discard 
personal,  local,  and  partial  considerations,  to  look  upon 
the  United  States  as  one  nation,  and  to  consult  only 
their  substantial  and  permanent  interests.  "  Without  a 
predilection  for  my  own  judgment,"  he  added,  "  I  have 
weighed  with  attention  every  argument,  which  has  at 
any  time  been  brought  into  view.  But  the  Constitution 
is  the  guide,  which  I  never  can  abandon.  It  has  as 
signed  to  the  President  the  power  of  making  treaties, 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate.  It  was 
doubtless  supposed,  that  these  two  branches  of  govern 
ment  would  combine,  without  passion,  and  with  the 
best  means  of  information,  those  facts  and  principles, 
upon  which  the  success  of  our  foreign  relations  will 
always  depend;  that  they  ought  not  to  substitute  for 
their  own  conviction  the  opinions  of  others,  or  to  seek 
truth  through  any  channel  but  that  of  a  temperate  and 
well-informed  investigation.  Under  this  persuasion,  I 
have  resolved  on  the  manner  of  executing  the  duty 
before  me.  To  the  high  responsibility  attached  to  it, 
I  freely  submit ;  and  you,  Gentlemen,  are  at  liberty  to 
make  these  sentiments  known  as  the  grounds  of  my 

VOL,  t.  64  QQ, 


506  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1795. 

procedure.  While  I  feel  the  most  lively  gratitude  for 
the  many  instances  of  approbation  from  my  country,  I 
can  no  otherwise  deserve  it,  than  by  obeying  the  dic 
tates  of  my  conscience."  To  these  sentiments  he 
steadily  adhered,  and  he  answered  many  of  the  ad 
dresses  sent  to  him  in  nearly  the  same  language. 

From  the  excitement  that  prevailed,  however,  and 
from  the  resolves  of  meetings  in  all  parts  of  the  country, 
he  soon  perceived,  that  a  formidable  attempt  was  making 
to  stir  up  the  people,  with  a  view  of  operating  on  the 
executive.  To  defeat  this  purpose,  and  to  put  an  end 
to  the  disorders  hourly  increasing  by  the  combined 
action  of  over-heated  zeal,  artifice,  and  party  spirit,  he 
returned  to  Philadelphia,  summoned  the  cabinet,  and 
submitted  the  proposition  for  immediately  ratifying  the 
treaty.  It  was  approved  by  all  the  members  except 
the  Secretary  of  State,  who,  although  he  had  before 
been  in  favor  of  it,  now  thought  the  step  premature,  till 
the  provision  order  should  be  revoked,  and  the  war 
between  England  and  France  should  cease.  This  opin 
ion  had  no  effect  on  the  President.  He  signed  the 
treaty,  the  order  was  in  due  time  repealed,  and  the  rat 
ification,  on  the  terms  advised  by  the  Senate,  was  re 
ciprocated  by  the  British  government. 

It  would  be  impossible,  within  the  limits  of  the  present 
narrative,  to  sketch  even  an  outline  of  the  transactions 
relating  to  this  treaty.  No  more  can  be  said,  than  that 
the  controversy,  occasioned  by  it,  increased  the  violence 
of  party  discord  to  almost  an  incredible  extent ;  and  that 
even  the  motives  and  character  of  Washington  did  not 
escape  a  full  measure  of  the  abuse,  which  was  poured 
out  upon  all,  who  approved  the  acts  of  the  administration. 
Regardless  of  truth  and  decorum,  his  detractors  assailed 
him  with  a  license  and  malignity,  which  showed  an  utter 
despair  of  accomplishing  their  ends  by  honorable  means. 


^Ex.  63.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  507 

But  however  they  might  excite  his  commiseration,  they 
could  not  disturb  his  peace  of  mind.  "I  have  long 
since  resolved,"  said  he,  writing  to  the  governor  of 
Maryland,  "for  the  present  time  at  least,  to  let  my 
calumniators  proceed  without  any  notice  being  taken  of 
their  invectives  by  myself,  or  by  any  others  with  my 
participation  or  knowledge.  Their  views,  I  dare  say, 
are  readily  perceived  by  all  the  enlightened  and  well- 
disposed  part  of  the  community;  and  by  the  records 
of  my  administration,  and  not  by  the  voice  of  faction, 
I  expect  to  be  acquitted  or  condemned  hereafter." 

In  relation  to  the  treaty,  time  disappointed  its  ene 
mies,  and  more  than  fulfilled  the  expectations  of  its 
friends.  It  saved  the  country  from  a  war,  improved  its 
commerce,  and  served  in  no  small  degree  to  lay  the 
foundation  of  its  durable  prosperity.  The  great  points, 
which  were  said  to  be  sacrificed  or  neglected,  the  im 
pressment  of  seamen,  neutral  rights,  and  colonial  trade, 
have  never  yet  been  settled,  and  are  never  likely  to  be 
settled  satisfactorily,  while  England  maintains  the  as 
cendency  she  now  holds  on  the  ocean. 

The  day  following  that  on  which  the  President  affixed 
his  name  to  the  treaty,  Mr.  Randolph  resigned  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  State.  The  circumstances  are 
these.  While  Washington  was  at  Mount  Vernon,  the 
British  minister,  Mr.  Hammond,  put  into  the  hands  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  a  letter  from  M.  Fauchet 
to  the  French  government,  which  had  been  intercepted 
at  sea,  whence  it  found  its  way  to  the  British  cabinet, 
and  was  forwarded  to  Mr.  Hammond.  The  letter  was 
translated  by  Mr.  Pickering,  and  shown  to  the  Presi 
dent  when  he  arrived  in  Philadelphia.  Its  contents 
were  such,  as  to  excite  suspicions  of  Mr.  Randolph's 
conduct.  It  appeared  that  his  political  relations  with 
the  French  minister  had  been  more  intimate  and  con- 


508  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1795. 

fidential,  than  was  compatible  with  the  office  he  held 
in  the  administration.  At  all  events,  it  seemed  a  fair 
inference  from  the  language  of  the  letter,  that  M.  Fau- 
chet  valued  his  services  as  having  been  useful  to  the 
French  interests,  and  calculated  on  them  for  the  future. 

In  the  presence  of  the  other  members  of  the  cabinet, 
the  President  handed  this  letter  to  Mr.  Randolph  and 
asked  an  explanation.  He  had  not  before  heard  of  it; 
and,  although  he  read  it  without  emotion,  he  expressed 
much  displeasure  at  the  President's  manner  of  bringing 
it  to  his  notice,  and  complained  that  he  did  not  first 
converse  with  him  on  the  subject  privately.  He  said 
that  he  wished  more  leisure  to  examine  the  letter,  be 
fore  making  any  detailed  remarks  on  its  contents,  but 
added,  that,  considering  the  treatment  he  had  received, 
he  could  not  think  of  remaining  in  his  office  a  moment 
longer.  Accordingly  he  sent  in  his  resignation  the 
same  day. 

Mr.  Randolph  published  a  pamphlet  vindicating  his 
conduct,  and  explaining  such  parts  of  the  intercepted 
letter  as  related  to  him.  From  M.  Fauchet,  who  was 
then  on  the  point  of  leaving  the  country,  he  also  ob 
tained  a  certificate,  in  which  that  minister  declared,  that 
in  his  letter  he  had  no  intention  to  say  any  thing  to  the 
disadvantage  of  Mr.  Randolph's  character.  The  state 
ments  presented  by  Mr.  Randolph,  in  proof  of  his  inno 
cence,  were  not  such  as  to  produce  entire  conviction; 
but  the  nature  of  his  task  rendered  it  difficult,  if  not 
impossible,  for  him  to  adduce  positive  evidence.  He 
moreover  allowed  himself  to  be  betrayed  into  a  warmth 
of  temper,  and  bitterness  of  feeling,  not  altogether  fa 
vorable  to  his  candor.  After  all  that  has  been  made 
known,  the  particulars  of  his  conversations  with  Fau 
chet,  and  his  designs,  are  stiU  matters  of  conjecture. 

One  fact  connected  with  this  affair  should  be  men- 


^T.  63.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  509 

tioned,  as  being  highly  creditable  to  Washington.  In 
preparing  his  vindication,  Mr.  Randolph  applied  for  a 
certain  letter,  and  intimated  that  papers  were  withheld. 
Washington  said,  in  reply ;  "  That  you  may  have  no 
cause  to  complain  of  the  withholding  of  any  paper, 
however  private  and  confidential,  which  you  shall  think 
necessary  in  a  case  of  so  serious  a  nature,  I  have  di 
rected  that  you  should  have  the  inspection  of  my  letter 
agreeably  to  your  request,  and  you  are  at  full  liberty 
to  publish  without  reserve  any  and  every  private  and 
confidential  letter  I  ever  wrote  to  you ;  nay,  more,  every 
word  I  ever  uttered  to  you,  or  in  your  hearing,  from 
whence  you  can  derive  any  advantage  in  your  vindica 
tion."  When  it  is  remembered,  that  Mr.  Randolph  had 
been  in  the  cabinet  from  the  beginning  of  the  admin 
istration,  the  liberty  here  given  affords  a  striking  proof 
of  the  consciousness  felt  by  Washington  of  the  perfect 
rectitude  of  his  own  proceedings. 

Mr.  Pickering  was  transferred  from  the  war  depart 
ment  to  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  and  James 
McHenry  of  Maryland  was  appointed  Secretary  of  War. 
Mr.  Bradford,  the  Attorney-general,  had  recently  died. 
He  was  succeeded  by  Charles  Lee  of  Virginia. 

The  foreign  relations  of  the  United  States  had  begun 
to  put  on  a  more  favorable  aspect.  Treaties  were  nego 
tiated  with  Spain  and  Algiers,  by  which  the  prisoners 
who  had  been  in  bondage  for  many  years  under  the 
latter  power,  were  released,  and  the  difficulties  with 
the  former,  respecting  boundaries  and  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi,  were  amicably  adjusted.  The  vic 
tory  of  General  Wayne  had  also  smoothed  the  way  to 
a  treaty  with  the  Indians.  On  this  state  of  affairs  the 
President  congratulated  both  houses  of  Congress,  when 
he  met  them  at  the  opening  of  the  session. 

But  the  British  treaty  was  destined  to  be  a  cause  of 


QQ* 


510  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1796. 

still  further  agitation.  Great  exertions  had  been  made 
throughout  the  country  to  obtain  signatures  to  petitions 
against  it,  which  were  to  be  presented  to  the  House 
of  Representatives.  And,  when  the  treaty  was  sub 
mitted  to  Congress,  as  having  been  ratified  by  his  Brit 
annic  Majesty,  the  members  opposed  to  it  indicated  a 
determined  purpose  to  defeat  its  operation  by  refusing 
to  pass  the  laws  necessary  for  carrying  it  into  effect. 
The  warfare  was  commenced  by  a  resolution,  to  which 
a  large  majority  assented,  requesting  the  President  to 
lay  before  the  House  the  instructions  to  Mr.  Jay,  and 
the  correspondence  and  other  documents  relating  to 
the  negotiation. 

This  request  imposed  a  delicate  task  on  the  Presi 
dent.  In  his  opinion,  the  power  to  form  treaties  rested 
wholly  with  the  chief  magistrate  and  the  Senate,  and 
he  believed  that  the  House  of  Representatives  had  no 
right  to  make  a  demand,  which  would  imply  an  en 
croachment  on  this  power,  nor  in  any  manner  to  inter 
fere  with  the  negotiation  of  treaties.  Yet,  in  the  present 
excited  state  of  public  feeling,  a  refusal  of  the  request 
would  expose  him  to  the  charge  of  showing  disrespect 
to  the  representatives  of  the  people,  raise  suspicions  of 
his  motives,  and  probably  furnish  a  pretext  for  insin 
uations,  that  he  had  personal  reasons  for  concealment. 

From  the  line  of  duty,  however,  he  was  never  known 
to  deviate;  and  in  this  case  it  was  too  plain  to  be  mis 
taken.  In  his  answer  to  the  communication  from  the 
house,  he  refused  a  compliance  with  the  request,  and 
gave  his  reasons.  He  said  it  was  clear  to  his  mind, 
that  the  power  of  making  treaties  was  vested  by  the 
Constitution  exclusively  in  the  President,  with  the  ad 
vice  and  consent  of  the  Senate ;  that,  having  been  a 
member  of  the  convention,  he  knew  this  was  the  un 
derstanding  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution ;  that  the 


jET.  64.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  511 

subject  was  fully  discussed;  that  there  were  reasons 
for  believing  the  state  conventions  understood  it  in  the 
same  way ;  that  this  construction  had  hitherto  been 
acquiesced  in  by  the  House  of  Representatives ;  and 
that  a  just  regard  to  the  Constitution,  and  to  the  duty 
of  his  office,  required  him  to  resist  the  principle  con 
tended  for  by  the  house.  If  allowed  to  be  put  in 
practice,  it  would  destroy  the  confidence  of  foreign 
powers  in  the  executive,  derange  the  government,  and 
lead  to  the  most  mischievous  consequences,  when  it 
would  be  too  late  to  apply  a  remedy. 

The  members,  who  voted  for  the  resolution,  were 
not  prepared  for  this  refusal ;  nor  did  they  conceal 
their  disappointment  and  dissatisfaction.  The  message 
gave  rise  to  a  debate,  which  continued  for  many  days, 
and  in  which  the  merits  of  the  treaty,  and  the  consti 
tutional  powers  of  the  several  departments  of  the  gov 
ernment,  were  elaborately  discussed.  Passion,  party 
zeal,  eloquence,  and  argument  were  all  brought  to 
bear  on  the  subject;  and  the  speeches  show,  that  both 
sides  of  the  question  were  maintained  with  unusual 
ability  and  force  of  reasoning.  In  the  end,  a  majority 
of  the  members  who  were  opposed  to  the  treaty  yield 
ed  to  the  exigency  of  the  case,  and,  probably  more 
from  expediency  than  conviction,  united  in  passing  the 
laws  necessary  for  its  fulfilment. 

Among  the  events,  which  contributed  to  harass  the 
mind  and  weigh  upon  the  spirits  of  Washington,  none 
affected  him  more  keenly  than  the  captivity  of  Lafayette. 
Gratitude  for  the  services  rendered  by  Lafayette  to  the 
United  States  in  times  of  distress  and  peril,  a  respect  for 
his  character,  founded  on  a  long  and  intimate  acquain 
tance,  and  a  knowledge  of  his  pure  and  disinterested 
principles,  had  created  an  ardent  attachment,  of  which 
many  proofs  have  been  exhibited  in  this  narrative,  and 


512  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1796. 

many  others  might  be  added.  In  proportion  to  the 
strength  of  this  attachment  was  his  affliction  at  the 
sufferings  of  his  friend. 

After  receiving  the  intelligence  of  his  capture,  Wash 
ington  wrote  letters  to  the  Marchioness  de  Lafayette, 
expressive  of  his  sympathy,  and  affording  all  the  con 
solation  in  his  power.  His  regret  was  the  greater,  be 
cause,  being  at  the  head  of  the  nation,  the  family  of 
Lafayette,  and  the  friends  of  humanity  in  Europe,  ex 
pected  much  from  his  aid ;  while  in  reality  he  could 
do  nothing  more,  except  by  his  personal  influence,  than 
any  other  individual.  Lafayette  was  a  prisoner,  first 
in  the  Prussian  dominions,  and  next  in  the  Austrian. 
There  was  no  diplomatic  intercourse  between  those 
countries  and  the  United  States.  Hence  the  Ameri 
can  government,  without  authority  to  make  a  demand 
or  power  to  enforce  it,  either  directly  or  through  the 
agency  of  other  governments,  could  take  no  decisive 
steps  for  his  release. 

Instructions  were  sent,  and  often  repeated,  to  the 
American  ministers  at  foreign  courts,  directing  them 
to  use  all  their  efforts  in  his  favor.  These  instructions 
were  faithfully  obeyed.  Nothing  more  could  be  done. 
The  mediation  of  the  British  cabinet  was  sought,  but 
not  obtained.  That  he  might  leave  no  means  untried, 
Washington  at  last  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  of 
Germany,  stating  his  friendship  for  Lafayette,  suggest 
ing  in  delicate  terms  that  his  sufferings  had  perhaps 
been  as  great  as  the  nature  of  his  case  demanded,  and 
requesting  that  he  might  be  permitted  to  come  to  the 
United  States  under  such  restrictions  as  his  Majesty,  the 
Emperor,  might  think  it  expedient  to  prescribe.  What 
influence  this  letter  may  have  had  on  the  mind  of  the 
Emperor,  or  on  the  fate  of  Lafayette,  is  not  known. 
When  restored  to  liberty,  he  was  delivered  over,  by 


^T.64.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  513 

order  of  the  Austrian  government,  to  the  American  con 
sul  at  Hamburg. 

When  the  wife  and  daughters  of  Lafayette  left  France, 
to  join  him  in  the  prison  of  Olmutz,  his  son,  George 
Washington  Lafayette,  came  to  the  United  States.  He 
was  affectionately  received  into  the  family  of  President 
Washington,  where  he  resided  nearly  two  years,  till 
he  returned  to  Europe  on  hearing  of  the  liberation  of 
his  father. 

Not  long  after  the  treaty  was  conditionally  ratified 
by  the  Senate,  a  copy  of  it  was  furnished  to  the  French 
minister,  M.  Adet,  the  successor  of  M.  Fauchet.  He 
objected  to  some  parts  of  it,  as  at  variance  with  the 
treaty  subsisting  between  France  and  the  United  States. 
His  objections  were  answered  by  the  Secretary  of  State, 
and  such  explanations  were  given  as  showed,  that  the 
treaty  could  in  no  degree  injure  the  interests  of  France, 
and  that  the  government  of  the  United  States  was  re 
solved  faithfully  to  fulfil  their  compact  with  that  nation, 
according  to  the  strict  principles  of  neutrality,  which  it 
was  bound  to  observe  in  regard  to  the  belligerent  pow 
ers  of  Europe.  But  the  rulers  of  the  French  republic 
had  viewed  with  jealousy  Mr.  Jay's  negotiation,  as  di 
minishing  their  hope  of  a  war  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States  ;  and  it  is  not  surprising,  that  they 
should  be  quick  to  find  out  points  in  the  treaty,  which, 
by  their  construction,  might  be  turned  to  the  disadvan 
tage  of  France.  Foreseeing  this  result,  and  anxious 
to  remove  every  ground  of  dissatisfaction,  Washington 
caused  very  full  instructions  to  be  sent  to  Mr.  Monroe, 
that  he  might  be  able  to  explain  the  articles  of  the 
treaty,  as  understood  by  the  American  government,  and 
also  their  designs  and  conduct  in  making  it. 

From  the  tenor  of  Mr.  Monroe's  letters,  and  from 
the  proceedings  of  the  French  Directory,  the  President 

VOL.  I.  *»5 


514  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1796. 

was  led  to  believe,  that  the  minister  had  been  back 
ward  in  using  his  instructions,  and  in  furnishing  the 
required  explanations.  It  was  known,  likewise,  that 
he  was  hostile  to  the  treaty ;  and  of  course,  with  the 
best  disposition  to  do  his  duty,  he  could  hardly  enter 
into  the  views  of  the  government  with  the  zeal,  and 
represent  them  with  the  force  of  conviction,  which  the 
importance  of  the  occasion  demanded.  The  only  rem 
edy  was  to  send  out  another  minister.  Tt  was  resolv 
ed,  therefore,  to  recall  Mr.  Monroe,  and  make  a  new 
appointment.  This  resolution  was  unanimously  ap 
proved  by  the  cabinet.  Mr.  Monroe  was  accordingly 
recalled,  and  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  was  sent 
to  supply  his  place. 

Some  months  previously,  Mr.  Thomas  Pinckney  had 
been  permitted  to  return  home,  having  discharged  the 
duties  of  his  office  in  England,  and  on  a  mission  for 
negotiating  a  treaty  at  Madrid,  to  the  entire  satisfaction 
of  the  executive  and  of  his  country.  Rufus  King,  who 
had  been  a  senator  from  the  beginning  of  the  new 
government,  was  appointed  as  his  successor  at  the 
court  of  Great  Britain. 

When  the  second  period  of  four  years,  for  which 
Washington  had  been  elected  to  the  Presidency,  was 
approaching  its  termination,  many  of  his  friends,  con 
cerned  at  the  present  state  of  the  country,  and  fearing 
the  consequences  of  the  heats  and  divisions  that  would 
arise  in  choosing  his  successor,  pressed  him  earnestly 
to  make  a  still  further  sacrifice  of  his  inclination  to  the 
public  good.  But  his  purpose  was  fixed,  and  not  to  be 
changed.  He  believed  that  he  had  done  enough,  and 
that  he  might  now,  without  any  dereliction  of  duty, 
resign  the  helm  of  government  into  other  hands.  Hav 
ing  determined  to  retire,  he  thought  proper  to  make 
this  determination  known  in  a  formal  manner,  and  at 


^Ex.64.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  515 

so  early  a  day,  as  to  enable  his  fellow-citizens  to  turn 
their  thoughts  to  other  candidates,  and  prepare  for  a 
new  election. 

Accordingly  his  Farewell  Address  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States  was  published  on  the  15th  of  Sep 
tember,  nearly  six  months  before  his  term  of  office 
expired.  In  this  paper  are  embodied  the  results  of  his 
long  experience  in  public  affairs,  and  a  system  of  policy, 
which  in  his  opinion  was  the  best  suited  to  insure  to 
his  country  the  blessings  of  union,  peace,  and  pros 
perity,  and  the  respect  of  other  nations.  For  the  vigor 
of  its  language,  the  soundness  of  its  maxims,  the  wis 
dom  of  its  counsels,  and  its  pure  and  elevated  senti 
ments,  this  performance  is  unrivalled  ;  and  the  lapse 
of  forty  years  has  rather  increased  than  diminished  the 
admiration  with  which  it  was  universally  received.  The 
sensation,  which  it  produced  in  every  class  of  the  com 
munity,  was  as  strong  as  it  has  been  permanent.  Even 
the  fierce  spirit  of  party  could  not  resist  the  impulse, 
nor  weaken  its  force.  The  State  legislatures,  when 
they  assembled,  and  other  public  bodies,  voted  address 
es  and  thanks  to  the  President,  expressing  a  cordial 
approbation  of  his  conduct  during  the  eight  years  in 
which  he  had  filled  the  office  of  chief  magistrate,  and 
their  deep  regret  that  the  nation  was  to  be  deprived 
of  his  services.  In  some  of  the  States,  the  Farewell 
Address  was  printed  and  published  with  the  laws  by 
order  of  the  legislatures,  as  an  evidence  of  the  value 
they  attached  to  its  political  precepts,  and  of  their  af 
fection  for  its  author.* 

The  two  houses  of  Congress  came  together  in  De 
cember,  and  Washington  met  them  for  the  last  time. 


*  See  the  FAREWELL  ADDRESS,  and  various  particulars  relating  to  it, 
in  Volume  XII.  pp.  214,  382. 


516  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1797. 

As  he  had  usually  done  in  his  former  speeches,  he  first 
presented  a  clear  and  comprehensive  view  of  the  con 
dition  of  the  country,  and  the  executive  proceedings 
within  the  last  year,  and  then  recommended  to  their 
consideration  certain  measures,  which  he  deemed  im 
portant.  Among  these  were  the  gradual  increase  of 
the  navy,  a  provision  for  the  encouragement  of  agricul 
ture  and  manufactures,  the  establishment  of  a  national 
university,  and  the  institution  of  a  military  acade 
my.  The  relations  with  France  were  made  the  sub 
ject  of  a  separate  message.  At  the  end  of  his  speech 
he  said ; 

"The  situation  in  which  I  now  stand,  for  the  last 
time,  in  the  midst  of  the  representatives  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  naturally  recalls  the  period  when 
the  administration  of  the  present  form  of  government 
commenced ;  and  I  cannot  omit  the  occasion  to  con 
gratulate  you  and  my  country,  on  the  success  of  the 
experiment,  nor  to  repeat  my  fervent  supplications  to 
the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Universe  and  Sovereign  Ar 
biter  of  Nations,  that  his  providential  care  may  still  be 
extended  to  the  United  States;  that  the  virtue  and 
happiness  of  the  people  may  be  preserved  ;  and  that 
the  government,  which  they  have  instituted  for  the 
protection  of  their  liberties,  may  be  perpetual." 

Little  was  done  during  the  session.  Public  atten 
tion  was  engrossed  with  the  pending  election.  The 
votes  of  the  electors  were  returned  to  Congress,  and 
in  February  they  were  opened  and  counted  in  the 
presence  of  both  houses.  It  appeared  that  John  Adams 
was  chosen  President,  and  Thomas  Jefferson  Vice-Pres 
ident,  the  former  having  the  highest  number  of  votes, 
and  the  latter  the  next  highest.  The  strength  of  the 
parties  was  tried  in  this  contest.  Mr.  Adams  was  sup 
ported  by  the  friends  of  the  administration,  or  the  fed- 


jE-r.65.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  517 

eral  party,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  by  its  opponents,  or  the 
democratic  party. 

On  the  4th  of  March  the  President  elect  took  the 
oath  of  office  and  assumed  its  duties.  The  ceremony 
was  performed  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives,  and  in  the  same  manner  as  had  been  practised 
on  former  occasions.  Washington  was  present  as  a 
spectator,  happy  in  resigning  the  burden  of  his  office, 
and  gratified  to  see  it  confided  to  one,  whose  long  and 
patriotic  services  in  the  cause  of  his  country  rendered 
him  worthy  of  so  high  a  trust. 

The  citizens  of  Philadelphia  celebrated  the  day  by 
a  testimony  of  respect  for  the  man,  whom  they,  in 
common  with  the  whole  nation,  loved  and  revered.  A 
splendid  entertainment  was  prepared,  which  was  de 
signed  for  him  as  the  principal  guest,  and  to  which 
were  invited  foreign  ministers,  the  heads  of  the  depart 
ments,  officers  of  rank,  and  other  distinguished  per 
sons.  A  spacious  rotunda  was  fitted  up  for  the  occa 
sion,  in  which  were  elegant  decorations,  emblematical 
paintings,  fanciful  devices,  and  a  landscape  represent 
ing  Mount  Vernon  and  the  scenery  around  it,  all  con 
spiring  to  revive  associations  connected  with  the  life 
of  Washington. 

The  following  anecdote  was  communicated  by  the 
late  Bishop  White.  "On  the  day  before  President 
Washington  retired  from  office,  a  large  company  dined 
with  him.  Among  them  were  the  foreign  ministers  and 
their  ladies,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Adams,  Mr.  Jefferson,  and 
other  conspicuous  persons  of  both  sexes.  During  the 
dinner  much  hilarity  prevailed ;  but,  on  the  removal  of 
the  cloth,  it  was  put  an  end  to  by  the  President,  cer 
tainly  without  design.  Having  filled  his  glass,  he  ad 
dressed  the  company,  with  a  smile,  as  nearly  as  can  be 
recollected  in  the  following  words  ;  l  Ladies  and  gen- 

VOL.  I  RR 


518  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1797. 

tlemen,  this  is  the  last  time  I  shall  drink  your  health  as 
a  public  man.  I  do  it  with  sincerity,  wishing  you  all 
possible  happiness.'  There  was  an  end  of  all  pleasan 
try.  He,  who  gives  this  relation,  accidentally  directed 
his  eye  to  the  lady  of  the  British  minister,  Mrs.  Liston, 
and  tears  were  running  down  her  cheeks." 

Being  once  more  a  private  citizen,  and  having  already 
made  preparation  for  his  departure,  he  proceeded  im 
mediately  with  his  family  to  Mount  Vernon.  In  passing 
along  the  road  he  was  welcomed  with  the  same  hearty 
demonstrations  of  attachment,  as  when  clothed  with  the 
dignity  and  power  of  office.  Before  he  reached  Balti 
more,  he  was  met  by  a  military  escort  and  a  large  con 
course  of  the  inhabitants,  who  accompanied  him  into 
the  city ;  and  it  was  not  till  he  had  actually  arrived  at 
his  own  mansion,  in  the  tranquil  retreat  of  Mount  Ver 
non,  that  he  could  say  he  was  no  longer  a  public  man. 

In  reviewing  the  administration  of  Washington,  now 
that  the  effervescence  of  party  is  subsided,  and  in 
tracing  its  effects  on  the  formation  and  progress  of  the 
government,  there  can  hardly  be  a  difference  of  opin 
ion.  No  one  can  doubt  its  wisdom  or  its  success. 
Whether  another  system,  more  conformable  to  the  views 
of  those  who  opposed  his  principal  measures,  might 
not  have  operated  equally  well,  is  not  a  question  which 
needs  to  be  discussed.  When  a  great  and  permanent 
good  has  been  done,  with  the  purest  motives  on  the 
part  of  the  actor,  it  is  not  necessary,  in  forming  a  just 
estimate  of  this  good,  to  inquire  by  what  other  means 
the  same  end  might  have  been  attained. 

Notwithstanding  the  innumerable  embarrassments, 
which  attended  the  first  operations  of  the  new  gov 
ernment,  the  nation  was  never  more  prosperous  than 
while  Washington  was  at  its  head.  Credit  was  re 
stored,  and  established  on  a  sound  basis  ;  the  public 


J3T.65.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  519 

debt  was  secured,  and  its  ultimate  payment  provided 
for ;  commerce  had  increased  beyond  any  former  ex 
ample  ;  the  amount  of  tonnage  in  the  ports  of  the 
United  States  had  nearly  doubled ;  the  imports  and 
exports  had  augmented  in  a  considerably  larger  ratio ; 
and  the  revenue  was  much  more  abundant  than  had 
been  expected.  The  war  with  the  Indians  was  con 
ducted  to  a  successful  issue ;  and  a  peace  was  conclud 
ed,  which  promised  quiet  to  the  frontier  inhabitants, 
and  advantages  to  the  uncivilized  tribes.  Treaties  had 
been  made  with  foreign  powers,  in  which  long  stand 
ing  disputes  were  amicably  settled,  contending  claims 
adjusted,  and  important  privileges  gained  to  the  United 
States.  The  relations  with  France  alone  remained  in  a 
state  of  incertitude  and  perplexity ;  and  this  was  owing 
to  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Europe,  and  not  to  any 
thing  that  had  grown  out  of  the  acts  or  policy  of  the 
American  government. 

Much  having  been  said  and  published  respecting  Mr. 
Jefferson's  conduct  towards  Washington,  after  the  form 
er  retired  from  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  it  may 
have  been  expected  that  some  additional  facts  would 
appear  in  this  narrative.  Such  an  expectation,  however, 
I  have  no  means  of  gratifying.  Among  Washington's 
papers  I  have  found  nothing,  which  can  afford  any  new 
elucidation.  It  has  been  supposed,  that,  after  his  death, 
certain  papers  were  abstracted  from  his  manuscripts, 
which  contained  matters  unfavorable  to  Mr.  Jefferson. 
He  was  in  the  habit  of  writing  his  diary  in  small  books, 
and  some  of  these  books,  written  during  the  period  in 
question,  are  missing.  It  may  be  observed  also,  that, 
for  the  last  three  or  four  years  of  his  life,  there  is  no 
record  of  a  correspondence  between  him  and  Mr.  Jef 
ferson,  nor  any  papers  of  importance  in  which  the  name 
of  the  latter  is  more  than  incidentally  alluded  to.  When 


520  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1797. 

I  mentioned  the  subject  to  Judge  Washington,  he  re 
plied  cautiously,  that  he  had  never  charged  any  person 
with  having  abstracted  papers.  Indeed,  the  nature  of 
the  case  scarcely  admitted  of  positive  proof.  But,  with 
out  discussing  the  question,  or  examining  the  conjec 
tural  evidence  which  has  been  adduced,  I  will  only 
remark,  that  I  am  convinced  the  suspicion  of  papers 
having  been  taken  away,  for  the  purpose  alleged,  must 
rest  on  a  very  slight  foundation. 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  however,  that  Washington's 
feelings  were  wounded  by  some  parts  of  Mr.  Jefferson's 
conduct,  as  well  as  by  conversations  which  were  re 
ported  to  him  as  having  been  held  at  Monticello.  He 
had  reposed  unlimited  confidence  in  Mr.  Jefferson,  and 
shown  towards  him  at  all  times  a  sincere  and  unwav 
ering  attachment;  and  he  was  not  prepared  to  receive 
the  returns  of  ingratitude  and  disrespect,  which  these 
conversations  seemed  to  imply.  The  famous  letter  to 
Mazzei,  however  it  may  be  explained,  could  not  have 
been  read  by  Washington  without  pain.  The  unquali 
fied  censure  of  the  administration,  which  it  contained, 
necessarily  included  him  as  the  head  of  the  adminis 
tration.  After  he  retired  from  the  Presidency,  an  insid 
ious  letter  was  sent  to  him  through  the  post-office,  the 
object  of  which  was  to  draw  from  him  political  remarks 
and  opinions.  It  was  accidentally  discovered,  that  this 
letter  was  subscribed  with  a  fictitious  signature,  and  that 
it  came  from  a  person,  who  resided  near  Mr.  Jefferson, 
associated  intimately  with  him,  and  participated  in  his 
political  sentiments.  It  was  not  ascertained,  nor  per 
haps  fully  believed,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  was  accessory  to 
this  proceeding ;  but  the  circumstances  were  such,  as  to 
make  a  strong  impression  upon  the  mind  of  Washington. 
:t  is  also  remarkable,  that,  while  Mr.  Jefferson  was  Vice- 
President,  although  he  passed  near  Mount  Vernon  in 


jEr.65.]  LIFE  OF 'WASHINGTON.  521 

his  journeys  between  Monticello  and  Philadelphia,  to 
attend  Congress  at  two  regular  sessions  and  one  extra 
session  before  Washington's  death,  he  never  paid  him 
a  visit  nor  saw  him  after  they  separated  at  the  time  of 
Mr.  Adams's  inauguration. 

A  decisive  judgment  on  this  subject  ought  not  to 
be  formed,  however,  without  considering  the  position  in 
which  Mr.  Jefferson  was  placed,  and  his  own  testimony. 
As  the  head  of  a  party  opposed  to  the  administration, 
he  was  the  centre  of  action  to  that  party;  and  he  would 
necessarily  be  led  to  remark  on  public  transactions,  and 
to  express  his  disapprobation  of  them.  At  such  times, 
his  conversation  may  have  been  misinterpreted  by  his 
watchful  opponents  as  applying  to  Washington,  when 
in  reality  he  had  in  view  only  the  system  of  measures  to 
which  he  gave  his  support.  If  it  is  difficult  in  this  case 
to  separate  the  measures  from  the  man,  and  the  censure 
of  the  one  from  that  of  the  other,  it  must  be  remem 
bered,  that  the  difficulty  is  inherent  in  the  case  itself, 
and  that  there  was  no  other  way  by  which  Mr.  Jefferson 
could  escape  from  it,  entertaining  such  opinions  as  he 
did,  than  by  abstaining  altogether  from  speaking  on 
public  affairs.  This  forbearance  was  not  to  be  expected, 
nor  was  it  to  be  required  of  him,  more  than  of  any 
other  person. 

Again,  Mr.  Jefferson  has  affirmed  that  no  correspon 
dence  took  place  between  him  and  Washington,  during 
the  interval  in  which  none  has  been  found  among  the 
papers  of  the  latter;  that  he  always  believed  him  to 
be  firmly  attached  to  the  republican  principles  of  the 
constitution,  and  determined  to  sustain  them  at  all  haz 
ards  ;  and  that  neither  in  the  letter  to  Mazzei,  nor  on 
any  other  occasion,  did  he  intend  to  include  Washington 
among  those,  whom  he  charged  with  moulding  the 
government  into  monarchical  and  aristocratical  forms. 

VOL.  i.  66  RR* 


522  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1797. 

The  substance  of  this  declaration  is  often  repeated  in  his 
published  letters.  In  one  of  these,  describing  the  char 
acter  of  Washington,  he  says;  "His  integrity  was  most 
pure,  his  justice  the  most  inflexible  I  have  ever  known ; 
no  motives  of  interest  or  consanguinity,  of  friendship  or 
hatred,  being  able  to  bias  his  decision.  He  was,  indeed, 
in  every  sense  of  the  words,  a  wise,  a  good,  and  a  great 
man."  These  considerations  seem  to  show  at  least, 
that,  whatever  may  have  been  Mr.  Jefferson's  feelings, 
or  the  part  he  acted,  in  times  of  warm  political  strife,  a 
calm  review7  of  the  past,  at  a  later  period,  brought  him  to 
a  just  estimate  of  the  character  and  conduct  of  Wash 
ington.  But,  after  all,  it  is  not  easy  to  be  convinced, 
even  by  his  own  statements,  that  he  is  not  in  some 
degree  chargeable  with  delinquency  towards  him  during 
the  latter  years  of  his  life. 

Being  established  again  at  Mount  Vernon,  and  freed 
from  public  toils  and  cares,  Washington  returned  to  the 
same  habits  of  life,  and  the  same  pursuits,  which  he 
had  always  practised  at  that  place.  It  required  neither 
time  nor  new  incitements  to  revive  a  taste  for  occupa 
tions,  which  had  ever  afforded  him  more  real  enjoyment 
than  any  others.  Although  he  had  been  able  to  ex 
ercise  a  partial  supervision  over  his  private  affairs,  yet 
he  found,  that,  after  an  absence  of  eight  years,  much  was 
to  be  done  to  repair  his  houses,  restore  his  farms  to  the 
condition  in  which  he  had  left  them,  and  complete  his 
favorite  system  of  agriculture.  To  these  employments 
he  devoted  himself  with  as  lively  an  interest,  as  if 
nothing  had  occurred  to  interrupt  them. 

In  writing  to  a  friend,  a  few  weeks  after  he  arrived  at 
Mount  Vernon,  he  said  that  he  began  his  daily  course 
with  the  rising  of  the  sun,  and  first  made  preparations 
for  the  business  of  the  day.  "  By  the  time  I  have  ac 
complished  these  matters,"  he  adds,  "breakfast  is  ready. 


^ET.65.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  523 

This  being  over,  I  mount  my  horse  and  ride  round  my 
farms,  which  employs  me  until  it  is  time  to  dress  for 
dinner,  at  which  I  rarely  miss  to  see  strange  faces,  come 
as  they  say  out  of  respect  to  me.  And  how  different 
is  this  from  having  a  few  social  friends  at  a  cheerful 
board.  The  usual  time  of  sitting  at  table,  a  walk,  and 
tea,  bring  me  within  the  dawn  of  candlelight ;  previous 
to  which,  if  not  prevented  by  company,  I  resolve,  that, 
as  soon  as  the  glimmering  taper  supplies  the  place  of 
the  great  luminary,  I  will  retire  to  my  writing-table,  and 
acknowledge  the  letters  I  have  received.  Having  given 
you  this  history  of  a  day,  it  will  serve  for  a  year."  And 
in  this  manner  a  year  passed  away,  and  with  no  other 
variety  than  that  of  the  change  of  visiters,  who  came 
from  all  parts  to  pay  their  respects  or  gratify  their 
curiosity. 

But,  in  the  midst  of  these  scenes,  it  once  more  be 
came  his  duty  to  yield  to  the  claim  of  his  country.  The 
French  Directory  had  rejected  the  overtures  for  a  re 
conciliation,  and  committed  outrages  and  insults  against 
the  United  States,  which  no  independent  nation  could 
bear.  Mr.  Pinckney,  the  American  plenipotentiary,  had 
been  treated  with  indignity,  first  by  a  refusal  to  receive 
him  as  minister,  and  next  by  an  order  to  leave  the  ter 
ritories  of  the  Republic.  At  the  same  time,  depredations 
were  made  upon  American  commerce  by  French  cruis 
ers,  in  violation  of  the  treaty  which  had  subsisted  be- 
twen  the  two  nations.  President  Adams  summoned 
Congress,  submitted  the  subject  to  them,  and  recom 
mended  preparations  for  military  defence.  That  no 
method  might  be  left  unattempted  for  bringing  about  a 
reconciliation  and  insuring  peace,  two  envoys  extraordi 
nary,  John  Marshall  and  Elbridge  Gerry,  were  sent  out 
to  join  Mr.  Pinckney.  The  three  envoys  proceeded  to 
Paris,  but  their  mission  was  unsuccessful. 


524  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1798. 

It  seems  that  the  rulers  of  France  had  been  deceived 
into  a  belief,  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  would 
not  sustain  their  government  in  a  war  against  that  coun 
try.  The  opposition  shown  to  the  British  treaty  had  con 
tributed  to  foster  this  delusion ;  and  indeed  the  conduct 
of  the  French  ministers  in  the  United  States,  from  the 
time  Genet  arrived  at  Charleston,  had  clearly  indicated 
a  design  to  separate  the  people  from  the  government. 
Such  was  the  confidence  of  the  Executive  Directory  in 
this  hope,  and  such  their  ignorance  of  the  American 
character,  that  they  had  the  effrontery  to  demand  money 
of  the  envoys  as  a  preliminary  to  any  negotiation  for 
settling  the  differences  between  the  two  nations.  This 
demand  was  made  under  the  pretence  of  a  redress  of 
grievances,  in  consequence,  as  it  was  alleged,  of  the  un 
favorable  operation  of  the  British  treaty,  and  of  the  sys 
tem  of  neutrality  adopted  by  the  American  government. 
So  degrading  a  proposal  could  not  of  course  be  regarded 
in  any  other  light  than  as  an  insult. 

Nothing  now  remained  to  be  done  but  to  prepare  for 
war.  Congress  authorized  the  President  to  enlist  ten 
thousand  men,  as  a  provisional  army,  and  to  call  them 
into  actual  service,  if  war  should  be  declared  against  the 
United  States,  or  whenever  in  his  opinion  there  should 
be  danger  of  an  invasion. 

As  soon  as  it  was  foreseen,  that  a  resort  to  arms 
might  be  necessary,  all  eyes  were  turned  upon  Wash 
ington  as  the  individual  to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
army.  The  weight  of  his  name  was  of  the  utmost  im 
portance  to  produce  unanimity  in  the  leaders,  and  secure 
the  confidence  and  support  of  the  people.  "You  ought 
to  be  aware,"  said  Hamilton,  in  writing  to  him,  "that, 
in  the  event  of  an  open  rupture  with  France,  the  public 
voice  will  again  call  you  to  command  the  armies  of  your 
country ;  and,  though  all  who  are  attached  to  you  will 


^Ex  66.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  525 

from  attachment,  as  well  as  public  considerations,  de 
plore  an  occasion,  which  should  once  more  tear  you  from 
that  repose  to  which  you  have  so  good  aright,  yet  it 
is  the  opinion  of  all  those  with  whom  I  converse,  that 
you  will  be  compelled  to  make  the  sacrifice.  All  your 
past  labors  may  demand,  to  give  them  efficacy,  this 
further,  this  very  great  sacrifice."  The  President  also 
wrote  to  him ;  "  We  must  have  your  name,  if  you  will 
permit  us  to  use  it.  There  will  be  more  efficacy  in  it, 
than  in  many  an  army."  This  letter  was  written  before 
any  appointments  had  been  made.  The  following  is 
an  extract  from  Washington's  reply. 

"  From  a  view  of  the  past  and  the  present,  and  from 
the  prospect  of  that  which  seems  to  be  expected,  it 
is  not  easy  for  me  to  decide  satisfactorily  on  the  part 
it  might  best  become  me  to  act.  In  case  of  actual 
invasion  by  a  formidable  force,  I  certainly  should  not 
intrench  myself  under  the  cover  of  age  and  retire 
ment,  if  my  services  should  be  required  by  my  coun 
try  to  assist  in  repelling  it.  And,  if  there  be  good 
cause,  which  must  be  better  known  to  the  government 
than  to  private  citizens,  to  expect  such  an  event,  de 
lay  in  preparing  for  it  might  be  dangerous,  improper, 
and  not  to  be  justified  by  prudence.  The  uncertainty, 
however,  of  the  event,  in  my  mind,  creates  my  em 
barrassment;  for  I  cannot  fairly  bring  it  to  believe, 
regardless  as  the  French  are  of  treaties  and  of  the 
laws  of  nations,  and  capable  as  I  conceive  them  to  be 
of  any  species  of  despotism  and  injustice,  that  they 
will  attempt  to  invade  this  country,  after  such  a  uni 
form  and  unequivocal  expression  of  the  sense  of  the 
people  in  all  parts  to  oppose  them  with  their  lives 
and  fortunes." 

Before  receiving  this  reply,  the  President  had  nomi 
nated  him  to  the  Senate  as  Commander-in-chief  of  the 


526  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1798. 

armies  of  the  United  States.  The  nomination  was  unani 
mously  confirmed  on  the  3d  of  July,  the  day  after  it  was 
made.  The  Secretary  of  War  was  despatched  in  per 
son  to  Mount  Vernon,  as  the  bearer  of  the  commission. 
Washington  accepted  the  appointment,  with  two  reser 
vations  ;  first,  that  the  principal  officers  should  be  such 
as  he  approved;  secondly,  that  he  should  not  be  called 
into  the  field,  till  the  army  was  in  a  condition  to  require 
his  presence,  or  till  it  became  necessary  by  the  urgency 
of  circumstances.  He  added,  however,  that  he  did  not 
mean  to  withhold  any  assistance  he  could  afford  in 
arranging  and  organizing  the  army ;  and,  in  conformity 
with  the  rule  he  had  always  followed,  he  declined  re 
ceiving  any  part  of  the  emoluments  annexed  to  his 
appointment,  until  he  should  be  in  a  situation  to  incur 
expense. 

There  was  much  embarrassment  m  appointing  the 
principal  officers.  Some  of  those,  who  had  served  in 
the  revolution,  were  prominent  candidates  for  appoint 
ments  in  the  new  army.  It  became  a  question,  whether 
their  former  rank  should  be  taken  into  account.  If 
this  were  decided  in  the  affirmative,  it  would  deprive 
the  army  of  the  services  of  men,  whose  talents,  activity, 
and  influence  were  of  the  greatest  moment,  but  who 
would  not  accept  subordinate  places.  It  was  the  opin 
ion  of  Washington,  that,  since  the  old  army  had  long 
been  disbanded,  and  a  new  one  was  now  to  be  formed 
upon  different  principles  and  for  a  different  object,  no 
regard  ought  to  be  paid  to  former  rank,  but  that  the 
best  men  should  be  selected,  and  so  arranged  as  most 
effectually  to  promote  the  public  good.  This  opinion 
prevailed. 

The  inspector-general  was  to  be  the  second  in 
command,  and  there  were  to  be  likewise  two  major- 
generals.  For  these  offices  Washington  proposed  Alex- 


^ET.67.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  527 

ander  Hamilton,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  and  Hen 
ry  Knox,  who  were  to  rank  in  the  order  in  which  their 
names  here  stand.  They  were  thus  appointed.  The 
President  was  not  satisfied  with  the  arrangement.  His 
choice  for  the  inspector-general  rested  upon  Knox,  but 
he  acquiesced  in  the  decision  of  Washington.  Unfor 
tunately  General  Knox  was  displeased  with  the  arrange 
ment,  and  declined  accepting  his  commission.  He 
believed  that  his  former  services  gave  him  higher  claims, 
than  could  be  advanced  for  the  two  younger  officers 
who  were  placed  over  him. 

From  this  time  to  the  end  of  his  life  a  great  part  of 
Washington's  attention  was  taken  up  with  the  affairs 
of  the  new  army.  His  correspondence  with  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  the  major-generals,  and  other  officers,  was 
unremitted  and  very  full,  entering  into  details  and  com 
municating  instructions,  which  derived  value  from  his 
long  experience  and  perfect  knowledge  of  the  sub 
ject.  His  letters  during  this  period,  if  not  the  most  in 
teresting  to  many  readers,  will  ever  be  regarded  as 
models  of  their  kind,  and  as  affording  evidence  that 
the  vigor  and  fertility  of  his  mind  had  not  decreased 
with  declining  years.  He  passed  a  month  at  Philadel 
phia,  where  he  was  assiduously  employed  with  Generals 
Hamilton  and  Pinckney  in  making  arrangements  for 
raising  and  organizing  the  army.  After  the  plan  was 
finished,  he  applied  himself,  with  all  the  ardor  of  his 
younger  days,  to  effect  its  execution. 

He  never  seriously  believed,  that  the  French  would  go 
to  the  extremity  of  invading  the  United  States.  But  it 
had  always  been  a  maxim  with  him,  that  a  timely  prep 
aration  for  war  afforded  the  surest  means  of  preserving 
peace;  and  on  this  occasion  he  acted  with  as  much 
promptitude  and  energy,  as  if  the  invaders  had  been 
actually  on  the  coast.  His  opinion  proved  to  be  correct, 


528  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1799. 

and  his  prediction  was  verified.  When  it  was  discov 
ered,  that  a  war  with  the  United  States  would  not  be 
against  the  government  alone,  but  that  the  whole  people 
would  rise  to  resist  aggression  and  maintain  their  rights 
and  dignity  as  a  nation,  the  French  rulers  relaxed  into 
a  more  pacific  temper.  Intimations  were  given  by  them 
of  a  willingness  to  cooperate  in  effecting  a  friendly 
and  equitable  adjustment  of  existing  differences.  Lis 
tening  to  these  overtures,  the  President  again  appointed 
three  envoys  extraordinary,  and  invested  them  with 
full  powers  to  negotiate  with  the  French  government. 
When  they  arrived  in  Paris,  they  found  Bonaparte  at 
the  head  of  affairs,  who,  having  taken  no  part  in  the 
preceding  disputes,  and  perceiving  no  advantage  in  con 
tinuing  them,  readily  assented  to  an  accommodation. 
No  event  was  more  desired  by  Washington,  but  he  did 
not  live  to  participate  in  the  joy  with  which  the  intelli 
gence  was  received  by  his  countrymen. 

Since  his  retirement  from  the  Presidency,  his  health 
had  been  remarkably  good ;  and,  although  age  had  not 
come  without  its  infirmities,  yet  he  was  able  to  endure 
fatigue  and  make  exertions  of  body  and  mind  with 
scarcely  less  ease  and  activity,  than  he  had  done  in  the 
prime  of  his  strength.  On  the  12th  of  December  he 
spent  several  hours  on  horseback,  riding  to  his  farms, 
and  giving  directions  to  his  managers.  He  returned 
late  in  the  afternoon,  wet  and  chilled  with  the  rain  and 
sleet,  to  which  he  had  been  exposed  while  riding  home. 
The  water  had  penetrated  to  his  neck,  and  snow  was 
lodged  in  the  locks  of  his  hair.  A  heavy  fall  of  snow 
the  next  day  prevented  his  going  abroad,  except  for  a 
short  time  near  his  house.  A  sore  throat  and  hoarse 
ness  convinced  him,  that  he  had  taken  cold ;  but  he 
seemed  to  apprehend  no  danger  from  it.  He  passed 
the  evening  with  the  family,  read  the  newspapers,  and 
conversed  cheerfully  till  his  usual  hour  for  going  to  rest. 


JET.  67.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  529 

In  the  night  he  had  an  ague,  and  before  the  dawn 
of  day  the  next  morning,  which  was  Saturday,  the 
14th,  the  soreness  in  his  throat  had  become  so  severe, 
that  he  breathed  and  spoke  with  difficulty.  At  his  re 
quest  he  was  bled  by  one  of  his  overseers,  and  in  the 
mean  time  a  messenger  went  for  Dr.  Craik,  who  lived 
nine  miles  off,  at  Alexandria.  As  no  relief  was  obtained 
by  bleeding,  and  the  symptoms  were  such  as  to  alarm 
the  family,  another  messenger  was  despatched  for  Dr. 
Brown,  who  resided  nearer  Mount  Vernon.  These 
physicians  arrived  in  the  morning,  and  Dr.  Dick  in  the 
course  of  the  day.  All  the  remedies,  which  their  united 
counsel  could  devise,  were  used  without  effect. 

His  suffering  was  acute  and  unabated  through  the 
day,  but  he  bore  it  with  perfect  composure  and  resigna 
tion.  Towards  evening  he  said  to  Dr.  Craik;  "I  die 
hard,  but  I  am  not  afraid  to  die.  I  believed  from  my 
first  attack,  that  I  should  not  survive  it.  My  breath 
cannot  last  long."  From  that  time  he  said  little,  except 
to  thank  the  physicians  for  their  kindness,  and  request 
they  would  give  themselves  no  more  trouble,  but  let  him 
die  quietly.  Nothing  farther  was  done,  and  he  sank 
gradually  till  between  ten  and  eleven  o'clock  at  night, 
when  he  expired,  in  the  sixty-eighth  year  of  his  age, 
and  in  the  full  possession  of  his  mental  faculties;  ex 
hibiting  in  this  short  and  painful  illness,  and  in  his 
death,  the  same  example  of  patience,  fortitude,  and  sub 
mission  to  the  Divine  will,  which  he  had  shown  in  all 
the  acts  of  his  life.  On  Wednesday,  the  18th  of  De 
cember,  his  remains  were  deposited  in  the  family  tomb 
at  Mount  Vernon.  * 

Congress  was  at  this  time  in  session  at  Philadelphia , 
and,  when  the  news  of  the  melancholy  event  arrived 

*  A  particular  account  of  the  last  illness  and  death  of  Washington  ia 
contained  in  the  Appendix,  No.  II. 

VOL.  i.  67  ss 


530  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1799. 

at  the  seat  of  government,  both  houses  immediately 
adjourned  for  the  remainder  of  the  day.  The  next 
morning,  as  soon  as  the  House  of  Representatives 
had  convened,  Mr.  Marshall,  afterwards  Chief  Justice, 
rose  in  his  place,  and  addressed  the  Speaker  in  an 
eloquent  and  pathetic  speech,  briefly  recounting  the 
public  acts  of  Washington.  "  Let  us,  then,"  said  he,  at 
the  conclusion,  "pay  the  last  tribute  of  respect  and  af 
fection  to  our  departed  friend.  Let  the  Grand  Council 
of  the  nation  display  those  sentiments,  which  the  nation 
feels."  He  then  offered  three  resolutions,  previously 
prepared  by  General  Henry  Lee,  which  were  accepted. 
By  these  it  was  proposed,  that  the  house  should  in  a 
body  wait  on  the  President  to  express  their  condolence ; 
that  the  Speaker's  chair  should  be  shrouded  in  black, 
and  the  members  and  officers  of  the  house  be  dressed 
an  black,  during  the  session ;  and  that  a  committee,  in 
conjunction  with  a  committee  from  the  Senate,  should 
'be  appointed  "to  consider  on  the  most  suitable  man 
ner  of  paying  honor  to  the  memory  of  the  man,  first 
in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his 
fellow-citizens." 

The  Senate  testified  their  respect  and  sorrow  by 
similar  proceedings.  A  joint  committee  of  the  two 
houses  was  appointed,  who  reported  resolutions  recom 
mending,  that  a  marble  monument  should  be  erected 
to  commemorate  the  great  events  in  the  military  and 
political  life  of  Washington ;  that  an  oration,  suited  to 
the  occasion,  should  be  pronounced  in  the  presence  of 
both  houses  of  Congress ;  that  the  people  of  the  United 
States  should  wear  crape  on  the  left  arm  thirty  days  as 
a  badge  of  mourning ;  and  that  the  President,  in  the 
name  of  Congress,  should  be  requested  to  write  a  letter 
of  condolence  to  Mrs.  Washington.  These  resolutions 
were  unanimously  adopted.  The  funeral  ceremonies 


jEx.67.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  531 

were  appropriate  and  solemn.  A  procession,  consisting 
of  the  members  of  the  two  houses,  public  officers,  and  a 
large  assemblage  of  citizens,  moved  from  the  hall  of 
Congress  to  the  German  Lutheran  Church,  where  a  dis 
course  was  delivered  by  General  Lee,  then  a  represen 
tative  in  Congress.* 

But  no  formal  act  of  the  national  legislature  was 
required  to  stir  up  the  hearts  of  the  people,  or  to  remind 
them  of  the  loss  they  had  sustained  in  the  death  of  a 
man,  whom  they  had  so  long  been  accustomed  to  love 
and  revere,  and  the  remembrance  of  whose  deeds  and 
virtues  was  so  closely  connected  with  that  of  their  for 
mer  perils,  and  of  the  causes  of  their  present  prosperity 
and  happiness.  The  mourning  was  universal.  It  was 
manifested  by  every  token,  which  could  indicate  the 
public  sentiment  and  feeling.  Orators,  divines,  journal 
ists,  and  writers  of  every  class,  responded  to  the  general 
voice  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  employed  their 
talents  to  solemnize  the  event,  and  to  honor  the  memory 
of  him,  who,  more  than  any  other  man,  of  ancient  or 
modern  renown,  may  claim  to  be  called  THE  FATHER 

OF    HIS    CoUNTRY.f 


*  See  Appendix,  No.  III. 

t  Bonaparte  rendered  unusual  honors  to  the  name  of  Washington,  not 
long  after  the  event  of  his  death  was  made  known  in  France.  By 
what  motives  he  was  prompted,  it  is  needless  to  inquire.  At  any  rate, 
both  the  act  itself  and  his  manner  of  performing  it  are  somewhat  remark 
able,  when  regarded  in  connexion  with  his  subsequent  career.  He  was 
then  First  Consul.  On  the  9th  of  February,  he  issued  the  following  order 
of  the  day  to  the  army.  "  Washington  is  dead !  This  great  man  fought 
against  tyranny  ;  he  established  the  liberty  of  his  country.  His  memory 
will  always  be  dear  to  the  French  people,  as  it  will  be  to  all  free  men  of 
the  two  worlds ;  and  especially  to  French  soldiers,  who,  like  him  and  the 
American  soldiers,  have  combated  for  liberty  and  equality."  The  First 
Consul  likewise  ordered,  that,  during  ten  days,  black  crape  should  be 
suspended  from  all  the  standards  and  flags  throughout  the  Republic.  On 
the  same  day  a  splendid  ceremony  took  place  in  the  Champ  de  Mars,  and 
the  trophies  brought  by  the  army  from  Egypt  were  displayed  with  great 


532  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1799. 

The  person  of  Washington  was  commanding,  grace 
ful,  and  fitly  proportioned ;  his  stature  six  feet,  his  chest 
broad  and  full,  his  limbs  long  and  somewhat  slender, 
but  well  shaped  and  muscular.  His  features  were  regu 
lar  and  symmetrical,  his  eyes  of  a  light  blue  color,  and 
his  whole  countenance,  in  its  quiet  state,  was  grave, 
placid,  and  benignant.  When  alone,  or  not  engaged  in 
conversation,  he  appeared  sedate  and  thoughtful ;  but, 
when  his  attention  was  excited,  his  eye  kindled  quickly, 
and  his  face  beamed  with  animation  and  intelligince. 
He  was  not  fluent  in  speech,  but  what  he  said  was 
apposite,  and  listened  to  with  the  more  interest  as  being 
known  to  come  from  the  heart.  He  seldom  attempted 
sallies  of  wit  or  humor,  but  no  man  received  more  pleas 
ure  from  an  exhibition  of  them  by  others ;  and,  although 
contented  in  seclusion,  he  sought  his  chief  happiness  in 
society,  and  participated  with  delight  in  all  its  rational 
and  innocent  amusements.  Without  austerity  on  the 
one  hand,  or  an  appearance  of  condescending  familiarity 
on  the  other,  he  was  affable,  courteous,  and  cheerful ; 
but  it  has  often  been  remarked,  that  there  was  a  dignity 
in  his  person  and  manner,  not  easy  to  be  defined,  which 
impressed  every  one  that  saw  him  for  the  first  time 

pomp.  Immediately  after  this  ceremony  was  over,  a  funeral  oration,  in 
honor  of  Washington  (Eloge  Funebre  de  Washington)  was  pronounced  by 
M.  de  Fontanes,  in  the  Hotel  des  Invalides,  then  called  the  Temple  of 
Mars.  The  First  Consul,  and  all  the  civil  and  military  authorities  of  the 
capital,  were  present 

It  may  here  be  mentioned,  that  Washington  was  never  a  Marshal  of 
France,  as  has  often  been  repeated. 

Another  tribute  was  paid  to  his  memory,  which  is  worthy  of  being 
recorded.  About  the  time  that  the  news  of  his  death  arrived  in  England, 
the  British  fleet,  which  had  recently  chased  the  French  fleet  into  the  har 
bour  of  Brest,  was  lying  at  Torbay,  and  consisted  of  nearly  sixty  ships  of 
the  line.  Lord  Bridport,  who  had  the  command,  on  hearing  the  intelli 
gence,  lowered  his  flag  half-mast.  His  example  was  followed  by  the 
whole  fleet.  This  fact  was  communicated  to  me  by  an  American  gentle 
man,  who  was  on  board  one  of  the  ships  at  the  time. 


vEr.67.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  533 

with  an  instinctive  deference  and  awe.  This  may  have 
arisen  in  part  from  a  conviction  of  his  superiority,  as 
well  as  from  the  effect  produced  by  his  external  form 
and  deportment. 

The  character  of  his  mind  was  unfolded  in  the  public 
and  private  acts  of  his  life ;  and  the  proofs  of  his  great 
ness  are  seen  almost  as  much  in  the  one  as  the  other. 
The  same  qualities,  which  raised  him  to  the  ascendency 
he  possessed  over  the  will  of  a  nation  as  the  com 
mander  of  armies  and  chief  magistrate,  caused  him  to 
be  loved  and  respected  as  an  individual.  Wisdom, 
judgment,  prudence,  and  firmness  were  his  predominant 
traits.  No  man  ever  saw  more  clearly  the  relative  im 
portance  of  things  and  actions,  or  divested  himself  more 
entirely  of  the  bias  of  personal  interest,  partiality,  and 
prejudice,  in  discriminating  between  the  true  and  the 
false,  the  right  and  the  wrong,  in  all  questions  and 
subjects  that  were  presented  to  him.  He  deliberated 
slowly,  but  decided  surely ;  and,  when  his  decision  was 
once  formed,  he  seldom  reversed  it,  and  never  relaxed 
from  the  execution  of  a  measure  till  it  was  completed. 
Courage,  physical  and  moral,  was  a  part  of  his  nature ; 
and,  whether  in  battle  or  in  the  midst  of  popular  excite-' 
ment,  he  was  fearless  of  danger  and  regardless  of  con 
sequences  to  himself. 

His  ambition  was  of  that  noble  kind,  which  aims  to 
excel  in  whatever  it  undertakes,  and  to  acquire  a  power 
over  the  hearts  of  men  by  promoting  their  happiness  and 
winning  their  affections.  Sensitive  to  the  approbation 
of  others  and  solicitous  to  deserve  it,  he  made  no  con 
cessions  to  gain  their  applause,  either  by  flattering  their 
vanity  or  yielding  to  their  caprices.  Cautious  without 
timidity,  bold  without  rashness,  cool  in  counsel,  delib 
erate  but  firm  in  action,  clear  in  foresight,  patient  under 
reverses,  steady,  persevering,  and  self-possessed,  he  met 


ss* 


534  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1799. 

and  conquered  every  obstacle  that  obstructed  his  path 
to  honor,  renown,  and  success.  More  confident  in  the 
uprightness  of  his  intentions,  than  in  his  resources, 
he  sought  knowledge  and  advice  from  other  men.  He 
chose  his  counsellors  with  unerring  sagacity;  and  his 
quick  perception  of  the  soundness  of  an  opinion,  and 
of  the  strong  points  in  an  argument,  enabled  him  to 
draw  to  his  aid  the  best  fruits  of  their  talents,  and  the 
light  of  their  collected  wisdom. 

His  moral  qualities  were  in  perfect  harmony  with 
those  of  his  intellect.  Duty  was  the  ruling  principle 
of  his  conduct ;  and  the  rare  endowments  of  his  under 
standing  were  not  more  constantly  tasked  to  devise 
the  best  methods  of  effecting  an  object,  than  they  were 
to  guard  the  sanctity  of  conscience.  No  instance  can 
be  adduced,  in  which  he  was  actuated  by  a  sinister 
motive,  or  endeavoured  to  attain  an  end  by  unwor 
thy  means.  Truth,  integrity,  and  justice  were  deeply 
rooted  in  his  mind;  and  nothing  could  rouse  his  in 
dignation  so  soon,  or  so  utterly  destroy  his  confidence, 
as  the  discovery  of  the  want  of  these  virtues  in  any 
one  whom  he  had  trusted.  Weaknesses,  follies,  in 
discretions,  he  could  forgive;  but  subterfuge  and  dis 
honesty  he  never  forgot,  rarely  pardoned.  He  was 
candid  and  sincere,  true  to  his  friends  and  faithful  to 
all,  neither  practising  dissimulation,  descending  to  ar 
tifice,  nor  holding  out  expectations  which  he  did  not 
intend  should  be  realized.  His  passions  were  strong, 
and  sometimes  they  broke  out  with  vehemence,  but 
he  had  the  power  of  checking  them  in  an  instant. 
Perhaps  self-control  was  the  most  remarkable  trait  of 
his  character.  It  was  in  part  the  effect  of  discipline ; 
yet  he  seems  by  nature  to  have  possessed  this  power 
in  a  degree,  which  has  been  denied  to  other  men. 


jEr.67.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  535 

A  Christian  in  faith  and  practice,  he  was  habitual 
ly  devout.  His  reverence  for  religion  is  seen  in  his 
example,  his  public  communications,  and  his  private 
writings.  He  uniformly  ascribed  his  successes  to  the 
beneficent  agency  of  the  Supreme  Being.  Charitable 
and  humane,  he  was  liberal  to  the  poor,  and  kind  to 
those  in  distress.  As  a  husband,  son,  and  brother,  he 
was  tender  and  affectionate.  Without  vanity,  ostenta 
tion,  or  pride,  he  never  spoke  of  himself  or  his  actions, 
unless  required  by  circumstances  which  concerned  the 
public  interests.  As  he  was  free  from  envy,  so  he  had 
the  good  fortune  to  escape  the  envy  of  others,  by  stand 
ing  on  an  elevation  which  none  could  hope  to  attain. 
If  he  had  one  passion  more  strong  than  another,  it 
was  love  of  his  country.  The  purity  and  ardor  of  his 
patriotism  were  commensurate  with  the  greatness  of  its 
object.  Love  of  country  in  him  was  invested  with  the 
sacred  obligation  of  a  duty ;  and  from  the  faithful  dis 
charge  of  this  duty  he  never  swerved  for  a  moment, 
either  in  thought  or  deed,  through  the  whole  period 
of  his  eventful  career. 

Such  are  some  of  the  traits  in  the  character  of 
Washington,  which  have  acquired  for  him  the  love  and 
veneration  of  mankind.  If  they  are  not  marked  with 
the  brilliancy,  extravagance,  and  eccentricity,  which  in 
other  men  have  excited  the  astonishment  of  the  world, 
so  neither  are  they  tarnished  by  the  follies  nor  dis 
graced  by  the  crimes  of  those  men.  £  It  is  the  happy 
combination  of  rare  talents  and  qualities,  the  harmo 
nious  union  of  the  intellectual  and  moral  powers,  rather 
than  the  dazzling  splendor  of  any  one  trait,  which  'con 
stitute  the  grandeur  of  his  character.Jf  If  the  title  of 
great  man  ought  to  be  reserved  for  him,  who  cannot 
be  charged  with  an  indiscretion  or  a  vice,  who  spent 
his  life  in  establishing  the  independence,  the  glory,  and 


536  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1799. 

durable  prosperity  of  his  country,  who  succeeded  in 
all  that  he  undertook,  and  whose  successes  were  never 
won  at  the  expense  of  honor,  justice,  integrity,  or  by 
the  sacrifice  of  a  single  principle,  this  title  will  not  be 
denied  to  Washington. 


APPENDIX 


VOL.  I. 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I.  p.  3. 
ORIGIN  AND  GENEALOGY  OF  THE  WASHINGTON  FAMILY. 

THERE  was  a  tradition  in  the  branch  of  the  Washington  fam 
ily  to  which  General  Washington  belonged,  that  their  ancestors 
emigrated  to  America  from  Yorkshire  in  the  North  of  Eng 
land.  No  facts  had  been  collected,  however,  to  confirm  this  tra 
dition,  nor  did  General  Washington  himself  pretend  to  have  any 
certain  knowledge  on  the  subject.  Soon  after  he  became  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  Sir  Isaac  Heard,  then  Garter  King  of 
Arms  in  London,  wrote  to  him,  stating  that  from  curiosity  he  had 
been  at  considerable  pains  to  investigate  this  matter,  and  had 
made  some  progress,  but  that  he  was  still  in  doubt  as  to  several 
points,  and  he  requested  such  particulars  as  could  be  furnished 
by  the  family  in  America. 

To  gratify  this  request,  as  far  as  it  was  in  his  power,  Washing 
ton  applied  to  several  aged  persons  for  their  reminiscences,  pro 
cured  copies  and  abstracts  of  wills,  and  collected  such  other  ma 
terials  as  could  be  found,  from  which  he  drew  up  a  paper  and 
forwarded  it  to  the  Garter  King  of  Arms.  This  paper  was  the 
basis  of  an  imperfect  genealogical  table,  which  was  constructed 
and  sent  to  Mount  Vernon  ;  but  an  inflammation  of  the  eyes, 
which  seems  to  have  afflicted  Sir  Isaac  Heard  for  several  years 
before  his  death,  prevented  his  pursuing  the  inquiry ;  and  it  does 
not  appear,  that  Washington  obtained  any  other  facts  than  those 
contained  in  the  paper  above  mentioned.  Sir  Isaac  Heard  ascer 
tained,  however,  that  the  two  brothers,  who  were  the  first  of  the 
family  that  came  to  America,  were  not  from  Yorkshire,  but  from 
Northamptonshire,  and  he  traced  their  ancestors  to  Lancashire. 

While  I  was  in  England,  searching  for  the  materials  which 
have  been  used  to  fill  out  and  illustrate  various  parts  of  Wash- 


540  WASHINGTON    FAMILY.  [APPENDIX. 

ington's  writings,  I  embraced  the  opportunity  to  make  further 
inquiries  respecting  the  origin  and  history  of  the  family.  At  the 
Herald's  College  I  was  politely  allowed  access  to  all  the  manu 
scripts  of  Sir  Isaac  Heard  on  this  subject  ;  and,  with  the  aid  of 
these  and  of  the  voluminous  county  histories  in  the  public  libra 
ries,  I  was  enabled  to  collect  a  few  facts,  which  may  be  thought 
worthy  of  being  preserved  in  connexion  with  the  life  of  one,  who 
has  added  so  much  lustre  to  the  name. 

In  the  County  of  Durham  is  a  parish  called  Washington,  and 
the  earliest  period,  in  which  any  person  is  known,  or  supposed, 
to  have  been  called  by  that  name,  was  towards  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  century.  The  following  is  Hutchinson's  account  of  this 
parish. 

"  The  manor  is  mentioned  in  the  Boldon  Book,*  wherein  it  is 
said  WILLIAM  DE  HERTBURN  held  the  same,  except  the  church 
and  the  lands  thereto  appertaining,  in  exchange  for  the  vill  of 
Hertburn,  rendering  four  pounds,  serving  in  the  great  chase  with 
two  greyhounds,  and  paying  one  mark  to  the  palatine  aid,  when 
such  happened  to  be  raised.  At  the  time  of  making  Bishop  Hat- 
field's  survey ,t  the  resident  family  had  assumed  a  local  name,  and 
WILLIAM  DE  WESSYNGTON,  knight,  then  held  the  manor  and  vill. 
On  the  inquisition  taken  at  his  death,  in  the  twenty-second  year 
of  that  prelate, J  it  appears  that  in  his  service  he  was  to  provide 
three  greyhounds  for  the  chase,  and,  if  he  took  any  game  in  his 
way  to  the  forest,  it  should  be  for  the  Bishop's  use,  but  what  he 
got  on  his  return  was  to  be  taken  for  his  own  benefit.  In  Bishop 
Langley's§  time,  we  find  Washington  was  become  the  estate  of 
the  Blackstons."  || 

The  same  particulars  are  stated  by  Shurtees,  who  adds  the 
following. 

"  It  seems  probable,  that  either  William  de  Hertburn,  or  his 
immediate  descendants,  assumed  the  local  name;  for  William  de 
Wessyngton  occurs  as  a  witness  in  charters  of  Bishops  Robert  de 
Stitchell,fl  and  de  Insula.**  William  de  Wessyngton,  chevalier, 

*  So  called  from  the  parish  of  Boldon    (near  Washington),  where  it  was 
written  in  1180,  it  being  a  record  of  survey." 
"  t  About  A.  D.  1345,  when  Hatfield  was  made  Bishop." 
"  t  About  1367." 
"  §  Langley  was  made  Bishop  in  1406,  and  died  in  1437." 

HUTCHINSON'S  History  of  Durham,  Vol.  II.  p.  489. 

IT  Robert  de  Stichell  was  made  Bishop  of  Durham  in  1261,  and  died  in 
1274.  —  HUTCHINSON'S  History  of  Durham,  Vol.  II.  p.  214. 

l*  Robert  de  Insula,  made  Bishop  in  1274,   died  1283.  —  Ibid.  p.  223. 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON    FAMILY.  541 

had  license  to  settle  the  manor  on  himself,  his  wife  Katherine, 
and  his  own  right  heirs,  in  1350,  and  died  in  1367,  seized  of 
the  whole  manor  and  vill,  by  the  abovementioned  free  rent  of 
four  pounds,  leaving  William  his  son  and  heir,  who  held  by  the 
same  tenure  under  Hatfield's  survey.  Before  1400  the  direct  line 
expired  in  another  William,  whose  only  daughter,  Dionisia,  mar 
ried  Sir  William  Tempest  of  Studley."  * 

From  these  authorities  it  appears,  that  Hertburn  was  the  original 
name  of  the  Washington  family,  that  the  latter  name  probably  was 
assumed  by  William  de  Hertburn  between  the  years  1261  and  1274, 
and  that  the  manor  was  held  in  the  male  line  till  about  the  year 
1400,  or  one  hundred  and  thirty  years.  During  this  period  the 
name  seems  to  have  been  usually  written  Wessyngton,  though  it  is 
sometimes  found  Wessington.  In  its  subsequent  changes  it  was 
probably  written  variously  at  different  times,  and  by  different 
branches  of  the  family.  At  the  Herald's  College,  in  the  "  VISI 
TATION  BOOK  "  (so  called)  of  Northamptonshire  for  the  year  1618, 
I  found  the  autographs  of  A  Iban  Wasshington  and  Robert  Was- 
shington.  These  persons  were  uncles  to  John  and  Lawrence 
Washington,  who  emigrated  to  Virginia. 

Notwithstanding  that  the  manor  was  no  longer  held  by  a  person 
of  the  same  name,  yet  the  family  extended  itself;  and  one  of  the 
number,  called  John  de  Wessyngton,  attained  to  considerable  emi 
nence  as  a  scholar  and  divine,  being  elected  Prior  of  Durham  on 
the  5th  of  November,  1416. 

"  This  learned  Prior,"  says  Hutchinson,  "  wrote  many  tracts, 
particularly  one,  De  Juribus  et  Possessionibus  EcclesicB  Dunelm., 
wherein  he  proves,  that  the  Priors  of  Durham  were  always  invested 
with  the  dignity  of  Abbots.  There  are  some  of  his  manuscripts 
in  the  Dean  and  Chapter's  library.  The  account  of  the  paintings 
in  the  windows,  and  of  the  ornaments  and  ceremonies  of  the 
church,  now  extant,  is  by  some  attributed  to  him.  He  renewed 
the  dispute  with  the  Bishop  touching  the  profession  of  the  monks, 
which  was  determined  in  the  Prior's  favor,  and  presided  at  the 
general  chapter  held  for  the  order  of  St.  Benedict,  at  Northamp 
ton,  in  the  year  1426.  In  his  time  several  licenses  were  obtained 
for  acquiring  lands  for  the  monastery.  Prior  Wessyngton  presided 
thirty  years,  and  departed  this  life  in  the  year  1446.  He  was 
buried  before  the  door  of  the  north  aisle,  near  to  St.  Benedict's 
altar.  On  his  tombstone  was  an  inscription  in  brass,  now  totally 
lost."  t 

*  SHURTEES'S  History  of  Durham.  Vol.  II.  p.  40. 
t  HUTCHINSON'S  History  of  Durham,  Vol.  II.  p.  96. 
VOL.    T.  TT 


542  WASHINGTON    FAMILY.  [APPENDIX. 

Concerning  the  times  in  which  the  several  branches  of  the 
family  separated  from  the  original  stock,  and  the  directions  in 
which  they  spread,  very  little  is  known.  During  the  century  fol 
lowing  Prior  Wessyngton's  death,  we  can  trace  them  in  North 
umberland,  Yorkshire,  Lancashire,  Warwickshire,  Northampton 
shire,  and  perhaps  in  other  parts  of  England.  If  we  may  judge 
from  the  records  of  the  transfers  of  estates  and  monumental  in 
scriptions  contained  in  the  county  histories,  many,  who  bore  the 
name,  were  persons  of  wealth  and  consideration.  Their  armorial 
bearings  were  varied,  but  whether  to  distinguish  different  branches 
of  the  family,  or  for  other  reasons,  neither  my  knowledge  of  their 
history,  nor  my  skill  in  heraldry,  enables  me  to  decide.* 

The  prior  of  Durham  was  not  the  only  man  of  learning  among 
them.  Joseph  Washington,  an  eminent  lawyer  of  Gray's  Inn, 
Thoresby  says,  "  is  to  be  remembered  among  the  authors."  He 
wrote  the  first  volume  of  "Modern  Reports  "  ;  "  Observations  upon 
the  Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  of  the  Kings  of  England,"  published 
in  1689  ;  "  Abridgment  of  the  Statutes  to  1687  "  ;  a  translation  of 
part  of  "  Lucian's  Dialogues  "  ;  and  other  tracts.t  He  was  buried 

*  The  following  extract  from  Edmondson's  Heraldry  will  show  some  of  the 
varieties,  as  adopted  by  the  Washingtons  in  several  counties. 

WASHINGTON  ARMS. 

"  1.  Gules  on  a  fess  argent,  three  mullets   pierced  of  the  field. 

"2.  In  Buckinghamshire,  Kent,  Warwickshire,  and  Northamptonshire;  ar 
gent,  two  bars  gules  in  chief,  three  mullets  of  the  second.  Crest,  a  raven 
with  wings  indorsed  proper,  issuing  out  of  a  ducal  coronet  or. 

"  3.  Gules,  two  bars  in  chief,  three  martlets  of  the  second. 

"4.  In  Lancashire ;  barry  of  four  argent  and  gules  on  a  chief  of  the 
second,  three  mullets  of  the  first. 

"  5.  In  Yorkshire ;  vert,  a  lion  rampant  argent,  within  a  bordure  gobonated 
argent  and  azure." 

The  second  variety  here  described  was  the  one  used  by  General  Wash 
ington,  being  probably  the  original  arms  of  the  family. 

t  THORKSBY'S  History  of  Leeds,  p.  97.  Toland  says,  that  he  was  the  trans 
lator  of  Milton's  Defcnsio  pro  Populo  Jlnglicano,  in  reply  to  Salmasius.  Life 
of  Milton,  p.  84.  The  translator's  name  is  not  prefixed  to  the  first  edition  ; 
but  the  publisher  states  in  an  advertisement,'- that  the  person,  who  took  the 
pains  to  translate  it,  did  it  partly  for  his  own  private  entertainment,  and 
partly  to  gratify  one  or  two  of  his  friends,  without  any  design  of  making  it 
public,  and  is  since  deceased."  This  edition  was  printed  in  the  year  1692, 
and  it  is  probable,  that  Joseph  Washington  had  died  not  long  before  that 
time.  The  translation  is  the  same,  that  is  usually  printed  with  Milton's  prose 
writings.  The  interest  he  took  in  this  performance  indicates  the  tenor  of 
his  political  sentiments,  as  well  as  the  fact  mentioned  by  Hunter,  that  he 
was  an  intimate  friend  of  the  celebrated  Lord  Somers. 


APPENDIX.]          WASHINGTON    FAMILY.  543 

in  the  Benchers'  Vault  of  the  Inner  Temple.  He  was  of  the  Advvick 
family,  son  of  Robert  Washington,  a  wealthy  merchant,  who  lived 
and  died  at  Anstrope  Hall,  near  Leeds. 

Anthony  Wood  says,  in  his  "  History  of  the  University  of  Oxford," 
that  it  was  allowed  by  the  venerable  association,  that  several 
persons  "  might  have  liberty  when  they  pleased  to  be  created  doc 
tors  of  divinity  ;  but  they  refused  then  and  the  next  year  to  accept 
that  favor."  Among  the  persons,  who  declined  this  honor,  was 
Richard  Washington  of  University  College.*  And  Mr.  Hunter 
cites  Wood,  as  giving  an  account  of  a  remarkable  collection  oi 
arms  and  pictures  in  the  apartments  of  Philip  Washington,  of  the 
same  college,  who  died  in  1 635.  t 

In  the  history  of  the  civil  wars,  another  of  the  family,  named 
Henry  Washington,  is  renowned  for  the  resolute  and  spirited  man 
ner,  in  which  he  defended  the  city  of  Worcester  against  the  forces 
of  the  Parliament  in  1646. 

"  Lord  Astley,  who  had  succeeded  Colonel  Sandys  as  Governor 
of  Worcester,  being  taken  prisoner  and  confined  at  Warwick,  Sir 
Henry  Washington  was  made  Governor  and  Colonel  in  his  absence. 
In  the  Herald's  College  it  appears,  that  the  last  entry  of  this  gen 
tleman's  family  was  made  there  in  the  year  1618,  at  which  time 
the  name  of  Henry  Washington,  son  and  heir  of  William  Wash 
ington  of  Packington,  in  the  county  of  Leicester,  occurs  ;  who, 
on  the  following  grounds,  is  conjectured  to  have  been  afterwards 
the  Governor  of  Worcester.  First,  the  name  of  Henry  does  not 
occur  at  all  in  any  other  pedigree  of  Washington.  Secondly,  his 
mother  was  half-sister  to  the  famous  George  Villiers,  Duke  of 
Buckingham,  which  accounts  for  his  great  attachment  to  the  King. 
An  uncle  of  this  Henry  Washington,  mentioned  in  the  entry  of 
the  College  of  Arms  above  cited,  is  supposed  to  have  been  the 
ancestor  of  the  renowned  General  George  Washington."  J 

In  the  Appendix  to  the  second  volume  of  Nash's  History 
of  Worcestershire,  there  is  a  highly  interesting  narrative  of  the 
siege  of  Worcester,  drawn  from  the  diary  of  a  gentleman,  who 
was  in  the  city  during  the  whole  siege.  The  conduct  of  the 
Governor  appears  throughout  to  the  greatest  advantage.  His  spirit 
and  firmness  will  be  evident  from  his  first  letter  to  General  Fairfax, 
who  demanded  a  surrender  on  the  16th  of  May,  eleven  days  after 
the  King  had  escaped  in  disguise  from  Oxford. 

*  Fasti  Oxonienses,  p.  57. 

t  HUNTER'S  History  and  Topography  of  the  Deanery  of  Doncaster,  Vol.  I 
p.  353. 

t  GREENE'S  History  of  Worcestershire,  Vol.  II.  Append,  p.  154. 


544  WASHINGTON    FAMILY.  [APPENDIX. 

"  It  is  acknowledged  by  your  books,  and  by  report  out  of  your 
own  quarters,"  said  Governor  Washington,  in  reply  to  Fairfax, 
"  that  the  King  is  in  some  of  your  armies.  That  granted,  it  may 
be  easy  for  you  to  procure  his  Majesty's  commands  for  the  disposal 
of  this  garrison.  Till  then,  I  shall  make  good  the  trust  reposed  in 
me.  As  for  conditions,  if  I  shall  be  necessitated,  I  shall  make 
the  best  I  can.  The  worst  I  know,  and  fear  not ;  if  I  had,  the 
profession  of  a  soldier  had  not  been  begun,  nor  so  long  continued, 
by  your  Excellency's  humble  servant." 

The  King's  fortunes  were  now  desperate ;  but  the  siege  was 
maintained,  even  against  all  hope,  for  nearly  three  months,  when 
honorable  conditions  were  granted. 

That  this  Sir  Henry  Washington  was  the  same  person,  whose 
name    is    conjectured  above    to   be  entered    in   the   last    Visita 
tion  Book  in   the   Herald's    College,  the   circumstantial   evidence 
is    strong.      In   Baker's  pedigree   of  this   branch    of  the   family, 
Henry  Washington  is  stated  to  have  been  eight  years  old  in  1618. 
But  in  the  original  book  at  the  College  I  found  the  entry  to  be 
three  years.     The  error  was  probably  occasioned  by  a  misprint  of 
a  figure.     According  to  the  original  entry,  therefore,  he  would  have 
been  thirty-one  years  old  at  the  siege  of  Worcester,  in  1646.     He 
was  nephew   to  John   and  Lawrence  Washington,  who  emigrated 
to  America  about  eleven  years  after  the  siege  of  Worcester,  and 
of  course  first  cousin  to  General  George  Washington's  grandfather.* 
The  ancestors  of  General  Washington  in  a  direct  line  are  traced 
to  Whitfield  and  Warton  in  the  County  of  Lancaster.     Whitaker, 
in  his  History  of  Northamptonshire,  says  of  the  parish  church  at 
Warton  ;  "  The  tower  appears  to  be  contemporary  with  the  resto 
ration  of  the  church,  and  on  the  north  side  of  the  door   are  the 
arms  of  Washington,  an  old  family  of  considerable  property  within 
the  parish  ;  whence  it  may  be  inferred,  that  one  of  the  name  either 
built  the  steeple  at  his  own  expense,  or  was  at  least  a  considerable 
benefactor  to  the  work."     Baker  gives  a  pedigree  of  the  family  in 
Lancaster  County  for  three  generations.     At  what  time  the  migra- 

This  Henry  Washington  is  doubtless  the  same  mentioned  by  Clarendon, 
as  having  distinguished  himself  at  the  taking  of  Bristol,  in  1643,  three 
years  before  the  siege  of  Worcester.  "  Though  the  division,"  says  Claren 
don,  "  led  on  by  Lord  Grandison  was  beaten  off,  Lord  Grandison  himself 
being  hurt;  and  the  other,  led  on  by  Colonel  Bellasis,  likewise  had  no  better 
fortune;  yet  Colonel  Washington,  with  a  less  party,  finding  a  place  in  the 
curtain,  between  the  places  assailed  by  the  other  two,  weaker  than  the  rest, 
entered,  and  quickly  made  room  for  the  horse  to  follow."  —  History  of  the 
Rebellion,  Book  VII. 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON  FAMILY.  545 

tion  of  some  of  the  members  to  the  south  took  place  is  uncertain. 
The  earliest  notice  we  have  on  the  subject  is  in  1532,  when  Law 
rence  Washington,  son  of  John  Washington  of  Warton,  was  mayor 
of  Northampton.  His  mother  was  a  daughter  of  Robert  Kilson 
of  Warton,  and  sister  to  Sir  Thomas  Kilson,  alderman  of  London. 
From  this  date  the  genealogy  is  unbroken.  Upon  the  surrender 
of  the  monasteries  in  1538,  the  manor  of  Sulgrave  near  North 
ampton,  which  belonged  to  the  Priory  of  St.  Andrew,  was  given 
up  to  the  crown ;  and  the  next  year  this  manor,  and  other  lands 
in  the  vicinity,  were  granted  to  Lawrence  Washington.  Among  the 
manuscripts  of  Sir  Isaac  Heard  I  found  a  letter  to  him  from  Mr. 
Wykam,  dated  at  Sulgrave,  August  15th,  1793,  from  which  the 
following  extract  is  taken. 

"  There  is  in  our  parish  church  on  a  stone  slab  a  brass  plate, 
with  this  inscription  in  the  old  black  character.  '  Here  lyeth 
buried  the  bodys  of  Lawrence  Wasshington,  Gent,  and  Anne  his 
wyfj  by  whome  he  had  issue  four  sons  and  seven  daughters  ;  ivhich 
Lawrence  dyed  yc  day  of  An.  15 — ;  and  Anne  deceased 
6th  day  of  October,  An.  Dm.  1564.'  On  the  same  stone  is  also 
a  shield  much  defaced,  and  effigies  in  brass  of  the  four  sons  and 
seven  daughters.  Over  the  four  sons  is  a  figure  larger  than  the 
rest,  which  is  supposed  to  be  the  father's  effigy.  There  was  for 
merly  one  over  the  seven  daughters ;  but  this  is  gone.  The  arms 
of  the  Wasshington  family  (so  spelled  on  six  of  the  seven)  were 
copied  from  some  painted  glass  of  the  old  manor-house  in  this 
village." 

The  death  of  this  Lawrence  Washington,  according  to  Baker, 
occurred  on  the  19th  of  February,  1584.  The  manor  of  Sulgrave 
descended  to  his  eldest  son,  Robert.  It  was  long  held  in  the 
family,  and  thence  derived  the  name  of  Washington's  Manor. 
The  first  Lawrence  Washington  of  Sulgrave  had  eleven  children, 
four  sons  and  seven  daughters.  His  eldest  son  Robert  was  twice 
married,  and  had  sixteen  children,  ten  sons  and  six  daughters 
Lawrence,  the  eldest  son  of  Robert  Washington,  had  fourteen 
children,  seven  sons  and  seven  daughters.  The  eldest  son  was 
Sir  William  Washington  of  Packington,  who  married  the  half-sister 
of  George  Villiers,  Duke  of  Buckingham,  as  stated  above,  and  was 
the  father  (as  is  supposed)  of  Sir  Henry  Washington,  the  defender 
of  Worcester.  The  second  and  fourth  of  these  sons  were  John 
and  Lawrence  Washington,  who  emigrated  to  Virginia  about  the 
year  1657.  They  were  great-grandsons  of  the  first  Lawrence  of 
Sulgrave  ;  and  John  was  the  great-grandfather  of  General  Wash- 
VOL.  I.  69  TT* 


546  WASHINGTON    FAMILY.  [APPENDIX. 

ington.  These  particulars  may  be  seen  more  at  large  in  Baker's 
pedigree  of  the  family  inserted  hereafter. 

The  second  son  of  the  first  Lawrence  Washington  of  Sulgrave 
was  Sir  Lawrence  Washington  of  Garsdon,  County  of  Wilts.  His 
granddaughter,  Elizabeth  Washington,  who  appears  to  have  been 
cm  only  child  and  heiress,  married  Robert  Shirley,  Baron  Ferrers 
of  Chartley,  afterwards  Earl  Ferrers  and  Viscount  Tamworth. 
She  died  in  1693.  The  family  names  were  united,  and  Wash 
ington  Shirley,  a  son  of  Robert,  was  the  second  Earl  Ferrers. 
Some  of  the  other  Earls  since  that  time  have  borne  the  same 
name. 

The  history  of  the  American  branch  of  the  family,  as  far  as  it 
is  known,  is  contained  in  President  Washington's  letter  to  .Sir 
Isaac  Heard,  in  reply  to  his  inquiries  on  the  subject. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON  TO  SIR  ISAAC  HEARD. 

«  Philadelphia,  2  May,  1792. 

"  SIR, 

"  Your  letter  of  the  7th  of  December  was  put  into  my  hands 
,by  Mr.  Thornton,  and  I  must  request  that  you  will  accept  my 
acknowledgments,  as  well  for  the  polite  manner  in  which  you 
express  your  wishes  for  my  happiness,  as  for  the  trouble  you  have 
taken  in  making  genealogical  collections  relative  to  the  family  of 
Washington. 

"  This  is  a  subject  to  which  I  confess  I  have  paid  very  little 
attention.  My  time  has  been  so  much  occupied  in  the  busy  and 
active  scenes  of  life  from  an  early  period  of  it,  that  but  a  small 
portion  could  have  been  devoted  to  researches  of  this  nature,  even 
if  my  inclination  or  particular  circumstances  should  have  prompt 
ed  to  the  inquiry.  I  am  therefore  apprehensive,  that  it  will  not 
be  in  my  power,  circumstanced  as  I  am  at  present,  to  furnish  you 
with  materials  to  fill  up  the  sketch,  which  you  have  sent  me,  in  so 
accurate  a  manner  as  you  could  wish.  We  have  no  office  of 
record  in  this  country,  in  which  exact  genealogical  documents  are 
preserved ;  and  very  few  cases,  I  believe,  occur,  where  a  recurrence 
to  pedigrees  for  any  considerable  distance  back  has  been  found 
necessary  to  establish  such  points,  as  may  frequently  arise  in  older 
countries. 

"  On  comparing  the  tables,  which  you  sent,  with  such  docu 
ments  as  are  in  my  possession,  and  which  I  could  readily  obtain 
from  another  branch  of  the  family  with  whom  I  am  in  the  habit 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON    FAMILY.  547 

of  correspondence,  I  find  it  to  be  just.  I  have  often  heard  others 
of  the  family,  older  than  myself,  say,  that  our  ancestor,  who  first 
settled  in  this  country,  came  from  some  one  of  the  northern  coun 
ties  of  England ;  but  whether  from  Lancashire,  Yorkshire,  or  one 
still  more  northerly,  I  do  not  precisely  remember. 

"  The  arms  enclosed  in  your  letter  are  the  same,  that  are  held 
by  the  family  here  ;  though  I  have  also  seen,  and  have  used,  as 
you  may  perceive  by  the  seal  to  this  packet,  a  flying  griffin  for  the 
crest. 

"  If  you  can  derive  any  information  from  the  enclosed  lineage, 
which  will  enable  you  to  complete  your  table,  I  shall  be  well 
pleased  in  having  been  the  means  of  assisting  you  in  those  re 
searches,  which  you  have  had  the  politeness  to  undertake,  and 
shall  be  glad  to  be  informed  of  the  result,  and  of  the  ancient  ped 
igree  of  the  family,  some  of  whom  I  find  intermixed  with  that  of 
Ferrers. 

"  Lawrence  Washington,  from  whose  Will  you  enclosed  an 
abstract,  was  my  grandfather.  The  other  abstracts,  which  you 
sent,  do  not,  I  believe,  relate  to  the  family  of  Washington  in 
Virginia ;  but  of  this  I  cannot  speak  positively. 

"  With  due  consideration,  I  am,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 

PARTICULARS  RESPECTING  THE  WASHINGTON  FAMILY,  ENCLOSED 
IN  THE  ABOVE  LETTER. 

"  In  the  year  1657,  or  thereabouts,  and  during  the  usurpation 
of  Oliver  Cromwell,  John  and  Lawrence  Washington,  brothers, 
emigrated  from  the  North  of  England,*  and  settled  at  Bridge's 
Creek,  on  the  Potomac  River,  in  the  County  of  Westmoreland. 
But  from  whom  they  descended,  the  subscriber  is  possessed  of  no 
document  to  ascertain. 


"  John  Washington  was  employed  as  general  against  the  Indi 
ans  in  Maryland,  and,  as  a  reward  for  his  services,  was  made  a 
colonel ;  and  the  parish  wherein  he  lived  was  called  after  him. 
He  married  Anne  Pope,  and  left  issue  two  sons,  Lawrence  and 
John,  and  one  daughter,  Anne,  who  married  Major  Francis  Wright 

*  This  tradition  probably  arose  from  the  circumstance,  that  John  Washing 
ton  owned  an  estate  at  South  Cave,  in  the  East  Riding  of  the  County  of 
York,  where  he  resided  before  he  came  to  America. 


548  WASHINGTON    FAMILY.  [APPENDIX. 

The  time  of  his  death  the  subscriber  is  not  able  to  ascertain  ;  but 
it  appears  that  he  was  interred  in  a  vault,  which  had  been  erected 
at  Bridge's  Creek. 

"  Lawrence  Washington,  his  eldest  son,  married  Mildred  Warner, 
daughter  of  Colonel  Augustine  Warner,  of  Gloucester  County,  by 
whom  he  had  two  sons,  John  and  Augustine,  and  one  daughter, 
named  Mildred.  He  died  in  1697,  and  was  interred  in  the  family 
vault  at  Bridge's  Creek. 

"  John  Washington,  the  eldest  son  of  Lawrence  and  Mildred, 
married  Catharine  Whiting,  of  Gloucester  County,  where  he  settled, 
died,  and  was  buried.  He  had  two  sons,  Warner  and  Henry ;  and 
three  daughters,  Mildred,  Elizabeth,  and  Catharine,  all  of  whom 
are  dead. 

"  Warner  Washington  married  first  Elizabeth  Macon,  daughter 
of  Colonel  William  Macon  of  New  Kent  County,  by  whom  he  had 
one  son,  who  is  now  living,  and  bears  the  name  of  Warner.  His 
second  wife  was  Hannah,  youngest  daughter  of  the  Honorable 
William  Fairfax,  by  whom  he  left  two  sons,  and  five  daughters,  as 
follows ;  namely,  Mildred,  Hannah,  Catharine,  Elizabeth,  Louisa, 
Fairfax,  and  Whiting.  The  three  oldest  of  the  daughters  are  mar 
ried  ;  Mildred  to Throckmorton,  Hannah  to Whit 
ing,  and  Catharine  to  Nelson.  After  his  second  marriage, 

he  removed  from  Gloucester  and  settled  in  Frederic  County,  where 
he  died  in  1791. 

"  Warner  Washington,    his   son,   married  Whiting    of 

Gloucester,  by  whom  he  has  many  sons  and  daughters ;  the  eldest 
is  called  Warner,  and  is  now  nearly,  if  not  quite,  of  age. 

"  Henry,  the  other  son  of  John  and  Catharine  Washington, 
married  the  daughter  of  Colonel  Thacker,  of  Middlesex  County, 
and  died  many  years  ago,  leaving  one  son,  Thacker,  and  two  or 
three  daughters. 

"  Thacker  Washington  married  the  daughter  of  Sir  John  Pey 
ton,  of  Gloucester  County,  and  lives  on  the  family  estate,  left  to 
his  grandfather  John,  at  Machodac,  in  the  County  of  Westmore 
land.  He  has  several  children. 

<  Mildred,  daughter  of  John  and  Catharine,  of  Gloucester,  was 
twice  married,  but  never  had  a  child.  Elizabeth  never  was  mar 
ried.  Catharine  married  Fielding  Lewis,  by  whom  she  had  n  son 
and  daughter.  John,  the  eldest,  is  now  living.  Frances  died 
without  issue. 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON    FAMILY.  549 

"  Augustine,  son  of  Lawrence  and  Mildred  Washington,  mar 
ried  Jane  Butler,  the  daughter  of  Caleb  Butler  of  Westmoreland, 
April  20th,  1715,  by  whom  he  had  three  sons,  Butler  (who  died 
young),  Lawrence,  and  Augustine,  and  one  daughter,  Jane,  who 
died  when  a  child.  Jane,  wife  of  Augustine,  died  November  24th, 
1728,  and  was  buried  in  the  family  vault  at  Bridge's  Creek. 

"  Augustine  then  married  Mary  Ball,  March  6th,  1730,  by  whom 
he  had  issue  George  [the  writer],  born  February  llth  (old  style) 
1732;  Betty,  born  June  20th,  1733;  Samuel,  born  November 
16th,  1734,  John  Augustine,  born  January  13th,  1735 ;  Charles, 
May  1st,  1738;  and  Mildred,  June  21st,  1739,  who  died  October 
28th,  1740.  Augustine  departed  this  life,  April  12th,  1743,  aged 
49  years,  and  was  interred  at  Bridge's  Creek,  in  the  vault  of  his 
ancestors. 

"  Lawrence,  son  of  Augustine  and  Jane  Washington,  married 
July  19th,  1743,  Anne,  eldest  daughter  of  the  Honorable  William 
Fairfax,  of  Fairfax  county,  by  whom  he  had  issue  Jane,  born  Sep 
tember  27th,  1744,  who  died  in  January,  1745  ;  Fairfax,  born  August 
22d,  1747,  who  died  in  October,  1747  ;  Mildred,  born  September 
28th,  1748,  who  died  in  1749;  Sarah,  born  November  7th,  1750, 
who  died  in  175-.  In  1752,  Lawrence  himself  died,  aged  about 
34,  and  was  interred  in  a  vault,  which  he  had  caused  to  be  erected 
at  Mount  Vernon,  in  Fairfax  County,  where  he  settled,  after  he 
returned  from  the  Carthagena  expedition. 

"  Augustine,  son  of  Augustine  and  Jane  Washington,  married 
Anne,  daughter  and  co-heiress  of  William  Aylett,  of  Westmoreland 
County,  by  whom  he  had  many  children,  all  of  whom  died  in  their 
nonage  and  single,  except  Elizabeth,  who  married  Alexander  Spots- 
wood,  of  Spotsylvania  County,  grandson  of  General  Spots  wood, 
Governor  of  Virginia,  by  whom  she  has  a  number  of  children  ; 
Anne,  who  married  Burdet  Ashton,  of  Westmoreland,  by  whom 
she  had  one  or  two  children,  and  died  young;  and  William,  who 
married  his  cousin  Jane,  daughter  of  John  Augustine  Washington, 
by  whom  he  has  four  children.  Augustine  lived  at  the  ancient 
mansion  seat,  in  Westmoreland  County,  where  he  died,  and  was 
interred  in  the  family  vault. 

"  George,  eldest  son  of  Augustine  Washington  by  the  second 
marriage,  was  born  in  Westmoreland  County,  and  married,  January 
6th,  1759,  Martha  Custis,  widow  of  Daniel  Parke  Custis,  and 
daughter  of  John  Dandridge,  both  of  New  Kent  County  ;  has  no 
issue. 

"  Betty,  daughter  of  Augustine  and  Mary  Washington,   became 


550  WASHINGTON    FAMILY.          [APPENDIX. 

the  second  wife  of  Fielding  Lewis,  by  whom  she  had  a  number  of 
children,  many  of  whom  died  young ;  but  five  sons  and  a  daughter 
are  yet  living. 

"  Samuel,  son  of  Augustine  and  Mary,  was  five  times  married. 
1 .  To  Jane,  daughter  of  Colonel  John  Champe.  2.  To  Mildred, 
daughter  of  Colonel  John  Thornton.  3.  To  Lucy,  daughter  of 
Nathaniel  Chapman.  4.  To  Anne,  daughter  of  Colonel  William 
Steptoe,  and  widow  of  Willoughby  Alleton.  5.  To  a  Widow  Perrin. 
Samuel,  by  his  second  wife,  Mildred,  had  issue  one  son,  Thornton, 
who  was  twice  married,  and  left  three  sons.  He  died  in  or  about 
the  year .  By  his  fourth  wife,  Anne,  he  had  three  sons,  Fer 
dinand,  George  Steptoe,  and  Lawrence  Augustine,  and  a  daughter 
Harriot.  Ferdinand  was  married,  but  died  soon  after,  leaving  no 
issue.  The  other  two  sons  and  daughter  are  living  and  single. 
Samuel  had  children  by  his  other  wives,  but  they  all  died  in  their 
infancy.  He  departed  this  life  himself,  in  the  year  1781,  at  Hare- 
wood,  in  the  County  of  Berkeley,  where  he  was  buried. 

"  John  Augustine,  son  of  Augustine  and  Mary,  married  Hannah 
Bushrod,  daughter  of  Colonel  John  Bushrod,  of  Westmoreland 
County,  by  whom  he  has  left  two  sons,  Bushrod  and  Corbin,  and 
two  daughters,  Jane  and  Mildred.  He  had  several  other  children, 
but  they  died  young.  Jane,  his  eldest  child,  married  (as  has  been 
before  observed)  William  Washington,  son  of  Augustine  and  Anne 
Washington,  and  died  in  1791,  leaving  four  children. 

"  Bushrod  married,  in  1785,  Anne  Blackburn,  daughter  of  Colo 
nel  Thomas  Blackburn,  of  Prince  William  County,  but  has  no 
issue.  Corbin  married  a  daughter  of  the  Honorable  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  by  whom  he  has  three  sons.  Mildred  married  Thomas 
Lee,  son  of  the  said  Richard  Henry  Lee.  John  Augustine  died 
in  February,  1787,  at  his  estate  on  Nomony,  in  Westmoreland 
County,  and  was  there  buried. 

"  Charles  Washington,  son  of  Augustine  and  Mary,  married 
Mildred  Thornton,  daughter  of  Colonel  Francis  Thornton,  of  Spot- 
sylvania  County,  by  whom  he  has  four  children,  George  Augustine, 
Frances,  Mildred,  and  Samuel.  George  Augustine  married  Fran 
ces  Bassett,  daughter  of  Colonel  Burwell  Bassett,  of  New  Kent,  by 
whom  he  has  had  four  children  ;  three  of  whom  are  living,  namely, 
Anna  Maria,  George  Fayette,  and  Charles  Augustine.  Frances 
married  Colonel  Burgess  Ball,  by  whom  she  has  had  several 
children.  Mildred  and  Samuel  are  unmarried. 

"  Mildred  Washington,  daughter  of  Lawrence  and  Mildred,  and 
sister  to  John  and  Augustine  Washington,  married  Gregory, 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON     FAMILY.  551 

by  whom  she  had  three  daughters,  Frances,  Mildred,  and  Eliza 
beth,  who  married  three  brothers,  Colonel  Francis  Thornton,  Colo 
nel  John  Thornton,  and  Reuben  Thornton,  all  of  Spotsylvania 
County.  She  had  for  her  second  husband  Colonel  Henry  Willis, 
and,  by  him,  the  present  Colonel  Lewis  Willis  of  Fredericksburg. 


"  The  above  is  the  best  account  the  subscriber  is  able  at  present 
to  give,  absent  as  he  is,  and  at  so  great  a  distance,  from  Virginia, 
and  under  circumstances  too,  which  allow  no  time  for  inquiry  of 
the  family  of  Washington,  from  which  he  is  lineally  descended. 

"  The  descendants  of  the  first  named  Lawrence,  and  the  second 
John,  are  also  numerous ;  but,  for  the  reasons  before  mentioned, 
and  from  not  having  the  same  knowledge  of  them,  and  being  more 
over  more  remote  from  their  places  of  residence,  and,  in  truth,  not 
having  inquired  much  into  the  names  or  connexion  of  the  lateral 
branches  of  the  family,  I  am  unable  to  give  a  satisfactory  account 
of  them.  But,  if  it  be  in  any  degree  necessary  or  satisfactory  to 
Sir  Isaac  Heard,  Garter  Principal  King  of  Arms,  I  will,  upon  inti 
mation  thereof,  set  on  foot  an  inquiry,  and  will  at  the  same  time 
endeavour  to  be  more  particular  with  respect  to  the  births,  names, 
ages,  and  burials  of  those  of  the  branch  to  which  the  subscriber 
belongs. 

"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 

After  Sir  Isaac  Heard  received  this  letter,  he  constructed  from 
it  a  table,  which  he  forwarded  to  President  Washington,  requesting 
him  to  supply  other  dates  and  descriptions.  But  there  is  no  evi 
dence  of  any  additional  facts  having  been  obtained.  It  was  the 
chief  object  of  Sir  Isaac  Heard,  howeve/,  to  ascertain  whether  John 
and  Lawrence  Washington,  who  emigrated  to  Virginia,  were  of 
the  Sulgrave  family,  and  brothers  to  Sir  William  Washington  of 
Packington.  This  was  his  impression,  but  he  was  not  fully  satis 
fied  with  the  proof.  It  has  since  been  confirmed  by  Baker,  in 
his  History  of  Northamptonshire. 

I  shall  here  subjoin  Baker's  genealogical  table  of  the  family 
before  the  emigration  of  the  two  brothers,  and  Sir  Isaac  Heard's 
table  of  the  American  branch  in  continuation.  To  these  will  be 
added  the  genealogy  of  the  Washington  family  of  Adwick,  taken 
from  Hunter's  History  of  Doncastcr.  It  is  not  known  what  de- 
degree  of  affinity  there  was  between  the  heads  of  the  two  families, 
but  it  is  probable  that  there  are  many  descendants  from  both  in 
America. 


552 


WASHINGTON  FAMILY. 


[APPENDIX. 


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[APPENDIX 


APPENDIX.]        DEATH    OF    WASHINGTON.  555 

No.  II.     p.  529. 
LAST  ILLNESS   AND   DEATH   OF  WASHINGTON.* 

Mount  Vernon,  Saturday,  December  14th,  1799.  —  This  day 
being  marked  by  an  event,  which  will  be  memorable  in  the  his 
tory  of  America,  and  perhaps  of  the  world,  I  shall  give  a  particular 
statement  of  it,  to  which  I  was  an  eyewitness. 

On  Thursday,  December  12th,  the  General  rode  out  to  his  farms 
about  ten  o'clock,  and  did  not  return  home  till  past  three.  Soon 
after  he  went  out,  the  weather  became  very  bad,  rain,  hail,  snow 
falling  alternately,  with  a  cold  wind.  When  he  came  in,  I  carried 
some  letters  to  him  to  frank,  intending  to  send  them  to  the  post- 
office  in  the  evening.  He  franked  the  letters,  but  said  the  weather 
was  too  bad  to  send  a  servant  to  the  office  that  evening.  I  ob 
served  to  him,  that  I  was  afraid  he  had  got  wet.  He  said,  No,  his 
great-coat  had  kept  him  dry.  But  his  neck  appeared  to  be  wet, 
and  the  snow  was  hanging  upon  his  hair.  He  came  to  dinner 
(which  had  been  waiting  for  him)  without  changing  his  dress.  In 
the  evening  he  appeared  as  well  as  usual. 

A  heavy  fall  of  snow  took  place  on  Friday,  which  prevented  the 
General  from  riding  out  as  usual.  He  had  taken  cold,  undoubt 
edly  from  being  so  much  exposed  the  day  before,  and  complained 
of  a  sore  throat.  He,  however,  went  out  in  the  afternoon  into  the 
ground  between  the  house  and  the  river  to  mark  some  trees,  which 
were  to  be  cut  down  in  the  improvement  of  that  spot.  He  had  a 
hoarseness,  which  increased  in  the  evening ;  but  he  made  light  of  it 

In  the  evening  the  papers  were  brought  from  the  post-office, 
and  he  sat  in  the  parlour  with  Mrs.  Washington  and  myself  read 
ing  them,  till  about  nine  o'clock,  when  Mrs.  Washington  went  up 
into  Mrs.  Lewis's  room,  who  was  confined,  and  left  the  General 
and  myself  reading  the  papers.  He  was  very  cheerful,  and  when 
he  met  with  any  thing  interesting  or  entertaining,  he  read  it  aloud 
as  well  as  his  hoarseness  would  permit.  He  requested  me  to  read 
to  him  the  Debates  of  the  Virginia  Assembly,  on  the  election  of  a 

*  Mr.  Tobias  Lear,  a  gentleman  of  education  and  talents,  resided  several 
years  with  Washington,  first  as  his  secretary,  and  afterwards  as  superintend 
ent  of  his  private  affairs.  He  was  present  during  Washington's  last  illness, 
and  wrote  down  a  narrative  of  the  occurrences  immediately  after  his  death. 
The  narrative  is  here  printed  as  transcribed  from  Mr.  Lear's  original  manu« 
ecript. 


556  DEATH    OF    WASHINGTON.         [APPENDIX. 

Senator  and  Governor  ;  and,  on  bearing  Mr.  Madison's  observations 
respecting  Mr.  Monroe,  he  appeared  much  affected,  and  spoke 
with  some  degree  of  asperity  on  the  subject,  which  I  endeavoured 
to  moderate,  as  I  always  did  on  such  occasions.  On  his  retiring, 
I  observed  to  him,  that  he  had  better  take  something  to  remove 
his  cold.  He  answered,  "  No;  you  know  I  never  take  any  thing 
for  a  cold.  Let  it  go  as  it  came." 

Between  two  and  three  o'clock,  on  Saturday  morning,  he  awoke 
Mrs.  Washington,  and  told  her  that  he  was  very  unwell,  and  had  had 
an  ague.  She  observed,  that  he  could  scarcely  speak,  and  breath 
ed  with  difficulty,  and  would  have  got  up  to  call  a  servant.  But  he 
would  not  permit  her,  lest  she  should  take  a  cold.  As  soon  as  the 
day  appeared,  the  woman  (Caroline)  went  into  the  room  to  make 
a  fire,  and  Mrs.  Washington  sent  her  immediately  to  call  me.  1 
got  up,  put  on  my  clothes  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  went  to  his 
chamber.  Mrs.  Washington  was  then  up,  and  related  to  me  his 
being  ill  as  before  stated.  I  found  the  General  breathing  with 
difficulty,  and  hardly  able  to  utter  a  word  intelligibly.  He  desired 
Mr.  Rawlins  (one  of  the  overseers)  might  be  sent  for  to  bleed  him 
before  the  doctor  could  arrive.  I  despatched  a  servant  instantly 
for  Rawlins,  and  another  for  Dr.  Craik,  and  returned  again  to  the 
General's  chamber,  where  I  found  him  in  the  same  situation  as 
I  had  left  him. 

A  mixture  of  molasses,  vinegar,  and  butter  was  prepared  to  try 
its  effects  in  the  throat ;  but  he  could  not  swallow  a  drop.  When 
ever  he  attempted  it,  he  appeared  to  be  distressed,  convulsed,  and 
almost  suffocated.  Rawlins  came  in  soon  after  sunrise,  and  pre 
pared  to  bleed  him.  When  the  arm  was  ready,  the  General,  observ 
ing  that  Rawlins  appeared  to  be  agitated,  said,  as  well  as  he  could 
speak,  "  Don't  be  afraid."  And  when  the  incision  was  made,  he 
observed,  "  The  orifice  is  not  large  enough."  However,  the  blood 
ran  pretty  freely.  Mrs.  Washington,  not  knowing  whether  bleed 
ing  was  proper  or  not  in  the  General's  situation,  begged  that  much 
might  not  be  taken  from  him,  lest  it  should  be  injurious,  and  desired 
me  to  stop  it ;  but,  when  I  was  about  to  untie  the  string,  the  Gen 
eral  put  up  his  hand  to  prevent  it,  and,  as  soon  as  he  could  speak, 
he  said,  "  More,  more."  Mrs.  Washington  being  still  very  uneasy, 
lest  too  much  blood  should  be  taken,  it  was  stopped  after  taking 
about  half  a  pint.  Finding  that  no  relief  was  obtained  from  bleed 
ing,  and  that  nothing  would  go  down  the  throat,  I  proposed  bathing 
it  externally  with  sal  volatile,  which  was  done,  and  in  the  opera 
tion,  which  was  with  the  hand,  and  in  the  gentlest  manner,  he 


APPENDIX.]          DEATH    OF    WASHINGTON.  557 

observed,  "  It  is  very  sore."  A  piece  of  flannel  dipped  in  sal 
volatile  was  put  around  his  neck,  and  his  feet  bathed  in  warm 
water,  but  without  affording  any  relief. 

In  the  mean  time,  before  Dr.  Craik  arrived,  Mrs.  Washington 
desired  me  to  send  for  Dr.  Brown  of  Port  Tobacco,  whom  Dr. 
Craik  had  recommended  to  be  called,  if  any  case  should  ever 
occur,  that  was  seriously  alarming.  I  despatched  a  messenger  im 
mediately  for  Dr.  Brown  between  eight  and  nine  o'clock.  Dr.  Craik 
came  in  soon  after,  and,  upon  examining  the  General,  he  put  a  blister 
of  cantharides  on  the  throat,  took  some  more  blood  from  him,  and 
had  a  gargle  of  vinegar  and  sage  tea  prepared ;  and  ordered  some 
vinegar  and  hot  water  for  him  to  inhale  the  steam  of  it,  which  he 
did  ;  but  in  attempting  to  use  the  gargle  he  was  almost  suffocated. 
When  the  gargle  came  from  the  throat,  some  phlegm  followed,  and 
he  attempted  to  cough,  which  the  doctor  encouraged  him  to  do  as 
much  as  possible ;  but  he  could  only  attempt  it.  About  eleven 
o'clock,  Dr.  Craik  requested  that  Dr.  Dick  might  be  sent  for,  as 
he  feared  Dr.  Brown  would  not  come  in  time.  A  messenger  was 
accordingly  despatched  for  him.  About  this  time  the  General  was 
bled  again.  No  effect,  however,  was  produced  by  it,  and  he  re 
mained  in  the  same  state,  unable  to  swallow  any  thing. 

Dr.  Dick  came  about  three  o'clock,  and  Dr.  Brown  arrived  soon 
after.  Upon  Dr.  Dick's  seeing  the  General,  and  consulting  a  few 
minutes  with  Dr.  Craik,  he  was  bled  again.  The  blood  came 
very  slow,  was  thick,  and  did  not  produce  any  symptoms  of  faint 
ing.  Dr.  Brown  came  into  the  chamber  soon  after,  and  upon~ 
feeling  the  General's  pulse,  the  physicians  went  out  together.  Dr. 
Craik  returned  soon  after.  The  General  could  now  swallow  a 
little.  Calomel  and  tartar  emetic  were  administered,  but  without 
any  effect. 

About  half  past  four  o'clock  he  desired  me  to  call  Mrs.  Wash 
ington  to  his  bedside,  when  he  requested  her  to  go  down  into  his 
room,  and  take  from  his  desk  two  wills,  which  she  would  find 
there,  and  bring  them  to  him,  which  she  did.  Upon  looking  at 
them  he  gave  her  one,  which  he  observed  was  useless,  as  being 
superseded  by  the  other,  and  desired  her  to  burn  it,  which  she 
did,  and  took  the  other  and  put  it  into  her  closet. 

After  this  was  done,  I  returned  to  his  bedside  and  took  his 
hand.  He  said  to  me  ;  "  I  find  I  am  going.  My  breath  cannot 
last  long.  I  believed  from  the  first,  that  the  disorder  would  prove 
fatal.  Do  you  arrange  and  record  all  my  late  military  letters  and 
papers.  Arrange  my  accounts  and  settle  my  books,  as  you  know 

UU* 


558  DEATH    OF    WASHINGTON.          [APPENDIX. 

more  about  them  than  any  one  else,  and  let  Mr.  Rawlins  finish 
recording  my  other  letters,  which  he  has  begun."  I  told  him  this 
should  be  done.  He  then  asked,  if  I  recollected  any  thing  which 
it  was  essential  for  him  to  do,  as  he  had  but  a  very  short  time  to 
continue  with  us.  I  told  him,  that  I  could  recollect  nothing,  but 
that  I  hoped  he  was  not  so  near  his  end.  He  observed,  smiling, 
that  he  certainly  was,  and  that,  as  it  was  the  debt  which  we  must 
all  pay,  he  looked  to  the  event  with  perfect  resignation. 

In  the  course  of  the  afternoon  he  appeared  to  be  in  great  pain 
and  distress,  from  the  difficulty  of  breathing,  and  frequently  changed 
his  posture  in  the  bed.  On  these  occasions  I  lay  upon  the  bed 
and  endeavoured  to  raise  him,  and  turn  him  with  as  much  ease  as 
possible.  He  appeared  penetrated  with  gratitude  for  my  attentions, 
and  often  said,  "  I  am  afraid  I  shall  fatigue  you  too  much  "  ;  and 
upon  my  assuring  him,  that  I  could  feel  nothing  but  a  wish  to  give 
him  ease,  he  replied,  "  Well,  it  is  a  debt  we  must  pay  to  each 
other,  and  I  hope,  when  you  want  aid  of  this  kind,  you  will  find  it." 

He  asked  when  Mr.  Lewis  and  Washington  Custis  would  return. 
(They  were  then  in  New  Kent.)  I  told  him  about  the  20th  of 
the  month. 

About  five  o'clock  Dr.  Craik  came  again  into  the  room,  and, 
upon  going  to  the  bedside  the  General  said  to  him ;  '•'  Doctor,  I 
die  hard,  but  I  am  not  afraid  to  go.  I  believed,  from  my  first 
attack,  that  I  should  not  survive  it.  My  breath  cannot  last  long." 
The  Doctor  pressed  his  hand,  but  could  not  utter  a  word.  He 
retired  from  the  bedside,  and  sat  by  the  fire  absorbed  in  grief. 

Between  five  and  six  o'clock  Dr.  Dick  and  Dr.  Brown  came 
into  the  room,  and  with  Dr.  Craik  went  to  the  bed,  when  Dr.  Craik 
asked  him  if  he  could  sit  up  in  the  bed.  He  held  out  his  hand, 
and  I  raised  him  up.  He  then  said  to  the  physicians ;  "  I  feel 
myself  going ;  I  thank  you  for  your  attentions  ;  but  I  pray  you  to 
take  no  more  trouble  about  me.  Let  me  go  off  quietly.  I  cannot 
last  long."  They  found  that  all  which  had  been  done  was  without 
effect.  He  lay  down  again,  and  all  retired  except  Dr.  Craik. 
He  continued  in  the  same  situation,  uneasy  and  restless,  but  with 
out  complaining ;  frequently  asking  what  hour  it  was.  When  I 
helped  him  to  move  at  this  time,  he  did  not  speak,  but  looked  at 
me  with  strong  expressions  of  gratitude. 

About  eight  o'clock  the  physicians  came  again  into  the  room, 
and  applied  blisters  and  cataplasms  of  wheat  bran  to  his  legs  and 
feet,  after  which  they  went  out,  except  Dr.  Craik,  without  a  ray  of 
hope.  I  went  out  about  this  time,  and  wrote  a  line  to  Mr.  Law  and 


APPENDIX.]        DEATH    OF    WASHINGTON.  559 

Mr.  Peter,  requesting  them  to  come  with  their  wives  (Mrs.  Wash 
ington's  granddaughters)  as  soon  as  possible  to  Mount  Vernon. 

About  ten  o'clock  he  made  several  attempts  to  speak  to  me 
before  he  could  effect  it.  At  length  he  said  ;  "  I  am  just  going. 
Have  me  decently  buried  ;  and  do  not  let  my  body  be  put  into  the 
vault  in  less  than  three  days  after  I  am  dead."  I  bowed  assent, 
for  I  could  not  speak.  He  then  looked  at  me  again  and  said  ; 
"  Do  you  understand  me  ?"  I  replied,  "  Yes."  "  'T  is  well,"  said  he. 

About  ten  minutes  before  he  expired  (which  was  between  ten 
and  eleven  o'clock),  his  breathing  became  easier.  He  lay  quietly  ; 
he  withdrew  his  hand  from  mine,  and  felt  his  own  pulse.  I  saw  his 
countenance  change.  I  spoke  to  Dr.  Craik,  who  sat  by  the  fire. 
He  came  to  the  bedside.  The  General's  hand  fell  from  his  wrist. 
I  took  it  in  mine,  and  pressed  it  to  my  bosom.  Dr.  Craik  put  his 
hands  over  his  eyes,  and  he  expired  without  a  struggle  or  a  sigh. 

While  we  were  fixed  in  silent  grief,  Mrs.  Washington,  who  was 
sitting  at  the  foot  of  the  bed,  asked  with  a  firm  and  collected 
voice  ;  "  Is  he  gone  ?  "  I  could  not  speak,  but  held  up  my  hand 
as  a  signal,  that  he  was  no  more.  "  'Tis  well,"  said  she,  in  the 
same  voice,  "  all  is  now  over ;  I  shall  soon  follow  him  :  I  have  no 
more  trials  to  pass  through." 

OCCURRENCES  NOT  NOTED  IN  THE  PRECEDING  NARRATIVE. 

The  General's  servant,  Christopher,  was  in  the  room  during  the 
day ;  and  in  the  afternoon  the  General  directed  him  to  sit  down, 
as  he  had  been  standing  almost  the  whole  day.  He  did  so. 

About  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he  expressed  a  desire  to  get 
up.  His  clothes  were  put  on,  and  he  was  led  to  a  chair  by  the 
fire.  He  found  no  relief  from  that  position,  and  lay  down  again 
about  ten  o'clock. 

About  five  in  the  afternoon,  he  was  helped  up  again,  and,  after 
sitting  about  half  an  hour,  he  desired  to  be  undressed  and  put  in 
bed,  which  was  done. 

During  his  whole  illness  he  spoke  but  seldom,  and  with  great 
difficulty  and  distress  ;  and  in  so  low  and  broken  a  voice,  as  at 
times  hardly  to  be  understood.  His  patience,  fortitude,  and  resig 
nation  never  forsook  him  for  a  moment.  In  all  his  distress  he 
uttered  not  a  sigh  nor  a  complaint ;  always  endeavouring,  from  a 
sense  of  duty  as  it  appeared,  to  take  what  was  offered  him,  and  to 
do  as  he  was  desired  by  the  physicians. 

At  the  time  of  his  decease,  Dr.  Craik  and  myself  were  in  the 


560  DEATH    OF    WASHINGTON.        [APPENDIX 

situation  before  mentioned.  Mrs.  Washington  was  sitting  near 
the  foot  of  the  bed.  Christopher  was  standing  near  the  bedside. 
Caroline,  Molly,  and  Charlotte  were  in  the  room,  standing  near 
the  door.  Mrs.  Forbes,  the  housekeeper,  was  frequently  in  the 
room  during  the  day  and  evening. 

As  soon  as  Dr.  Craik  could  speak,  after  the  distressing  scene  was 
closed,  he  desired  one  of  the  servants  to  ask  the  gentlemen  below 
to  come  up  stairs.  When  they  came  to  the  bedside,  I  kissed  the 
cold  hand,  which  I  had  held  to  my  bosom,  laid  it  down,  and  went 
to  the  other  end  of  the  room,  where  I  was  for  some  time  lost  in 
profound  grief,  until  aroused  by  Christopher  desiring  me  to  take 
care  of  the  General's  keys,  and  other  things,  which  were  taken  out 
of  his  pockets,  and  which  Mrs.  Washington  directed  him  to  give 
to  me.  I  wrapped  them  in  the  General's  handkerchief,  and  took 
them  to  my  room. 

About  twelve  o'clock  the  corpse  was  brought  down  stairs,  and 
laid  out  in  the  large  room.* 


Sunday,  December  15th,  Mrs.  Washington  sent  for  me  in  the 
morning,  and  desired  that  I  would  send  up  to  Alexandria  and 
have  a  coffin  made,  which  I  did. 

Mrs.  Stuart  was  sent  for  in  the  morning.  About  ten  o'clock, 
Mr.  Thomas  Peter  came  down ;  and  about  two,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Law, 
to  whom  I  had  written  on  Saturday  evening.  Dr.  Thornton  came 
down  with  Mr.  Law.  Dr.  Craik  stayed  all  day  and  night. 

In  the  evening  I  consulted  with  Mr.  Law,  Mr.  Peter,  and  Dr. 
Craik  on  fixing  a  day  for  depositing  the  body  in  the  vault.  I 
wished  the  ceremony  to  be  postponed  till  the  last  of  the  week,  to 
give  time  to  some  of  the  General's  relations  to  be  here ;  but  Dr. 
Craik  and  Dr.  Thornton  gave  it  decidedly  as  their  opinion,  that, 
considering  the  disorder  of  which  the  General  died,  being  of  an 
inflammatory  nature,  it  would  not  be  proper  to  keep  the  body  so 
long,  and  therefore  Wednesday  was  fixed  upon  for  the  funeral. 

Monday,  December  16th.  I  directed  the  people  to  open  the 
family  vault,  clear  away  the  rubbish  about  it,  and  make  every  thing 
decent ;  ordered  a  door  to  be  made  to  the  vault,  instead  of  closing 

*  The  following  certificate,  in  the  handwriting  of  Dr.  Craik,  is  appended 
to  the  above  portion  of  Mr.  Lear's  narrative. 

"  Sunday,  December  IfrfA.  The  foregoing  statement,  so  far  as  I  can  recollect, 
is  correct.  «  JAS.  CRAIK." 


APPENDIX.]        DEATH    OF    WASHINGTON.  561 

it  again  with  brick,  as  had  been  the  custom.  Engaged  Mr.  Inglis 
and  Mr.  Munn  to  have  a  mahogany  coffin  made,  lined  with  lead. 

Dr.  Craik,  Mr.  Peter,  and  Dr.  Thornton  left  us  after  breakfast. 
Mrs.  Stuart  and  her  daughters  came  in  the  afternoon.  Mr.  Ander 
son  went  to  Alexandria  to  get  a  number  of  things  preparatory  for 
the  funeral.  Mourning  was  ordered  for  the  family,  domestics,  and 
overseers. 

Having  received  information  from  Alexandria,  that  the  militia, 
freemasons,  &c.,  were  determined  to  show  their  respect  for  the 
General's  memory,  by  attending  his  body  to  the  grave,  I  directed 
provision  to  be  prepared  for  a  large  number  of  people,  as  some 
refreshment  would  be  expected  by  them.  Mr.  Robert  Hamilton 
wrote  to  me  a  letter,  informing  me  that  a  schooner  of  his  would 
be  off  Mount  Vernon  to  fire  minute  guns,  while  the  body  was  car 
rying  to  the  grave.  I  gave  notice  of  the  time  fixed  for  the  funeral 
to  the  following  persons  by  Mrs.  Washington's  desire ;  namely,  Mr. 
Mason  and  family,  Mr.  Peake  and  family,  Mr.  Nickols  and  family, 
Mr.  McCarty  and  family,  Miss  McCarty,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  McClana- 
han,  Lord  Fairfax  and  family,  Mr.  Triplet  and  family,  Mr.  Ander 
son  and  family,  Mr.  Diggs,  Mr.  Cockburn  and  family,  Mr.  Massey 
and  family,  and  Mr.  R.  West.  Wrote  also  the  Rev.  Mr.  Davis  to 
read  the  service. 

Tuesday,  December  17th.  Every  preparation  for  the  mournful 
ceremony  was  making.  Mr.  Stewart,  adjutant  of  the  Alexandria 
regiment,  came  to  view  the  ground  for  the  procession.  About  one 
o'clock  the  coffin  was  brought  from  Alexandria.  Mr.  Grater 
accompanied  it  with  a  shroud.  The  body  was  laid  in  the  coffin. 
The  mahogany  coffin  was  lined  with  lead,  soldered  at  the  joints, 
with  a  cover  of  lead  to  be  soldered  on  after  the  body  should  be  in 
the  vault.  The  coffin  was  put  into  a  case,  lined  and  covered  with 
black  cloth. 

Wednesday,  December  18th.  About  eleven  o'clock  numbers  of 
people  began  to  assemble  to  attend  the  funeral,  which  was  intended 
to  have  been  at  twelve  o'clock  ;  but,  as  a  great  part  of  the  troops 
expected  could  not  get  down  in  time,  it  did  not  take  place  till 
three. 

Eleven  pieces  of  artillery  were  brought  from  Alexandria ;  and 
a  schooner,  belonging  to  Mr.  R.  Hamilton,  came  down  and  lay 
off  Mount  Vernon  to  fire  minute  guns. 

About  three  o'clock  the  procession  began  to  move.  The  ar 
rangements  of  the  procession  were  made  by  Colonels  Little,  Simms, 
Deneale,  and  Dr.  Dick.  The  pall-holders  were  Colonels  Little, 

VOL.  I.  71 


562  DEATH    OF    WASHINGTON.         [APPENDIX. 

Simms,  Payne,  Gilpin,  Ramsey,  and  Marsteler.  Colonel  Black 
burn  preceded  the  corpse.  Colonel  Deneale  marched  with  the 
military.  The  procession  moved  out  through  the  gate  at  the  left 
wing  of  the  house,  and  proceeded  round  in  front  of  the  lawn,  and 
down  to  the  vault  on  the  right  wing  of  the  house.  The  procession 
as  follows  ; 

The  Troops,  horse  and  foot. 
The  Clergy,  namely,  the  Reverend  Messrs.  Davis,  Muir,  Moffatt, 

and  Addison. 
The  General's  horse,  with  his  saddle,  holsters,  and  pistols,  led  by 

two  grooms,  Cyrus  and  Wilson,  in  black. 
The  Body,   borne  by  the  Freemasons  and  Officers. 

Principal  Mourners,   namely, 
Mrs.   Stuart  and  Mrs.   Law, 
Misses  Nancy  and  Sally  Stuart, 
Miss  Fairfax  and  Miss  Dennison, 
Mr.  Law  and  Mr.  Peter, 
Mr.  Lear  and  Dr.  Craik, 
Lord  Fairfax  and  Ferdinando  Fairfax. 

Lodge,  No.  23. 

Corporation  of  Alexandria. 

All  other  persons  ;  preceded 

by  Mr.  Anderson  and  the  Overseers. 

When  the  body  arrived  at  the  vault,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Davis  read 
the  service,  and  pronounced  a  short  address. 

The  Masons  performed  their  ceremonies,  and  the  body  was 
deposited  in  the  vault. 

After  the  ceremony,  the  company  returned  to  the  house,  where 
-they  took  some  refreshment,  and  retired  in  good  order. 


APPENDIX.]      PROCEEDINGS    OF    CONGRESS.  563 


No.  III.    p.  531. 

PROCEEDINGS     OF    CONGRESS    IN    CONSEQUENCE     OF    THE 
DEATH   OF   WASHINGTON. 

SPEECH     OF    JOHN    MARSHALL     IN    THE    HOUSE    OF    REPRESENTATIVES, 
AND     RESOLUTIONS     ADOPTED     BY     THE     HOUSE,    DECEMBER    19TH, 

1799.* 

MR.  SPEAKER, 

The  melancholy  event,  which  was  yesterday  announced  with 
doubt,  has  been  rendered  but  too  certain.  Our  Washington  is 
no  more !  The  hero,  the  patriot,  and  the  sage  of  America ;  the 
man  on  whom  in  times  of  danger  every  eye  was  turned,  and  all 
hopes  were  placed,  lives  now  only  in  his  own  great  actions,  and 
in  the  hearts  of  an  affectionate  and  afflicted  people. 

If,  Sir,  it  had  even  not  been  usual  openly  to  testify  respect  for 
the  memory  of  those  whom  Heaven  has  selected  as  its  instru 
ments  for  dispensing  good  to  man,  yet  such  has  been  the  un 
common  worth,  and  such  the  extraordinary  incidents,  which  have 
marked  the  life  of  him  whose  loss  we  all  deplore,  that  the  whole 
American  nation,  impelled  by  the  same  feelings,  would  call  with 
one  voice  for  a  public  manifestation  of  that  sorrow,  which  is  so 
deep  and  so  universal. 

More  than  any  other  individual,  and  as  much  as  to  one  indi 
vidual  was  possible,  has  he  contributed  to  found  this  our  wide- 
spreading  empire,  and  to  give  to  the  western  world  independence 
and  freedom. 

Having  effected  the  great  object  for  which  he  was  placed  at 
the  head  of  our  armies,  we  have  seen  him  convert  the  sword  into 
the  ploughshare,  and  sink  the  soldier  in  the  citizen. 

When  the  debility  of  our  federal  system  had  become  manifest, 
and  the  bonds  which  connected  this  vast  continent  were  dissolv 
ing,  we  have  seen  him  the  chief  of  those  patriots,  who  formed  for 
us  a  constitution,  which,  by  preserving  the  union,  will,  I  trust, 
substantiate  and  perpetuate  those  blessings,  which  our  Revolution 
had  promised  to  bestow. 

In  obedience  to  the  general  voice  of  his  country,  calling  him 
to  preside  over  a  great  people,  we  have  seen  him  once  more  quit 

*  The  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Washington  had  been  received  the  pre 
ceding  day,  and  the  House  immediately  adjourned.  The  next  morning  Mr. 
Marshall  addressed  this  speech  to  the  house. 


564  PROCEEDINGS   OF   CONGRESS.    [APPENDIX. 

the  retirement  he  loved,  and,  in  a  season  more  stormy  and  tem 
pestuous  than  war  itself,  with  calm  and  wise  determination  pur 
sue  the  true  interests  of  the  nation,  and  contribute,  more  than  any 
other  could  contribute,  to  the  establishment  of  that  system  of  policy, 
which  will,  I  trust,  yet  preserve  our  peace,  our  honor,  and  our 
independence. 

Having  been  twice  unanimously  chosen  the  chief  magistrate  of 
a  free  people,  we  have  seen  him,  at  a  time  when  his  reelection 
with  universal  suffrage  could  not  be  doubted,  afford  to  the  world 
a  rare  instance  of  moderation,  by  withdrawing  from  his  station  to 
the  peaceful  walks  of  private  life. 

However  the  public  confidence  may  change,  and  the  public  af 
fections  fluctuate  with  respect  to  others,  with  respect  to  him  they 
have,  in  war  and  in  peace,  in  public  and  in  private  life,  been  as 
steady  as  his  own  firm  mind,  and  as  constant  as  his  own  exalted 
virtues. 

Let  us,  then,  Mr.  Speaker,  pay  the  last  tribute  of  respect  and 
affection  to  our  departed  friend.  Let  the  grand  council  of  the 
nation  display  those  sentiments  which  the  nation  feels.  For  this 
purpose  I  hold  in  my  hand  some  resolutions  which  I  take  the 
liberty  of  offering  to  the  house. 

Resolved,  That  this  house  will  wait  on  the  President,  in  con 
dolence  of  this  mournful  event. 

Resolved,  That  the  Speaker's  chair  be  shrouded  with  black, 
and  that  the  members  and  officers  of  the  house  wear  black  during 
the  session. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee,  in  conjunction  with  one  from  the 
Senate,  be  appointed  to  consider  on  the  most  suitable  manner  of 
paying  honor  to  the  memory  of  the  man,  first  in  war,  first  in  peace, 
and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  fellow-citizens. 


LETTER  FROM  THE  SENATE  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES. 

23  December,  1799. 
SIR, 

The  Senate  of  the  United  States  respectfully  take  leave  to  ex 
press  to  you  their  deep  regret  for  the  loss  their  country  sustains 
in  the  death  of  General  George  Washington. 

This  event,  so  distressing  to  all  our  fellow-citizens,  must  be 
peculiarly  heavy  to  you,  who  have  long  been  associated  with  him 
in  deeds  of  patriotism.  Permit  us,  Sir,  to  mingle  our  tears  with 


APPENDIX.]      PROCEEDINGS    OF    CONGRESS.  565 

yours.  On  this  occasion  it  is  manly  to  weep.  To  lose  such  a 
man,  at  such  a  crisis,  is  no  common  calamity  to  the  world.  Our 
country  mourns  a  father.  The  Almighty  Disposer  of  human  events 
has  taken  from  us  our  greatest  benefactor  and  ornament.  It  be 
comes  us  to  submit  with  reverence  to  him  "  who  maketh  darkness 
his  pavilion." 

With  patriotic  pride  we  review  the  life  of  our  Washington,  and 
compare  him  with  those  of  other  countries  who  have  been  pre 
eminent  in  fame.  Ancient  and  modern  times  are  diminished  be 
fore  him.  Greatness  and  guilt  have  too  often  been  allied  ;  but 
his  fame  is  whiter  than  it  is  brilliant.  The  destroyers  of  nations 
stood  abashed  at  the  majesty  of  his  virtues.  It  reproved  the  in 
temperance  of  their  ambition,  and  darkened  the  splendor  of  vic 
tory.  The  scene  is  closed,  and  we  are  no  longer  anxious  lest 
misfortune  should  sully  his  glory  ;  he  has  travelled  on  to  the  end 
of  his  journey,  and  carried  with  him  an  increasing  weight  of 
honor ;  he  has  deposited  it  safely,  where  misfortune  cannot  tarnish 
it,  where  malice  cannot  blast  it.  Favored  of  Heaven,  he  depart 
ed  without  exhibiting  the  weakness  of  humanity.  Magnanimous 
in  death,  the  darkness  of  the  grave  could  not  obscure  his  brightness. 

Such  was  the  man  whom  we  deplore.  Thanks  to  God,  his  glory 
is  consummated.  Washington  yet  lives  on  earth  in  his  spotless 
example ;  his  spirit  is  in  Heaven. 

Let  his  countrymen  consecrate  the  memory  of  the  heroic  gen 
eral,  the  patriotic  statesman,  and  the  virtuous  sage.  Let  them 
teach  their  children  never  to  forget,  that  the  fruits  of  his  labors 
and  his  example  are  their  inheritance. 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  ANSWER. 

23  December,  1799. 
GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  SENATE, 

I  receive  with  the  most  respectful  and  affectionate  sentiments, 
in  this  impressive  address,  the  obliging  expressions  of  your  regret 
for  the  loss  our  country  has  sustained  in  the  death  of  her  most 
esteemed,  beloved,  and  admired  citizen. 

In  the  multitude  of  my  thoughts  and  recollections  on  this  mel 
ancholy  event,  you  will  permit  me  to  say,  that  I  have  seen  him 
in  the  days  of  adversity,  in  some  of  the  scenes  of  his  deepest  dis 
tress  and  most  trying  perplexities.  I  have  also  attended  him  in 
his  highest  elevation  and  most  prosperous  felicity,  with  uniform 
admiration  of  his  wisdom,  moderation,  and  constancy. 

VOL.  I.  V  V 


566  PROCEEDINGS    OF    CONGRESS.     [APPENDIX. 

Among  all  our  original  associates  in  that  memorable  league  oi 
this  continent,  in  1774,  which  first  expressed  the  sovereign  will 
of  a  free  nation  in  America,  he  was  the  only  one  remaining  in 
the  general  government.  Although  with  a  constitution  more  en 
feebled  than  his,  at  an  age  when  he  thought  it  necessary  to  pre 
pare  for  retirement,  I  feel  myself  alone,  bereaved  of  my  last  brother, 
yet  I  derive  a  strong  consolation  from  the  unanimous  disposition 
which  appears  in  all  ages  and  classes,  to  mingle  their  sorrows 
with  mine,  on  this  common  calamity  to  the  world. 

The  life  of  oar  Washington  cannot  suffer  by  a  comparison  with 
those  of  other  countries,  who  have  been  most  celebrated  and  ex 
alted  by  fame.  The  attributes  and  decorations  of  royalty  could 
only  have  served  to  eclipse  the  majesty  of  those  virtues  which 
made  him,  from  being  a  modest  citizen,  a  more  resplendent  lu 
minary.  Misfortune,  had  he  lived,  could  hereafter  have  sullied 
liis  glory  only  with  those  superficial  minds,  who,  believing  that 
character  and  actions  are  marked  by  success  alone,  rarely  deserve 
to  enjoy  it.  Malice  could  never  blast  his  honor,  and  envy  made 
him  a  singular  exception  to  her  universal  rule.  For  himself,  he 
had  lived  long  enough  to  life  and  to  glory;  for  his  fellow-citizens, 
if  their  prayers  could  have  been  answered,  he  would  have  been 
immortal  ;  for  me,  his  departure  is  at  a  most  unfortunate  moment. 
Trusting,  however,  in  the  wise  and  righteous  dominion  of  Provi 
dence  over  the  passions  of  men  and  the  results  of  their  actions, 
as  well  as  over  their  lives,  nothing  remains  for  me  but  humble 
resignation. 

His  example  is  now  complete  ;  and  it  will  teach  wisdom  and 
virtue  to  magistrates,  citizens,  and  men,  not  only  in  the  present 
age,  but  in  future  generations,  as  long  as  our  history  shall  be 
read.  If  a  Trajan  found  a  Pliny,  a  Marcus  Aurelius  can  never 
want  biographers,  eulogists,  or  historians. 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

JOINT  RESOLUTIONS  ADOPTED  BY  BOTH  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS. 


December  23rf.  Resolved,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled, 
That  a  marble  monument  be  erected  by  the  United  States  at  the 
Capitol  of  the  city  of  Washington,  and  that  the  family  of  General 
Washington  be  requested  to  permit  his  body  to  be  deposited  under 
it,  and  that  the  monument  be  so  designed  as  to  commemorate  the 
great  events  of  his  military  and  political  life. 


APPENDIX.]     PROCEEDINGS    OF    CONGRESS.  567 

And  be  it  further  resolved,  That  there  be  a  funeral  procession 
from  Congress  Hall,  to  the  German  Lutheran  church,  in  memory 
of  General  George  Washington,  on  Thursday  the  26th  instant, 
and  that  an  oration  be  prepared  at  the  request  of  Congress,  to  be 
delivered  before  both  houses  that  day ;  arid  that  the  President 
of  the  Senate,  and  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  be 
desired  to  request  one  of  the  members  of  Congress  to  prepare 
and  deliver  the  same. 

And  be  it  further  resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States,  to  wear  crape  on  their  left  arm,  as  mourn 
ing,  for  thirty  days. 

And  be  it  further  resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United 
States  be  requested  to  direct  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  to  be 
transmitted  to  Mrs.  Washington,  assuring  her  of  the  profound  re 
spect  Congress  will  ever  bear  for  her  person  and  character,  of 
their  condolence  on  the  late  afflicting  dispensation  of  Providence ; 
and  entreating  her  assent  to  the  interment  of  the  remains  of  Gen 
eral  Washington  in  the  manner  expressed  in  the  first  resolution. 

Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  requested 
to  issue  his  proclamation,  notifying  to  the  people  throughout 
the  United  States  the  recommendation  contained  in  the  third 
resolution. 

December  30#7i.  Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States  to  assemble,  on  the  twenty-second  day 
of  February  next,  in  such  numbers  and  manner  as  may  be  con 
venient,  publicly  to  testify  their  grief  for  the  death  of  General 
George  Washington,  by  suitable  eulogies,  orations,  and  discourses, 
or  by  public  prayers. 

And  it  is  further  resolved,  That  the  President  be  requested  to 
issue  a  proclamation,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  the  foregoing 
resolution  into  effect. 


568         MONUMENTAL    INSCRIPTION.         [APPENDIX. 

No.  IV. 
CHARACTER  OF   WASHINGTON; 

DESIGNED    FOR    A   MONUMENTAL    INSCRIPTION.* 


WASHINGTON, 

The  Defender  of  his  Country,  the  Founder  of  Liberty, 

The  Friend  of  Man. 
History  and  Tradition  are  explored  in  vain 

For  a  Parallel  to  his  Character. 
In  the  Annals  of  modern  Greatness, 

He  stands  alone, 

And  the  noblest  Names  of  Antiquity 

Lose  their  Lustre  in  his  Presence. 

Born  the  Benefactor  of  Mankind, 

He  united  all  the  Qualities  necessary 

To  an  Illustrious  Career. 

Nature  made  him  Great, 

He  made  himself  Virtuous. 

Called  by  his  Country  to  the  Defence  of  her  Liberties, 

He  triumphantly  vindicated  the  Rights  of  Humanity, 

And  on  the  Pillars  of  National  Independence 

Laid  the  Foundations  of  a  Great  Republic. 

Twice  invested  with  Supreme  Magistracy 

By  the  Unanimous  Voice  of  a  Free  People, 

He  surpassed  in  the  Cabinet 

The  Glories  of  the  Field, 

And,  voluntarily  resigning  the  Sceptre  and  the  Sword 
Retired  to  the  Shades  of  Private  Life. 

A  Spectacle  so  new  and  so  sublime 

Was  contemplated  with  the  profoundest  Admiration; 

And  the  Name  of  WASHINGTON, 

Adding  new  Lustre  to  Humanity, 

Resounded  to  the  remotest  Regions  of  the  Earth. 

Magnanimous  in  Youth, 

Glorious  through  Life, 

Great  in  Death, 
His  highest  Ambition  the  Happiness  of  Mankind, 

His  noblest  Victory  the  Conquest  of  himself, 

Bequeathing  to  Posterity  the  Inheritance  of  his  Fame, 

And  building  his  Monument  in  the  Hearts  of  his  Countrymen, 

He  lived  the  Ornament  of  the  Eighteenth  Century, 

He  died  regretted  by  a  mourning  World. 

*  The  author  of  this  composition  is  not  known.  It  has  been  transcribed 
from  a  manuscript  copy,  written  on  the  back  of  a  picture-frame,  in  which 
is  set  a  miniature  likeness  of  Washington,  and  which  hangs  in  one  of  the 
rooms  of  the  mansion  at  Mount  Vcrnon,  having  been  left  there  some  time 
after  Washington's  death. 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  569 


No.  V. 
WASHINGTON'S    WILL. 


IN  THE   NAME  OF  GOD,  AMEN. 

I,  GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  of  Mount  Vernon,  a  citizen  o4  the 
United  States,  and  lately  President  of  the  same,  do  make,  ordain, 
and  declare  this  instrument,  which  is  written  with  my  own  hand, 
and  every  page  thereof  subscribed  with  my  name,*  to  be  my  last 
WILL  and  TESTAMENT,  revoking  all  others. 

Imprimis.  —  All  my  debts,  of  which  there  are  but  few,  and  none 
of  magnitude,  are  to  be  punctually  and  speedily  paid,  and  the 
legacies,  herein  after  bequeathed,  are  to  be  discharged  as  soon  as 
circumstances  will  permit,  and  in  the  manner  directed. 

Item.  —  To  my  dearly  beloved  wife,  Martha  Washington,  I  give 
and  bequeath  the  use,  profit,  and  benefit  of  my  whole  estate,  real 
and  personal,  for  the  term  of  her  natural  life,  except  such  parts 
thereof  as  are  specially  disposed  of  hereafter.  My  improved  lot  in 
the  town  of  Alexandria,  situated  on  Pitt  and  Cameron  streets,  I  give  to 
her  and  her  heirs  for  ever ;  as  I  also  do  my  household  and  kitchen 
furniture  of  every  sort  and  kind,  with  the  liquors  and  groceries 
which  may  be  on  hand  at  the  time  of  my  decease,  to  be  used  and 
disposed  of  as  she  may  think  proper. 

Item.  —  Upon  the  decease  of  my  wife,  it  is  my  will  and  desire 
that  all  the  slaves  whom  I  hold  in  my  own  right  shall  receive  their 
freedom.  To  emancipate  them  during  her  life  would,  though 
earnestly  wished  by  me,  be  attended  with  such  insuperable  difficulties, 
on  account  of  their  intermixture  by  marriage  with  the  dower  negroes, 
as  to  excite  the  most  painful  sensations,  if  not  disagreeable  conse 
quences  to  the  latter,  while  both  descriptions  are  in  the  occupancy 
of  the  same  proprietor ;  it  not  being  in  my  power,  under  the  tenure 
by  which  the  dower  negroes  are  held,  to  manumit  them.  And 
whereas,  among  those  who  will  receive  freedom  according  to  this 
devise,  there  may  be  some,  who,  from  old  age  or  bodily  infirmities, 
and  others,  who,  on  account  of  their  infancy,  will  be  unable  to 
support  themselves,,  it  is  my  will  and  desire,  that  all,  who  come  under 
the  first  and  second  description,  shall  be  comfortably  clothed  and 
fed  by  my  heirs  while  they  live ;  arid  that  such  of  the  latter  descrip- 

*  In  the  original  manuscript,  GEORGE  WASHINGTON'S  name  was  written  at  the 
bottom  of  every  page. 

VOL.I.  72  vv* 


570  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  [APPENDIX. 

tion  as  have  no  parents  living,  or,  if  living,  are  unable  or  unwilling 
to  provide  for  them,  shall  be  bound  by  the  court  until  they  shall 
arrive  at  the  age  of  twenty-five  years;  and,  in  cases  where  no  record 
can  be  produced,  whereby  their  ages  can  be  ascertained,  the  judg 
ment  of  the  court,  upon  its  own  view  of  the  subject,  shall  be  adequate 
and  final.  The  negroes  thus  bound,  are  (by  their  masters  or  mis 
tresses)  to  be  taught  to  read  and  write,  and  to  be  brought  up  to 
some  useful  occupation,  agreeably  to  the  laws  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  Virginia,  providing  for  the  support  of  orphan  and  other  poor 
children.  And  I  do  hereby  expressly  forbid  the  sale  or  transporta 
tion  out  of  the  said  Commonwealth,  of  any  slave  I  may  die  possessed 
of,  under  any  pretence  whatsoever.  And  I  do,  moreover,  most 
pointedly  and  most  solemnly  enjoin  it  upon  my  executors  hereafter 
named,  or  the  survivors  of  them,  to  see  that  this  clause  respecting 
slaves,  and  every  part  thereof,  be  religiously  fulfilled  at  the  epoch  at 
which  it  is  directed  to  take  place,  without  evasion,  neglect,  or  delay, 
after  the  crops  which  may  then  be  on  the  ground  are  harvested, 
particularly  as  it  respects  the  aged  and  infirm ;  seeing  that  a  regular 
and  permanent  fund  be  established  for  their  support,  as  long  as  there 
are  subjects  requiring  it ;  not  trusting  to  the  uncertain  provision  to 
be  made  by  individuals.  And  to  my  mulatto  man,  William,  calling 
himself  William  Lee,  I  give  immediate  freedom,  or,  if  he  should 
prefer  it,  (on  account  of  the  accidents  which  have  befallen  him,  and 
which  have  rendered  him  incapable  of  walking,  or  of  any  active 
employment,)  to  remain  in  the  situation  he  now  is,  it  shall  be 
optional  in  him  to  do  so ;  in  either  case,  however,  I  allow  him  an 
annuity  of  thirty  dollars,  during  his  natural  life,  which  shall  be 
independent  of  the  victuals  and  clothes  he  has  been  accustomed  to 
receive,  if  he  chooses  the  last  alternative;  but  in  full  with  his 
freedom,  if  he  prefers  the  first;  and  this  I  give  him,  as  a  testimony 
of  my  sense  of  his  attachment  to  me,  and  for  his  faithful  services 
during  the  revolutionary  war. 

Item.  —  To  the  trustees  (governors,  or  by  whatsoever  other 
name  they  may  be  designated)  of  the  Academy  in  the  town  of 
Alexandria,  I  give  and  bequeath,  in  trust,  four  thousand  dollars, 
or  in  other  words,  twenty  of  the  shares  which  I  hold  in  the  Bank  of 
Alexandria,  towards  the  support  of  a  free  school,  established  at, 
and  annexed  to,  the  said  Academy,  for  the  purpose  of  educating 
such  orphan  children,  or  the  children  of  such  other  poor  and 
indigent  persons,  as  are  unable  to  accomplish  it  with  their  own 
means,  and  who,  in  the  judgment  of  the  trustees  of  the  said  sem 
inary,  are  best  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  this  donation.  The  aforesaid 
twenty  shares  I  give  and  bequeath  in  perpetuity ;  the  dividends  only 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  571 

of  which  are  to  be  drawn  for  and  applied,  by  the  said  trustees  for 
the  time  being,  for  the  uses  above  mentioned ;  the  stock  to  remain 
entire  and  untouched,  unless  indications  of  failure  of  the  said  bank 
should  be  so  apparent,  or  a  discontinuance  thereof,  should  render  a 
removal  of  this  fund  necessary.  In  either  of  these  cases,  the  amount 
of  the  stock  here  devised  is  to  be  vested  in  some  other  bank,  or 
public  institution,  whereby  the  interest  may  with  regularity  and 
certainty  be  drawn  and  applied  as  above.  And  to  prevent  miscon 
ception,  my  meaning  is,  and  is  hereby  declared  to  be,  that  these 
twenty  shares  are  in  lieu  of,  and  not  in  addition  to,  the  thousand 
pounds  given  by  a  missive  letter  some  years  ago,  in  consequence 
whereof  an  annuity  of  fifty  pounds  has  since  been  paid  towards  the 
support  of  this  institution. 

Item.  —  Whereas  by  a  law  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia, 
enacted  in  the  year  1785,  the  Legislature  thereof  was  pleased,  as  an 
evidence  of  its  approbation  of  the  services  I  had  rendered  the  public 
during  the  Revolution,  and  partly,  I  believe,  in  consideration  of  my 
having  suggested  the  vast  advantages  which  the  community  would 
derive  from  the  extension  of  its  inland  navigation  under  legislative 
patronage,  to  present  me  with  one  hundred  shares,  of  one  hundred 
dollars  each,  in  the  incorporated  Company,  established  for  the  pur 
pose  of  extending  the  navigation  of  James  River  from  the  tide  water 
to  the  mountains ;  and  also  with  fifty  shares,  of  ,£100  sterling  each, 
in  the  corporation  of  another  Company,  likewise  established  for  the 
similar  purpose  of  opening  the  navigation  of  the  River  Potomac  from 
the  tide  water  to  Fort  Cumberland ;  the  acceptance  of  which,  although 
the  offer  was  highly  honorable  and  grateful  to  my  feelings,  was 
refused,  as  inconsistent  with  a  principle  which  I  had  adopted,  and 
had  never  departed  from,  viz.  not  to  receive  pecuniary  compensa 
tion  for  any  services  I  could  render  my  country  in  its  arduous 
struggle  with  Great  Britain  for  its  rights,  and  because  I  had  evaded 
similar  propositions  from  other  Stales  in  the  Union  ;  adding  to  this 
refusal,  however,  an  intimation,  that,  if  it  should  be  the  pleasure  of 
the  legislature  to  permit  me  to  appropriate  the  said  shares  to  public 
uses,  I  would  receive  them  on  those  terms  with  due  sensibility ;  and 
this  it  having  consented  to,  in  nattering  terms,  as  will  appear  by  a 
subsequent  law,  and  sundry  resolutions,  in  the  most  ample  and 
honorable  manner ;  —  I  proceed  after  this  recital,  for  the  more  correct 
understanding  of  the  case,  to  declare ;  that,  as  it  has  always  been 
a  source  of  serious  regret  with  me,  to  see  the  youth  of  these  United 
States  sent  to  foreign  countries  for  the  purpose  of  education,  often 
before  their  minds  were  formed,  or  they  had  imbibed  any  adequate 
ideas  of  the  happiness  of  their  own :  contracting  too  frequently,  not 


572  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  [APPENDIX. 

only  habits  of  dissipation  and  extravagance,  but  principles  unfriendly 
to  republican  government,  and  to  the  true  and  genuine  liberties  of 
mankind,  which  thereafter  are  rarely  overcome  ;  for  these  reasons 
it  has  been  my  ardent  wish  to  see  a  plan  devised  on  a  liberal  scale, 
which  would  have  a  tendency  to  spread  systematic  ideas  through  all 
parts  of  this  rising  empire,  thereby  to  do  away  local  attachments  and 
State  prejudices,  as  far  as  the  nature  of  things  would,  or  indeed 
ought  to  admit,  from  our  national  councils.  Looking  anxiously 
forward  to  the  accomplishment  of  so  desirable  an  object  as  this  is 
(in  my  estimation),  my  mind  has  not  been  able  to  contemplate  any 
plan  more  likely  to  effect  the  measure,  than  the  establishment  of  a 
UNIVERSITY  in  a  central  part  of  the  United  States,  to  which  the 
youths  of  fortune  and  talents  from  all  parts  thereof  may  be  sent  for 
the  completion  of  their  education,  in  all  the  branches  of  polite  litera 
ture,  in  arts  and  sciences,  in  acquiring  knowledge  in  the  princi 
ples  of  politics  and  good  government,  and,  as  a  matter  of  infinite 
importance  in  my  judgment,  by  associating  with  each  other,  and 
forming  friendships  in  juvenile  years,  be  enabled  to  free  themselves 
in  a  proper  degree  from  those  local  prejudices  and  habitual  jealousies 
which  have  just  been  mentioned,  and  which,  when  carried  to  ex 
cess,  are  never-failing  sources  of  disquietude  to  the  public  mind, 
and  pregnant  of  mischievous  consequences  to  this  country.  Under 
these  impressions,  so  fully  dilated, 

Item.  —  I  give  and  bequeath,  in  perpetuity,  the  fifty  shares  which 
I  hold  in  the  Potomac  company,  (under  the  aforesaid  acts  of  the 
Legislature  of  Virginia,)  towards  the  endowment  of  a  University, 
to  be  established  within  the  limits  of  the  district  of  Columbia,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  general  government,  if  that  government  should 
incline  to  extend  a  fostering  hand  towards  it;  and,  until  such 
seminary  is  established,  and  the  funds  arising  on  these  shares  shall 
be  required  for  its  support,  my  further  will  and  desire  is,  that  the 
profit  accruing  therefrom  shall,  whenever  the  dividends  are  made, 
be  laid  out  in  purchasing  stock  in  the  Bank  of  Columbia,  or  some 
other  bank,  at  the  discretion  of  my  executors,  or  by  the  Treasurer 
of  the  United  States  for  the  time  being,  under  the  direction  of 
Congress,  provided  that  honorable  body  should  patronize  the  meas 
ure  ;  and  the  dividends  proceeding  from  the  purchase  of  such  stock 
are  to  be  vested  in  more  stock,  and  so  on,  until  a  sum  adequate 
to  the  accomplishment  of  the  object  is  obtained ;  of  which  I  have 
not  the  smallest  doubt  before  many  years  pass  away,  even  if  no  aid 
or  encouragement  is  given  by  the  legislative  authority,  or  from 
any  other  source. 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  573 

Item.  —  The  hundred  shares,  which  I  hold  in  the  James  River 
Company,  I  have  given,  and  now  confirm  in  perpetuity,  to  and  for 
the  use  and  benefit  of  Liberty  Hall  Academy,  in  the  County  of 
Rockbridge,  in  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia. 

Item.  —  I  release,  exonerate,  and  discharge  the  estate  of  my 
deceased  brother,  Samuel  Washington,  from  the  payment  of  the 
money  which  is  due  to  me  for  the  land  I  sold  to  Philip  Pendleton, 
(lying  in  the  county  of  Berkeley,)  who  assigned  the  same  to  him,  the 
said  Samuel,  who  by  agreement  was  to  pay  me  therefor.  And 
whereas,  by  some  contract  (the  purport  of  which  was  never  commu 
nicated  to  me)  between  the  said  Samuel  and  his  son,  Thornton 
Washington,  the  latter  became  possessed  of  the  aforesaid  land, 
without  any  conveyance  having  passed  from  me,  either  to  the  said 
Pendleton,  the  said  Samuel,  or  the  said  Thornton,  and  without  any 
consideration  having  been  made,  by  which  neglect  neither  the  legal 
nor  equitable  title  has  been  alienated  ;  it  rests  therefore  with  me  to 
declare  my  intentions  concerning  the  premises ;  and  these  are,  to 
give  and  bequeath  the  said  land  to  whomsoever  the  said  Thornton 
Washington  (who  is  also  dead)  devised  the  same,  or  to  his  heirs 
for  ever,  if  he  died  intestate ;  exonerating  the  estate  of  the  said 
Thornton,  equally  with  that  of  the  said  Samuel,  from  payment  of 
the  purchase  money,  which,  with  interest,  agreeably  to  the  original 
contract  with  the  said  Pendleton,  would  amount  to  more  than  a 
thousand  pounds.  And  whereas  two  other  sons  of  my  said  deceased 
brother  Samuel,  namely,  George  Steptoe  Washington  and  Lawrence 
Augustine  Washington,  were,  by  the  decease  of  those  to  whose  care 
they  were  committed,  brought  under  my  protection,  and,  in  conse 
quence,  have  occasioned  advances  on  my  part,  for  their  education  at 
college  and  other  schools,  for  their  board,  clothing,  and  other 
incidental  expenses,  to  the  amount  of  near  five  thousand  dollars, 
over  and  above  the  sums  furnished  by  their  estate,  which  sum  it  may 
be  inconvenient  for  them  or  their  father's  estate  to  refund :  I  do  for 
these  reasons  acquit  them  and  the  said  estate  from  the  payment 
thereof,  my  intention  being,  that  all  accounts  between  them  and 
me,  and  their  father's  estate  and  me,  shall  stand  balanced. 

Item.  —  The  balance  due  to  me  from  the  estate  of  Bartholomew 
Dandridge,  deceased,  (my  wife's  brother,)  and  which  amounted  on 
the  first  day  of  October,  1795,  to  four  hundred  and  twenty-five 
pounds,  (as  will  appear  by  an  account  rendered  by  his  deceased  son, 
John  Dandridge,  who  was  the  acting  executor  of  his  father's  will,) 
I  release  and  acquit  from  the  payment  thereof.  And  the  negroes, 
then  thirty-three  in  number,  formerly  belonging  to  the  said  estate, 


574  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  [APPENDIX. 

who  were  taken  in  execution,  sold,  and  purchased  in  on  my  account, 
in  the  year  (blank),  and  ever  since  have  remained  in  the  possession 
and  to  the  use  of  Mary,  widow  of  the  said  Bartholomew  Dandridge, 
with  their  increase,  it  is  my  will  and  desire  shall  continue  and  be 
in  her  possession,  without  paying  hire,  or  making  compensation 
for  the  same,  for  the  time  past  or  to  come,  during  her  natural  life  ; 
at  the  expiration  of  which,  I  direct  that  all  of  them  who  are  forty 
years  old  and  upwards  shall  receive  their  freedom ;  and  all  under 
that  age,  and  above  sixteen,  shall  serve  seven  years  and  no  longer ; 
and  all  under  sixteen  years  shall  serve  until  they  are  twenty-five 
years  of  age,  and  then  be  free.  And,  to  avoid  disputes  respecting  the 
ages  of  any  of  these  negroes,  they  are  to  be  taken  into  the  court  of 
the  county  in  which  they  reside,  and  the  judgment  thereof,  in  this 
relation,  shall  be  final,  and  record  thereof  made,  which  may  be 
adduced  as  evidence  at  any  time  thereafter,  if  disputes  should  arise 
concerning  the  same.  And  I  further  direct,  that  the  heirs  of  the 
said  Bartholomew  Dandridge  shall  equally  share  the  benefits  arising 
from  the  services  of  the  said  negroes,  according  to  the  tenor  of  this 
devise,  upon  the  decease  of  their  mother. 

Item.  —  If  Charles  Carter,  who  intermarried  with  my  niece, 
Betty  Lewis,  is  not  sufficiently  secured  in  the  title  to  the  lots  he  had 
of  me  in  the  town  of  Fredericksburg,  it  is  my  will  and  desire,  that 
my  executors  shall  make  such  conveyances  of  them  as  the  law 
requires  to  render  it  perfect. 

Item.  —  To  my  nephew,  William  Augustine  Washington,  and  his 
heirs,  (if  he  should  conceive  them  to  be  objects  worth  prosecuting,) 
a  lot  in  the  town  of  Manchester,  (opposite  to  Richmond,)  No.  265, 
drawn  on  my  sole  account,  and  also  the  tenth  of  one  or  two  hundred 
acre  lots,  and  two  or  three  half-acre  lots,  in  the  city  and  vicinity  of 
Richmond,  drawn  in  partnership  with  nine  others,  all  in  the  lottery 
of  the  deceased  William  Byrd,  are  given;  as  is  also  a  lot  which  1 
purchased  of  John  Hood,  conveyed  by  William  Willie  and  Samuel 
Gordon,  trustees  of  the  said  John  Hood,  numbered  139,  in  the  town 
of  Edinburgh,  in  the  County  of  Prince  George,  State  of  Virginia. 

Item.  -  -  To  my  nephew,  Bushrod  Washington,  I  give  and 
bequeath  all  the  papers  in  my  possession,  which  relate  to  my  civil 
and  military  administration  of  the  affairs  of  this  country.  I  leave  to 
him  also  such  of  my  private  papers  as  are  worth  preserving ;  arid  at 
the  decease  of  my  wife,  and  before,  if  she  is  not  inclined  to  retain 
them,  I  give  and  bequeath  my  library  of  books  and  pamphlets  of 
every  kind. 

Item,  —  Having  sold  lands  which  I  possessed  in   the  State  of 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  575 

Pennsylvania,  and  part  of  a  tract  held  in  equal  right  with  George 
Clinton,  late  governor  of  New  York,  in  the  State  of  New  York, 
ray  share  of  land  and  interest  in  the  Great  Dismal  Swamp,  and  a 
tract  of  land  which  I  owned  in  the  County  of  Gloucester,  —  with 
holding  the  legal  titles  thereto,  until  the  consideration  money  should 
be  paid,  —  and  having  moreover  leased  and  conditionally  sold  (as 
will  appear  by  the  tenor  of  the  said  leases)  all  my  lands  upon  the 
Great  Kenhawa,  and  a  tract  upon  Difficult  Run,  in  the  County  of 
Loudoun,  it  is  my  will  and  direction,  that  whensoever  the  con 
tracts  are  fully  and  respectively  complied  with,  according  to  the 
spirit,  true  intent,  arid  meaning  thereof,  on  the  part  of  the  purchasers, 
their  heirs  or  assigns,  that  then,  and  in  that  case,  conveyances  are  to 
be  made,  agreeably  to  the  terms  of  the  said  contracts,  and  the  money 
arising  therefrom,  when  paid,  to  be  vested  in  bank  stock;  the 
dividends  whereof,  as  of  that  also  which  is  already  vested  therein,  are 
to  inure  to  my  said  wife  during  her  life ;  but  the  stock  itself  is  to 
remain  and  be  subject  to  the  general  distribution  hereafter  directed. 

Item.  —  To  the  Earl  of  Buchan  I  recommit  the  "Box  made  of 
the  Oak  that  sheltered  the  great  Sir  William  Wallace,  after  the 
battle  of  Falkirk,"  presented  to  me  by  his  Lordship,  in  terms  too 
flattering  for  me  to  repeat,  with  a  request  "  to  pass  it,  on  the  event 
of  my  decease,  to  the  man  in  my  country,  who  should  appear  to 
merit  it  best,  upon  the  same  conditions  that  have  induced  him  to 
send  it  to  me."  Whether  easy  or  not  to  select  the  man,  who 
might  comport  with  his  Lordship's  opinion  in  this  respect,  is  not 
for  me  to  say;  but,  conceiving  that  no  disposition  of  this  valuable 
curiosity  can  be  more  eligible  than  the  recommitment  of  it  to  his 
own  cabinet,  agreeably  to  the  original  design  of  the  Goldsmiths' 
Company  of  Edinburgh,  who  presented  it  to  him,  and,  at  his  request, 
consented  that  it  should  be  transferred  to  me,  I  do  give  and 
bequeath  the  same  to  his  Lordship;  and,  in  case  of  his  decease,  to 
his  heir,  with  my  grateful  thanks  for  the  distinguished  honor  of 
presenting  it  to  me,  and  more  especially  for  the  favorable  sentiments 
with  which  he  accompanied  it. 

Item. — To  my  brother,  Charles  Washington,  I  give  and  bequeath 
the  gold-headed  cane  left  me  by  Dr.  Franklin  in  his  will.  I  add 
nothing  to  it,  because  of  the  ample  provision  I  have  made  for  his 
issue.  To  the  acquaintances  and  friends  of  my  juvenile  years, 
Lawrence  Washington  and  Robert  Washington,  of  Chotanck,  I 
give  my  other  two  gold-headed  canes,  having  my  arms  engraved  on 
them ;  and  to  each,  as  they  will  be  useful  where  they  live,  I  leave 
one  of  the  spyglasses,  which  constituted  part  of  my  equipage  during 


576  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  [APPENDIX. 

the  late  war.  To  my  compatriot  in  arms,  and  old  and  intimate 
friend,  Dr.  Craik,  I  give  my  bureau  (or,  as  the  cabinet-makers  call 
it,  tambour  secretary)  and  the  circular  chair,  an  appendage  of  my 
study.  To  Dr.  David  Stuart  I  give  my  large  shaving  and  dressing 
table,  and  my  telescope.  To  the  Reverend,  now  Bryan,  Lord  Pair- 
fax,  I  give  a  Bible,  in  three  large  folio  volumes,  with  notes,  present 
ed  to  me  by  the  Right  Reverend  Thomas  Wilson,  Bishop  of  Sodor 
and  Man.  To  General  de  Lafayette  I  give  a  pair  of  finely-wrought 
steel  pistols,  taken  from  the  enemy  in  the  revolutionary  war.  To 
my  sisters-in-law,  Hannah  W^ashington  and  Mildred  Washington, 
to  my  friends,  Eleanor  Stuart,  Hannah  Washington,  of  F airfield, 
and  Elizabeth  Washington,  of  Hayfield,  I  give  each  a  mourning 
ring,  of  the  value  of  one  hundred  dollars.  These  bequests  are  not 
made  for  the  intrinsic  value  of  them,  but  as  mementos  of  my  esteem 
and  regard.  To  Tobias  Lear  I  give  the  use  of  the  farm,  which  he 
now  holds  in  virtue  of  a  lease  from  me  to  him  and  his  deceased 
wife,  (for  and  during  their  natural  lives,)  free  from  rent  during  his 
life ;  at  the  expiration  of  which,  it  is  to  be  disposed  of  as  is  herein 
after  directed.  To  Sally  B.  Haynie,  (a  distant  relation  of  mine,)  I 
give  and  bequeath  three  hundred  dollars.  To  Sarah  Green,  daughter 
of  the  deceased  Thomas  Bishop,  and  to  Ann  Walker,  daughter  of 
John  Alton,  also  deceased,  I  give  each  one  hundred  dollars,  in 
consideration  of  the  attachment  of  their  fathers  to  me;  each  of 
whom  having  lived  nearly  forty  years  in  my  family.  To  each  of  my 
nephews,  William  Augustine  Washington,  George  Lewis,  George 
Steptoc  Washington,  Bushrod  Washington,  and  Samuel  Washington, 
I  give  one  of  the  swords,  or  couteaux,  of  which  I  may  die  possess 
ed;  and  they  are  to  choose  in  the  order  they  are  named.  These 
swords  are  accompanied  with  an  injunction  not  to  unsheath  them  for 
the  purpose  of  shedding  blood,  except  it  be  for  self-defence,  or  in 
defence  of  their  country  and  its  rights ;  and  in  the  latter  case,  to 
keep  them  unsheathed,  and  prefer  falling  with  them  in  their  hands 
to  the  relinquishment  thereof. 

And  now,  having  gone  through  these  specific  devises,  with 
explanations  for  the  more  correct  understanding  of  the  meaning  and 
design  of  them,  I  proceed  to  the  distribution  of  the  more  important 
parts  of  my  estate,  in  manner  following  ; 

FIRST.  -  -  To  my  nephew,  Bushrod  Washington,  and  his  heirs, 
(partly  in  consideration  of  an  intimation  to  his  deceased  father, 
while  we  were  bachelors,  and  he  had  kindly  undertaken  to  super 
intend  my  estate  during  my  military  services  in  the  former  war 
between  Great  Britain  and  France,  that,  if  I  should  fall  therein, 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  577 

Mount  Vernon,  then  less  extensive  in  domain  than  at  present,  should 
become  his  property,)  I  give  and  bequeath  all  that  part  thereof,  which 
is  comprehended  within  the  following  limits,  viz.  Beginning  at  the 
ford  of  Dogue  Run,  near  my  Mill,  and  extending  along  the  road, 
and  bounded  thereby,  as  it  now  goes,  and  ever  has  gone,  since  my 
recollection  of  it,  to  the  ford  of  Little  Hunting  Creek,  at  the  Gum 
Spring,  until  it  comes  to  a  knoll  opposite  to  an  old  road,  which 
formerly  passed  through  the  lower  field  of  Muddy-Hole  Farm  ;  at 
which,  on  the  north  side  of  the  said  road,  are  three  red  or  Spanish 
oaks,  marked  as  a  corner,  and  a  stone  placed;  thence  by  a  line 
of  trees,  to  be  marked  rectangular,  to  the  back  line  or  outer  boundary 
of  the  tract  between  Thompson  Mason  and  myself;  thence  with 
that  line  easterly  (now  double  ditching,  with  a  post-and-rail  fence 
thereon)  to  the  run  of  Little  Hunting  Creek  ;  thence  with  that  run, 
which  is  the  boundary  between  the  lands  of  the  late  Humphrey 
Pcake  and  me,  to  the  tide  water  of  the  said  creek ;  thence  by  that 
water  to  Potomac  River;  thence  with  the  river  to  the  mouth  of 
Dogue  Creek  ;  and  thence  with  the  said  Dogue  Creek  to  the 
place  of  beginning  at  the  aforesaid  ford ;  containing  upwards  of 
four  thousand  acres,  be  the  same  more  or  less,  together  with  the 
mansion-house,  and  all  other  buildings  and  improvements  thereon. 
SECOND.  —  In  consideration  of  the  consanguinity  between  them 
and  my  wife,  being  as  nearly  related  to  her  as  to  myself,  as  on  ac 
count  of  the  affection  I  had  for,  and  the  obligation  I  was  under  to, 
their  father  when  living,  who  from  his  youth  had  attached  himself  to 
my  person,  and  followed  my  fortunes  through  the  vicissitudes  of  the 
late  Revolution,  afterwards  devoting  his  time  to  the  superintendence 
of  my  private  concerns  for  many  years,  whilst  my  public  employ 
ments  rendered  it  impracticable  for  me  to  do  it  myself,  thereby 
affording  me  essential  services,  and  always  performing  them  in  a 
manner  the  most  filial  and  respectful;  for  these  reasons,  I  say,  I  give 
and  bequeath  to  George  Fayette  Washington  and  Lawrence  Augus 
tine  Washington,  and  their  heirs,  my  estate  east  of  Little  Hunting 
Creek,  lying  on  the  River  Potomac,  including  the  farm  of  three 
hundred  and  sixty  acres,  leased  to  Tobias  Lear,  as  noticed  before, 
and  containing  in  the  whole,  by  deed,  two  thousand  and  twenty-seven 
acres,  be  it  more  or  less ;  which  said  estate  it  is  my  will  and  desire 
should  be  equitably  and  advantageously  divided  between  themr 
according  to  quantity,  quality,  and  other  circumstances,  when  the 
youngest  shall  have  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  by  three 
judicious  and  disinterested  men ;  one  to  be  chosen  by  each  of  the 
brothers,  and  the  third  by  these  two.  In  the  mean  time,  if  the  ter- 

VOL.  i.  73  ww 


578  WASHINGTON'S    WELL.  [APPENDIX. 

ruination  of  my  wife's  interest  therein  should  have  ceased,  the  profits 
arising  therefrom  are  to  be  applied  for  their  joint  uses  and  benefit. 

THIRD.  —  And  whereas  it  has  always  been  my  intention,  since 
my  expectation  of  having  issue  has  ceased,  to  consider  the  grand 
children  of  my  wife  in  the  same  light  as  I  do  my  own  relations,  and 
to  act  a  friendly  part  by  them ;  more  especially  by  the  two  whom  we 
have  raised  from  their  earliest  infancy,  namely,  Eleanor  Parke  Cus- 
tis  and  George  Washington  Parke  Custis;  and  whereas  the  former 
of  these  hath  lately  intermarried  with  Lawrence  Lewis,  a  son  of  my 
deceased  sister,  Betty  Lewis,  by  which  union  the  inducement  to 
provide  for  them  both  has  been  increased  ;  wherefore  I  give  and 
bequeath  to  the  said  Lawrence  Lewis,  and  Eleanor  Parke  Lewis,  his 
wife,  arid  their  heirs,  the  residue  of  my  Mount  Vernon  estate,  not 
already  devised  to  my  nephew,  Bushrod  Washington,  comprehended 
within  the  following  description,  viz.  All  the  land  north  of  the  road 
leading  from  the  ford  of  Dogue  Run  to  the  Gum  Spring,  as  described 
in  the  devise  of  the  other  part  of  the  tract  to  Bushrod  Washington, 
•until  it  comes  to  the  stone  and  three  red  or  Spanish  oaks  on  the 
/knoll ;  thence  with  the  rectangular  line  to  the  back  line  (between 
Mr,  Mason  and  me) ;  thence  with  that  line  westerly  along  the  new 
double  ditch  to  Dogue  Run,  by  the  tumbling  dam  of  my  Mill ;  thence 
with  the  said  run  to  the  ford  aforementioned.  To  which  I  add  all 
the  land  I  possess  west  of  the  said  Dogue  Run  and  Dogue  Creek, 
bounded  easterly  and  southerly  thereby;  together  with  the  mill, 
distillery,  and  all  other  houses  and  improvements  on  the  premises, 
making  together  about  two  thousand  acres,  be  it  more  or  less. 
FOURTH.  —  Actuated  by  the  principle  already  mentioned,  I  give 
and  bequeath  to  George  Washington  Parke  Custis,  the  grandson  of 
my  wife,  and  my  ward,  and  to  his  heirs,  the  tract  I  hold  on  Four 
Mile  Run,  in  the  vicinity  of  Alexandria,  containing  one  thousand 
two  hundred  acres,  more  or  less,  and  my  entire  square,  No.  21,  in 
the  city  of  Washington. 

FIFTH.  —  All  the  rest  and  residue  of  my  estate  real  and  per 
sonal,  not  disposed  of  in  manner  aforesaid,  in  whatsoever  con 
sisting,  wheresoever  lying,  and  whensoever  found,  (a  schedule  of 
which,  as  far  as  is  recollected,  with  a  reasonable  estimate  of  its 
value,  is  hereunto  annexed,)  I  desire  may  be  sold  by  my  execu 
tors,  at  such  times,  in  such  manner,  and  on  such  credits,  (if  an 
equal,  valid,  and  satisfactory  distribution  of  the  specific  property 
cannot  be  made  without,)  as  in  their  judgment  shall  be  most  con 
ducive  to  the  interest  of  the  partres  concerned  ;  and  the  moneys 
arising  therefrom  to  be  divided  into  twenty-three  equal  parts, 
and  applied  as  follows,  viz.  To  William  Augustine  Washington, 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  579 

Elizabeth  Sjpotswood,  Jane  Thornton,  and  the  heirs  of  Ann  Ashton, 
sons  and  daughters  of  my  deceased  brother,  Augustine  Washington, 
I  give  and  bequeath  four  parts ;  that  is,  one  part  to  each  of  them. 
To  Fielding  Lewis,  George  Lewis,  Robert  Lewis,  Howell  Lewis, 
and  Betty  Carter,  sons  and  daughters  of  my  deceased  sister,  Betty 
Lewis,  I  give  and  bequeath  five  other  parts;  one  to  each  of  them. 
To  George  Steptoe  W^ashington,  Laicrence  Augustine  IVashington, 
Harriot  Parks,  and  the  heirs  ^f  Thornton  Washington,  sons  and 
daughters  of  my  deceased  brother  Samuel  Washington,  I  give  and 
bequeath  other  four  parts ;  one  to  each  of  them.  To  Corbin  Wash 
ington,  and  the  heirs  of  Jane  Washington,  son  and  daughter  of  my 
deceased  brother,  John  Augustine  Washington,  I  give  and  bequeath 
two  parts ;  one  to  each  of  them.  To  Samuel  Washington,  Frances 
Ball,  and  Mildred  Hammond,  son  and  daughters  of  my  brother 
Charles  Washington,  I  give  and  bequeath  three  parts ;  one  part  to 
each  of  them.  And  to  George  Fayette  Washington,  Charles  Au 
gustine  Washington,  and  Maria  Washington,  sons  and  daughter  of 
my  deceased  nephew,  George  Augustine  Washington.  I  give  one 
other  part ;  that  is,  to  each  a  third  of  that  part.  To  Elizabeth  ParJce 
Law,  Martha  ParJce  Peter,  and  Eleanor  Parke  Lewis,  I  give  and 
bequeath  three  other  parts ;  that  is,  a  part  to  each  of  them.  And  to 
my  nephews,  Bushrod  Washington  and  Lawrence  Lewis,  and  to  my 
ward,  the  grandson  of  my  wife,  I  give  and  bequeath  one  other  part; 
that  is,  a  third  thereof  to  each  of  them.  And,  if  it  should  so 
happen,  that  any  of  the  persons  whose  names  are  here  enumerated 
(unknown  to  me)  should  now  be  dead,  or  should  die  before  me,  that 
in  either  of  these  cases,  the  heirs  of  such  deceased  person  shall,  not 
withstanding,  derive  all  the  benefits  of  the  bequest,  in  the  same 
manner  as  if  he  or  she  was  actually  living  at  the  time.  And,  by  way 
of  advice,  I  recommend  it  to  my  executors  not  to  be  precipitate  in 
disposing  of  the  landed  property,  (herein  directed  to  be  sold,)  if  from 
temporary  causes  the  sale  thereof  should  be  dull ;  experience  having 
fully  evinced,  that  the  price  of  land,  especially  above  the  falls  of  the 
river  and  on  the  western  waters,  has  been  progressively  rising,  and 
cannot  be  long  checked  in  its  increasing  value.  And  I  particularly 
recommend  it  to  such  of  the  legatees  (under  this  clause  of  my  will), 
as  can  make  it  convenient,  to  take  each  a  share  of  my  stock  in  the 
Potomac  Company,  in  preference  to  the  amount  of  what  it  might 
sell  for ;  being  thoroughly  convinced  myself,  that  no  uses  to  which 
the  money  can  be  applied,  will  be  so  productive  as  the  tolls  arising 
from  this  navigation  when  in  full  operation,  (and  thus,  from  the 
nature  of  things,  it  must  be,  ere  long,)  and  more  especially  if  that  ot 
the  Shenandoah  is  added  thereto. 


580  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  [APPENDIX. 

The  family  vault  at  Mount  Vernon  requiring  repairs,  and  being 
improperly  situated  besides,  I  desire  that  a  new  one  of  brick,  and 
upon  a  larger  scale,  may  be  built  at  the  foot  of  what  is  commonly 
called  the  Vineyard  Enclosure,  on  the  ground  which  is  marked  out  ; 
in  which  my  remains,  with  those  of  my  deceased  relations  (now 
in  the  old  vault),  and  such  others  of  my  family  as  may  choose  to  be 
entombed  there,  may  be  deposited.  And  it  is  my  express  desire, 
that  my  corpse  may  be  interred  in  a  private  manner,  without  parade 
or  funeral  oration. 

LASTLY,  I  constitute  and  appoint  my  dearly  beloved  wife,  Martha 
Washington,  my  nephews,  William  Augustine  Washington,  Bushrod 
Washington,  George  Steptoe  Washington,  Samuel  Washington^  and 
Lawrence  Lewis,  and  rny  ward,  George  Washington  Parke  Custis 
(when  he  shall  have  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years),  execu 
trix  and  executors  of  this  my  will  and  testament ;  in  the  construction 
of  which  it  will  be  readily  perceived,  that  no  professional  character 
has  been  consulted,  or  has  had  any  agency  in  the  draft ;  and  that, 
although  it  has  occupied  many  of  my  leisure  hours  to  digest,  and  to 
throw  it  into  its  present  form,  it  may,  notwithstanding,  appear  crude 
and  incorrect ;  but,  having  endeavoured  to  be  plain  and  explicit  in  all 
the  devises,  even  at  the  expense  of  prolixity,  perhaps  of  tautology,  I 
hope  and  trust  that  no  disputes  will  arise  concerning  them.  But  if, 
contrary  to  expectation,  the  case  should  be  otherwise,  from  the  want 
of  legal  expressions,  or  the  usual  technical  terms,  or  because  too 
much  or  too  little  has  been  said  on  any  of  the  devises  to  be  conso 
nant  with  law,  my  will  and  direction  expressly  is,  that  all  disputes 
(if  unhappily  any  should  arise)  shall  be  decided  by  three  impartial 
and  intelligent  men,  known  for  their  probity  and  good  understand 
ing;  two  to  be  chosen  by  the  disputants,  each  having  the  choice  of 
one  and  the  third  by  those  two;  which  three  men,  thus  chosen, 
shall,  unfettered  by  law  or  legal  constructions,  declare  their  sense 
of  the  testator's  intention ;  and  such  decision  is,  to  all  intents  and 
purposes,  to  be  as  binding  on  the  parties  as  if  it  had  been  given  in 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

In  witness  of  all  and  of  each  of  the  things  herein  contained,  I  have 
set  my  hand  and  seal,  this  ninth  day  of  July,  in  the  year  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety*  and  of  the  Independence 
of  the  United  States  the  twenty-fourth. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

*  It  appears  that  the  testator  omitted  the  word  "  nine." 


APPENDIX.] 


WASHINGTON'S    WILL. 


581 


SCHEDULE    OF    PROPERTY  , 

Comprehended  in  the  foregoing  Will,  which  is  directed  to  be  sold ; 
and  some  of  it  conditionally  is  sold ;  with  descriptive  and  explan 
atory  Notes  relative  thereto. 


IN  VIRGINIA. 

Loudoun  County,  Difficult  Run, 
Loudoun  and  Fauquier,  Ashby's  Bent, 
Chattin's  Run, 
Berkeley,  South  Fork  of  Bullskin, 

Head  of  Evans's  M., 

In  Wormeley's  Line, 


Frederic,  bought  from  Mercer, 

Hampshire,  on  Potomac  River,  above  B., 

Gloucester,  on  North  River, 

Nansemond,  near   Suffolk,  one  third  of 
1119  acres, 

Great  Dismal  Swamp,  my  dividend  thereof, 

Ohio  River,  Round  Bottom, 
Little  Kenhawa, 
Sixteen  miles  lower  down, 
Opposite  Big  Bent, 


Great  Kenhawa, 

Near  the  mouth,  west, 
East  side,  above, 
Mouth  of  Cole  River, 
Opposite  thereto, 
Burning  Spring, 


Price. 


Acres. 

Dollars. 

Dollars. 

300 

6;666 

a 

nt, 
un, 

2481 
885 

10 

8 

24,810  \ 
7,080  } 

b 

1600 

453 

183 

2236 

20 

44,720 

c 

571 

20 

11,420 

d 

eB, 

240 

15 

3,600 

e 

400 

about 

3,600 

f 

rd  of 

373 

8 

2,984 

g 

lereof, 

about 

20,000 

h 

587 

2314 

vn, 

2448 

4395 

9744 

10 

97,440 

i 

10990 

7276 

2000 

2950 

125 

3075 


200,000       k 


MARYLAND. 


Charles  County, 
Montgomery  County, 


Great  Meadows, 


600       6         3,600 
519     12         6,228 


PENNSYLVANIA. 


234       6         1,404       n 
WW* 


£82  WASHINGTON'S    WILL. 

NEW  YORK. 

Acres.       Price. 

Mohawk  River,  about  1000       6 

NORTHWEST  TERRITORY. 

839 
977 
1235 


[APPENDIX. 


Dollars. 

6,000       o 


On  Little  Miami, 
Ditto, 
Ditto, 


KENTUCKY. 


Rough  Creek, 

Ditto,  adjoining, 


3051       5       15,255      p 


3000 
2000 

5000       2       10,000       q 


LOTS. 

CITY  OF  WASHINGTON. 
Two  near  the  Capitol,  Square  634,  cost  963  dollars, 

and  with  buildings, 

Nos.  5, 12, 13,  and  14,  the  last  three  water  lots  on  the 
Eastern  Branch,  in  Square  667,  containing  together 
34,438  square  feet,  at  12  cents, 

ALEXANDRIA. 

Corner  of  Pitt  and  Prince  streets,  half  an  acre,  laid 
out  into  building  lots,  three  or  four  of  which  are 
let  on  ground  rent,  at  three  dollars  per  foot, 

WINCHESTER. 

A  lot  in  the  town,  of  half  an  acre,  and  another  on  the 
common,  of  about  six  acres,  supposed, 

BATH,  OR  WARM  SPRINGS. 

Two  well-situated  and  handsome  buildings,  to  the 
amount  of  ,£150, 


15,000  r 

4,132  s 

4,000  t 

400  u 

800  v 


STOCK. 


United  States  6  per  cent. 
Ditto,  deferred, 
Ditto,  3  per  cent. 


1,873 
2,946 


3,746 


2,500 


6,246      w 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  583 

Dollars. 

Potomac  Company,  24  shares,  cost  each  ,£100  sterling,  10,666       t 

James  River  Company,  5  shares,  each  cost  100  dollars,  500       y 

Bank  of  Columbia,  170  shares,  40  dollars  each,  6,800  > 

Bank  of  Alexandria,  1,000.1     Z 
Besides  20  shares  in  the  free  school  —  5. 

STOCK    LIVING. 

One  covering  horse,  5  carriage  horses,  4  riding  horses, 
6  brood  mares,  20  working  horses  and  rnares,  2 
covering  jacks  and  3  young  ones,  10  she-asses,  42 
working  mules,  15  younger  ones,  329  head  of 
horned  cattle,  640  head  of  sheep,  and  a  large  stock 
of  hogs,  the  precise  number  unknown.  Q^3  My 
manager  has  estimated  this  live  stock  at  i£7000; 
but  I  shall  set  it  down,  in  order  to  make  a  round 
sum,  at  15,653 

Aggregate  amount,  $530,000 


NOTES. 

(a)  THIS  tract,  for  the  size  of  it,  is  valuable,  more  for  its  situation  than  the 
quality  of  its  soil ;  though  that  is  good  for  farming,  with  a  considerable  propor 
tion  of  ground  that  might  very  easily  be  improved  into  meadow.  It  lies  on  the 
great  road  from  the  city  of  Washington,  Alexandria,  and  Georgetown,  to  Lees- 
burgh  and  Winchester,  at  Difficult  Bridge,  nineteen  miles  from  Alexandria, 
less  from  the  city  of  Georgetown,  and  not  more  than  three  from  Matilda ville,  at 
the  Great  Falls  of  Potomac.  There  is  a  valuable  seat  on  the  premises,  and  the 
whole  is  conditionally  sold  for  the  sum  annexed  in  the  schedule. 

(6)  What  the  selling  prices  of  lands  in  the  vicinity  of  these  two  tracts  are, 
I  know  not;  but,  compared  with  those  above  the  Ridge,  and  others  below  them, 
the  value  annexed  will  appear  moderate;  a  less  one  would  not  obtain  them 
from  rn3. 

(c)  The  surrounding  land,  not  superior  in  soil,  situation,  or  properties  of  any 
sort,  sells  currently  at  from  twenty  to  thirty  dollars  an  acre.     The  lowest  price 
is  affixed  to  these. 

(d)  The  observations  made  in  the  last  note  apply  equally  to  this  tract ;  being 
in   the  vicinity  of  them,  and   of  similar   quality,  although  it  lies  in  another 
county. 

(c)  This  tract,  though  small,  is  extremely  valuable.  It  lies  on  Potomac 
River,  about  twelve  miles  above  the  town  of  Bath,  or  Warm  Springs,  and  is  in 
the  shape  of  a  horseshoe ;  the  river  running  almost  around  it.  Two  hundred 
acres  of  it  are  rich  low  grounds,  with  a  great  abundance  of  the  largest  and  finest 
walnut  trees;  which,  with  the  produce  of  the  soil,  might  (by  means  of  the  im 
proved  navigation  of  the  Potomac)  be  brought  to  a  shipping  port  with  more 
ease,  and  at  a  smaller  expense,  than  that  which  is  transported  thirty  miles  only 
by  land 


584  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  [APPENDIX. 

(/)  This  tract  is  of  second-rate  Gloucester  low  ground.  It  has  no  improve 
ments  thereon,  but  lies  on  navigable  water,  abounding  in  fish  and  oysters.  It 
was  received  in  payment  of  a  debt,  (carrying  interest,)  and  valued  in  the  year 
1739,  by  an  impartial  gentleman,  at  £300.  N.  B.  It  has  lately  been  sold,  and 
there  is  due  thereon  a  balance,  equal  to  what  is  annexed  in  the  schedule. 

(«•)  These  373  acres  are  the  third  part  of  an  undivided  purchase  made  by  the 
deceased  Fielding  Lewis,  Thomas  Walker,  and  myself,  on  full  conviction  that 
they  would  become  valuable.  The  land  lies  on  the  road  from  Suffolk  and  Nor 
folk,  touches  (if  I  am  not  mistaken)  some  pavt  of  the  navigable  water  of  Nanse- 
mond  River.  The  rich  Dismal  Swamp  is  capable  of  great  improvement,  and 
from  its  situation  must  become  extremely  valuable. 

(/*)  This  is  an  undivided  interest,  which  I  hold  in  the  Great  Dismal  Swamp 
Company,  containing  about  4000  acres,  with  my  part  of  the  plantation  and  stock 
thereon,  belonging  to  the  Company  in  the  said  swamp. 

(z)  These  several  tracts  of  land  are  of  the  first  quality,  on  the  Ohio  River,  in 
the  parts  where  they  are  situated;  being  almost,  if  not  altogether,  river  bottoms. 
The  smallest  of  these  tracts  is  actually  sold  at  ten  dollars  an  acre,  but  the  con 
sideration  therefor  not  received.  The  rest  are  equally  valuable,  and  sold  as 
high;  especially  that,  which  lies  just  below  the  Little  Kenhawa,  and  is  opposite 
to  a  thick  settlement  on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  The  four  tracts  have  an 
aggregate  breadth  upon  the  river  of  sixteen  miles,  and  are  bounded  thereby  for 
that  distance. 

(k)  These  tracts  are  situated  on  the  Great  Kenhawa  River,  and  the  first  four 
are  bounded  thereby  for  more  than  forty  miles.  It  is  acknowledged  by  all  who 
have  seen  them,  (and  of  the  tract  containing  10,990  acres,  which  I  have  been  on 
myself,  I  can  assert,)  that  there  is  no  richer  or  more  valuable  land  in  all  that 
region.  They  are  conditionally  sold  for  the  sum  mentioned  in  the  schedule,  that 
is,  200,000  dollars;  and,  if  the  terms  of  that  sale  are  not  complied  with,  they  will 
command  considerably  more.  The  tract,  of  which  the  125  acres  is  a  moiety,  was 
taken  up  by  General  Andrew  Lewis  and  myself,  for  and  on  account  of  a  bitu 
minous  spring  which  it  contains,  of  so  inflammable  a  nature  as  to  burn  as  freely 
as  spirits,  and  is  nearly  as  difficult  to  extinguish. 

(1}  I  am  but  little  acquainted  with  this  land,  although  I  have  once  been  on  it. 
It  was  received  (many  years  since)  in  discharge  of  a  debt  to  me  from  Daniel 
Jenifer  Adams,  at  the  value  annexed  thereto,  and  must  be  worth  more.  It  is 
very  level ;  lies  near  the  river  Potomac. 

(m)  This  tract  lies  about  thirty  miles  above  the  city  of  Washington,  not  far 
from  Kittoctan.  It  is  good  farming  land ;  and,  by  those  who  are  well  acquainted 
with  it.  I  am  informed  that  it  would  sell  at  twelve  or  fifteen  dollars  per  acre. 

(n)  This  land  is  valuable  on  account  of  its  local  situation,  and  other  proper 
ties.  It  affords  an  exceeding  good  stand  on  Braddock's  Road  from  Fort  Cum 
berland  to  Pittsburg,  and,  besides  a  fertile  soil,  possesses  a  large  quantity  of 
natural  meadow,  fit  for  the  scythe.  It  is  distinguished  by  the  appellation  of  the 
Great  Meadows,  where  the  first  action  with  the  French  in  1754  was  fought. 

(o)  This  is  the  moiety  of  about  2000  acres,  which  remains  unsold  of  6071 
acres  on  the  Mohawk  River,  (Montgomery  County,)  in  a  patent  granted  to  Daniel 
Coxe,  in  the  township  of  Coxborough  and  Carolina,  as  will  appear  by  deed  from 
Marinas  Willett  and  wife  to  George  Clinton,  late  governor  of  New  York,  and 
myself.  The  latter  sales  have  been  at  six  dollars  an  acre,  and  what  remains 
unsold  will  fetch  that  or  more. 

(j>)     The  q-iality  of  these  lands,  and  their  situations,  may  be  known  by  the 


APPENDIX.]  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  585 

surveyor's  certificates,  which  are  filed  along  with  the  patents.  They  lie  in  the 
vicinity  of  Cincinnati ;  one  tract  near  the  mouth  of  the  Little  Miami ;  another 
seven,  and  the  third  ten  miles  up  the  same.  I  have  been  informed  that  they 
will  command  more  than  they  are  estimated  at. 

(y)  For  the  description  of  these  tracts  in  detail,  see  General  Spotswood's 
letters,  filed  with  the  other  papers  relating  to  them.  Besides  the  general  good 
quality  of  the  land,  there  is  a  valuable  bank  of  iron  ore  thereon,  which,  when  the 
settlement  becomes  more  populous,  (and  settlers  are  moving  that  way  very  fast,) 
will  be  found  very  valuable,  as  the  Rough  Creek,  a  branch  of  Green  River, 
affords  ample  water  for  furnaces  and  forges. 

LOTS. 
CITY  OF  WASHINGTON. 

(r)  The  two  lots  near  the  Capitol,  in  square  634,  cost  me  963  dollars  only. 
But  in  this  price  I  was  favored,  on  condition  that  I  should  build  two  brick  houses, 
three  stories  high  each.  Without  this  reduction,  the  selling  prices  of  those  lots 
would  have  cost  me  about  1350  dollars.  These  lots,  with  the  buildings  thereon, 
when  completed,  will  stand  me  in  15,000  dollars  at  least. 

(s)  Lots  Nos.  5, 12,  13,  and  14,  on  the  Eastern  Branch,  are  advantageously 
situated  on  the  water;  and,  although  many  lots,  much  less  convenient,  have  sold 
a  great  deal  higher,  I  will  rate  these  at  12  cents  the  square  foot  only. 

ALEXANDRIA. 

(f)  For  this  lot,  though  unimproved,  I  have  refused  3500  dollars.  It  has 
since  been  laid  out  into  proper  sized  lots  for  building  on ;  three  or  four  of  which 
are  let  on  ground  rent  for  ever,  at  three  dollars  a  foot  on  the  street,  and  this  price 
is  asked  for  both  fronts  on  Pitt  and  Prince  streets. 

WINCHESTER. 

(u)  As  neither  the  lot  in  the  town  or  common  have  any  improvements  on 
them,  it  is  not  easy  to  fix  a  price  ;  but,  as  both  are  well  situated,  it  is  presumed 
that  the  price  annexed  to  them  in  the  schedule  is  a  reasonable  valuation. 

BATH. 

(t?)  The  lots  in  Bath  (two  adjoining)  cost  me,  to  the  best  of  my  recollection, 
between  fifty  and  sixty  pounds,  twenty  years  ago;  and  the  buildings  thereon, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  more.  Whether  property  there  has  increased  or 
decreased  in  its  value,  and  in  what  condition  the  houses  are,  I  am  ignorant ,  but 
suppose  they  are  not  valued  too  high. 

STOCK. 

(to)  These  are  the  sums  which  are  actually  funded ;  and  though  no  more  in  the 
aggregate  than  7566  dollars,  stand  me  in  at  least  ten  thousand  pounds,  Virginia 
money ;  being  the  amount  of  bonded  and  other  debts  due  to  me,  and  discharged 
during  the  war,  when  money  had  depreciated  in  that  rate,  —  [Q3  and  was  so 
settled  by  public  authority. 

(x)  The  value  annexed  to  these  shares  is  what  they  have  actually  cost  me, 
and  is  the  price  affixed  by  law;  and,  although  the  present  selling  price  is  under 
par,  my  advice  to  the  legatees  (for  whose  benefit  they  are  intended,  especially 
those  who  can  afford  to  lie  out  of  the  money,)  is,  that  each  should  take  and  hold 
one;  there  being  a  moral  certainty  of  a  great  and  increasing  profit  arising  from 
them  in  the  course  of  a  few  years. 

VOL.  i.  74 


586  WASHINGTON'S    WILL.  [APPENDIX. 

(y)  It  IB  supposed  that  the  shares  in  the  James  River  Company  must  be  pro 
ductive.  But  of  this  I  can  give  no  decided  opinion,  for  want  of  more  accurate 
information. 

(z)  These  are  the  nominal  prices  of  the  shares  in  the  Banks  of  Alexandria 
and  Columbia ;  the  selling  prices  vary  according  to  circumstances ;  but,  as  the 
stocks  usually  divide  from  eight  to  ten  per  cent  per  annum,  they  must  be  worth 
the  former,  at  least,  so  long  as  the  banks  are  conceived  to  be  secure,  although 
from  circumstances  they  may  sometimes  be  below  it. 

The  value  of  the  live  stock  depends  more  upon  the  quality  than  quantity  oi 
the  different  species  of  it,  and  this  again  upon  the  demand,  and  judgment  or 
fancy  of  purchasers. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

Mount  Vernon,  July  9,  1799. 


END    OF   VOL.  I. 


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